^^■^^-^-^^"^i^ ^«,.. ^ <^/ rry- THE LIFE FREDERICK WILLIAM W STEUBEN. MAJOR (JEN KRAI. IN TllK RKVOLUTIOXAUY ARMY. FRIEDRICn KAPP. 'Omnia reliquit scrvare reiiii>iiblicam."— J/bJ no VEST MAN, A BRAVE SOLDIEK AND A TRUE FRIEND, THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED BY niS GRATEFUL SON-IN-LAW, THE AUTHOR. INTRODUCTION. The memory of Steuben has many claims upon the present generation. To the cause of our coun- try in the times of its distress, he, at the sacrifice of a secure career, devoted the experience and skill, which had been the fruit of long years of service under the greatest master of the art of war of that day. lie rendered the inestimable benefit of in- troducing a better rule into the discipline of the American army, and stricter accountability in the distribution of miUtary stores. He served under our flag with implicit fidelity, with indefatigable in- dustry, and a courage that shrunk from no danger. His presence was important both in the camp and on the field of battle ; from the huts of Valley Forge to Yorktown; and he remained with us till his death. Happily, a biographer has at last risen up, worthy and able to do justice to Steuben by a full sketch of the eventful story of his life. The interesting and well-written work of Friedrich Kapp, which is now laid before the public, has been prepared with a care- VI INTliO D U CTIO'N. ful and conscientious study of tlie best materials. The author has brought to his undertaking the schohirly habits and criticism of the learned men of Germany, and has left nothing within his reach unconsidered. We have in his production the most complete and trusty account of Steuben's career, drawn directly from contemporary sources, authenti- cated by the use of the original papers of Steuben himself. Neither has the zeal of the biographer led him to exaggerate the hero's merit ; he is painted to the life with his defects and his great quahties. Full justice is also rendered to Washington ; but of the character and career of Lafayette, I have formed an estimate widety different from that of the author of this biography. It is not merely as the memorial of an eminent general of the Revolution, and a valuable contribu- tion to the history of American independence, that this work has claims to consideration. It deserves special attention as a just tribute by one of our German fellow-citizens to the greatest mihtary com- mander of German origin Avho took part in the vindi- cation of our liberties. The Americans of that day, who were of German birth or descent, formed a large part of the population of the United States ; they can not well be reckoned at less than a twelfth of the whole, and perhaps formed even a larger proportion r INTRODUCTION. Vll of the insurgent people. At the commencement of the Revolution, we hear little of them, not from their want of zeal in the good cause, hut from their modesty. They kept themselves purposely in the background, leaving it to those of English origin to discuss the violation of English liberties and to decide whether the time for giving battle had come. But when the resolution was taken, no part of the coun- try Avas more determined in its patriotism than the German counties of Pennsylvania and Virginia. Neither they nor their descendants have laid claim to all the praise that was their due. So that the effort to exhibit the achievements of one of their race in a clearer light deserves a willing recognition. Another consideration enhances the interest of the subject. The number of those who have emigrated from Germany has increased, till the intelligence, the culture, as well as the people and the aspirations of Germany find here their representatives. It requires no prophetic eye to discern that the German mind, as represented by our German fellow-citizens, blending with the other elements which go to constitute the American people, is destined to exert a marked in- fluence on America. The American Revolution, — having been wantonly opposed by a few of the minor prmces, and loudly supported by the sympathies of Lessing, Klopstock, Schiller, Frederick the Great, Vlll INTRODUCTION. and so many more of that day, — is indissolubly con- nected with the traditions of central Europe. This circumstance, aided by a natural pride and interest in the large body of men of German descent in the United States, has exercised, and is destined yet more to exercise, a moulding influence on the thought, the political theories and institutions of Germany. The career of Steuben, who was born in Prussia, and took part in the great Seven Years' War for German liberty, before he became .the fellow-laborer of Wash- ington, is a ground on which these sympathies may come together; as he did not live to that period when our country heaped just rewards upon the sur- viving soldiers of the Pievolution, our debt of grati- tude is best acknowledged by a monument to his fame; and men of German origin on the Rhine or the Oder, on the James river or the Ohio, on the Mohawk or the Missouri, may join with the rest of us in approving an honest and hearty record of the worth and services of Steuben. GEORGE BANCROFT. New York, February 14, 1859. • PREFACE. The following pages constitute the first attempt that has ever been made at a complete biogi'aphy of General Yon Steuben. In submitting them to the American public, I flat- ter myself that my work will not be considered superfluous, and that it "will be found to contain a considerable store of valuable and hitherto unpublished matter connected with the internal history of the American Revolution, It is manifest that the obstacles in the way of publishing an historical work, Avei-e much more serious for a foreigner, to whom to think and write in a language not his own is difticult enough, than for a native of America. Xevertheless, from the moment I commenced the work, I have not allowed any sacrifice of time to deter me from reviving, by a description of his life, the memory of one whose participation in the achievement of the independence and freedom of this coun- try has been so distuiguished and meritorious as that of Steu- ben. I am too well aware of the imperfections and advantages of this book, to allow a filse modesty to prevent my alluding to them. To appreciate adequately Steuben's merit requires a profound military education. An oflicer of experience and talent is alone capable of treating the subject of this work in a perfect manner ; and it was only because no one possessing this qualification seemed willing to perform the task, that I was induced to overcome my reluctance to undertake it. To supply my deficiency in this respect as much as possible, I have copied a number of important letters and other docu- ments, which, I trust, Avill render it easy for every one versed in military matters to form a correct opinion, and make up for the many imperfections of my narrative. The arrangement 1 X PREFACE. of my book may not be exactly in conformity with the ar tistic requirements of biograpliical writing ; but the fact that the greater part of my material is new, and hitherto unpub- Hsheil, and that in order to attain my chief object, to portray Steuben in the Hght of his time and the judgment of his co- temporaries, I was obliged to copy the greater number of the documents Avithout abridgment, will, I hope, in some degree plead my excuse. I conceive that one of the chief recommendations of this book will be found to be tliat it allows facts to speak for them- selves, and limits the author's opinions to those statements which obviously need explanation. Had the material not been so very incomplete, that is, so full of gaps, I should have fol- lowed my first inclination, and have only given a carefully selected collection of the Steuben papers, critically and chro- nologically arranged ; for a good biography is only a single plank in the building wdiich the historian puts together. The greater the amount of naaterial it contains the better it is; and the more reasoning it contains the worse it is. A great German philosoplier, Ludwig Feuerbach, has written the life of his father, the great jurist, in this way, and has published a classical work which does not contain a single superfluous word, and teaches other authors a lesson of modesty and self- control. " Historians," says Feuerbach, " may be as proud as they please of their objectivity (Objectivitiit), but this, in reality, only consists in abstaining from speaking them- selves, and in allowing the subject to speak directly for itself. Every one i*epresents himself best." For the same reason I have allowed, as much as possible, evidence and persons to speak for themselves, and certainly no- body can reproach me with having even partially adopted the " Fourth of July oration style." I believe that the biograph- ical works relating to the period of the Revolution which are extant here, are not sufficiently comprehensive. The Amer- icans regard with justifiable pride the battle for independence which their fathers fought, and it must be admitted that the heroes who achieved that independence were giants compared with the men of the present day. But in their peculiar evan- gelical way of contemplating men and things, they fancy they PEEF ACE. XI are paying- their heroes a great tribute of respect, by divest- ing them of all humau attributes, and either forgetting alto- gether, measuring by the standard of the present time, or blindly condemning those men who do not exactly suit their tastes and ideas. Thus has erroneous idealism of the time of the Revolution by the present generation seriously impeded the progress of a comprehensive and critical investigation of the history of that period. The more the commercial and business pursuits of the day are opposed to an intimate un- derstanding of the character of the Revolution, the more is the past transccndcntalized. Unqualified worship is always accompanied by equally unqualified depreciation or condemna- tion, and the rarely commended Greene, and the unappreciated Steuben correspond ^\-ith the deified Washington and Lafayette. Jeflerson fitly criticises their mode of judging, in his remarks on a life of Patrick Henry, wliich was written in this objection- able style. " It is a bad book," says he, " written in bad style, and gives so imperfect an idea of Patrick Henry that it seems intended to show off the Avriter more than the subject of the work," I hope that I have not exposed myself to this reproach, since it has been my most earnest endeavor to adhere strictly to impartial truth and justice, and avoid all illusions and eiTo- neous conclusions. And if my oi>iiuons of events and men differ from those of others, and even appear to be less favorable than those contained in the traditionary accounts of the times, I hope that in.stead of blaming me, my readers will give me credit for having examined the sources of information within my reach independently and conscientiously. Steuben's life could only be v/ritten in Xew York. The Xew York Historical Society contains in its collection of man- iiscripts sixteen volumes of original Steuben Papers, which n^ere presented to the society about twenty years ago by the heirs and executors of Colonel Benjamin Walker. They ex- tend over the entire of Steuben's life, and although here and there important gaps occur in them, it would nevertheless be impossible without them to write any thing approaching to a perfect biography of Steuben, The most valua])lo portions of the collection are the letters Xll PREFACE. of the year 1778, and the documents relatmg to the Vn-giuia campaign. Besides these, the Gates Papei's, also in the pos- session of the Historical Society, contain a large part of Steu- ben's correspondence with Lafayette in 1781, and some valuable letters from Gates, Armstrong and others. My use of this precious treasure was greatly facilitated by the extreme kindness of the librarian, George II. Moore, Esq. Mr. Moore is a model librarian ; he gives every assistance in his power, and often meets the searcher more than half way. It is not only most fortunate for the Historical Society to have such a librarian, but it is fortunate for the entire country, and for science, since both profit by his good qualities. I trust that Mr. Moore may long be spared to the Historical Society. In a like degree am I indebted to Mr. George Washing- ton Greene for the readiness witli which he placed his written treasures at my disposal. Mr. Greene is a grandson of the famous General Nathanael Greene, and has, with the piety of a son, and the judgment and industry of a historian, collected all his grandfather's letters and despatches. In this invaluable collection I found sixty-two letters which had been exchanged between Greene and Steuben, and which often cast a new light on the vrar in the South, and on the relations of the two generals. When Greene's letters and dispatches are published, a new, and, after Washington's writings, the most authentic source of information, with regard to the history of that eventful period will be accessible to the public. I gratefully acknowledge the important services rendered to me by John W. Mulligan, Esq., with whom I have had the advantage of becoming intimately acquainted during the progress of this work. This venerable gentleman-, now eighty- six years of age, who became acquainted with Steuben when the latter lived in New York at Walker's, afterwards \'idth Charles Adams lived in his family, and continued to act as his secretary until his death, related to me with quite remarkable vigor and freshness a number of characteristic traits and stories of Steuben's life. I would that every biographer may find so reliable an authority, and so amiable and instructive a narra- tor as Mr. jMuUigan. In ray journeys, which I was obliged to make in search of PREFACE. XIU new sources of information, I was always most fortunate in meet- ing with kindness and assistance when I addressed myself to private individuals. Through the favor of Mr. Jared Sparks, and the friendly intervention of Dr. Langdon Elwyn of Piiila- delphia, I was permitted to examine and make use of the collec- tion of the Duponceau papers, which remain unprinted in the possession of Mr. G. Garesche of Phikxdelphia. I am also in- debted, to Dr. W. B. Sprague of Albany for some of the most valuable documents that I have found for my purpose. Mr. Sprague was good enough to allow me to select them from his famous collection of autographs, and to entrust them to my care. Had he not been so obliging there would have been many perceptible gaps in my narrative. The richest store, however, I found in Utica, in the pos- session of Mr. Charles A. Mann, to whom the New Yorlc His- torical Society is indebted for its present manusciipt collection of Steuben papers. I discovered here, for the first time, among a heap of bills and business papers of the late Colonel Walker, an absolute treasure of interesting and instructive manuscripts, viz. : opinions on military raattei's, muster-rolls, army lists, complete returns, order-books, letters, etc., etc., which form a necessary supplement to the Steuben j^apers of the Histor- ical Society, and which were given to me by Mr. Mann for presentation to that institution. He who has undertaken an historical work in which he is deeply intei-ested, and in his search for information has found an unexpected treasure, can alone conceive the joy which I felt when I saw all these price- less documents spread out before me at Mr. Mann's, and knew that I might rummage among them as I pleased. Judge M. M. Jones, the historian of Oneida county, who once thought of writing Steuben's life himself, offered me, in the kindest mannei-, permission to examine the materials which he had collected, and I am also under obligations to him for a cojjy of the interesting and rare biographical sketch of Steu- ben by William North. Finally, I acknowledge the kindness of Frederick Faii-lie, Esq., of EHzabeth City, New Jersey, in communicating to me some interesting details of the life of his fathei-, Alajor James Fairlie, one of Steuben's former aides- de-camp. XIV PREFACE. I am the more tbankfiil to those of the above-named gen- tlemen who do not inhabit New York, because, although I was a perfect stranger to them, and without any personal in- troduction, they received me with so much kindness and flat- tering confidence. Lastly, I desire to express tlie obhgations I am under to my friend, William Montague Browne, Esq., one of the edi- tors of the Xew York Journal of Commerce, whose Avilling services in correcting my MSS. have been invaluable to rae. The only place where I was ignominiously repulsed was Wasliiugton, where I wished to examine, among the State Archives, the perfectly arranged collection of papers relating to the Revolution which is kept thei-e. I arrived there on the 19th of June, 1856, provided with the best letters of in troduction to ministers, secretaries and members of Congress. I was not received by the then Secretary of State, and was put off from Friday to the following Tuesday, because the Secretary was too much occupied with a note on the Central American question to receive anybody before the departure of the next European steamer. I was then referred to an assistant Secretary of State, who, in his first conversation, de- clared his poifect willingness to grant my request. He, hoAV- ever, went immediately into another room, as it seemed, to take advice, and came back to inform me that I could not be allowed access to the archives without the express permission of Congress. This decree was quite new and strange to me, be- cause it was in complete contradiction to what my New York friends had led me to believe ; because acquaintances of mine had only a shoit time before found no difficulty whatever ; and because a New York gentleman was at that very time work- ing every day among tiie archives without, as far as I knew, any special permission from Congress. In order to get an ex- j)lanation of this contradiction I went to the librarian and to a member of Congress, to whom I had been personally intro- duced. They both assured me that I must have made a mis- take, and that there was no need of any special permission from Congress. I made a second attempt with the under Sec- retary of State, who, it appeared, was also a general in time of peace ; but I was most positively refused. Tvly New York PREFACE. XV acquaintance then took nie, without any farther parley, straight to the archive chamber, and I was permitted by the superin- tendent, an agreeable, obliging man, to look over and copy the papers I wanted, on condition that I should get the per- mission of the Secretary of State, of which he had no doubt. On the next day, a Saturday, I began to copy, and made ar- rangements to continue my task during the following week. On Monday, however, after having made a third attempt to get the desired information, and not having been allowed ad- mittance to the Secretary of State, the superintendent took av/ay my copies, and locked up the documents. I have no fault to lind ^Wth the latter gentleman. He had already done more than perhaps he onght to have done. I was unwilling, with a temperature of about one hundred degrees, to spend several days begging as a special grace for that to which I conceived I had a perfect right. I left Washington that same evenuig foi' New York, and had scarcely arrived when I re- ceived the copied papers which had been taken from me by the superintendent, in a cover, unaccompanied by a line of ex- planation, bearing the seal of the State Department. If any tiling can speak in iiivor of my opinions and against the un- der Secretary of State, it is this imsolicited remittance of the papers, I can not deny myself the satisfaction, small thougli it be, to denounce to the public the insult which I received. I Avas treated in Washington as if I were a spy, and that for no other reason than because I was a foreigner. American his- torians are justly proud of the complaisance and attention with which they have been received in European libraries, and allowed access to European archives. The narrow-mind- edness of appl3ing to scuentihc researches the miserable stand- ard of nationality does not exist in any European capital. Throughout Europe, from St. Petersburg to Madrid, the li- brarians, ministers and subordinate officials, are too enlight- ened to be guilty of any such offense against civihzatiou. They do not regard the permission to use the treasures con- fided to their care as a favor, but as the vested right of every educated man who is properly recommended. I must here relate a little anecdote, which, althougli belonging to low XVI r R E F A C E . comedy, is perfectly cliaracteristic of these AVasliington gen- tlemen. " I presume you are going to prove," said one of these classic under Secretaries to me, on that day, " that the success of our Revolution is due to the Germans ; that they contrib- uted chielly to our national independence. There was once an Irishman who wrote a life of General Montgomeiy, and ap- plied to the Department for admission to the archives. Ho afterwards proved that we should not have succeeded without General Montgomery, and that he was even equal to Wash- ington." In short, among the generals, commodores and col- onels of the ministry of State, I w^as submitted to a close cross-examination, and though of course denjTiig the pro- priety of their inquisitiveness, I gave repeated assurances that I mtended to write history and not fancy tales. They, however, did not seem to place much confidence in what T said. It is very possible that in the rich collection of papers in the archives of "Washington, many valuable documents exist, which I might have used. I wish that those who may at- tempt to get access to them after me, may have better suc- cess, and, above all, receive more becoming treatment. The chances, however, of any such change are very small, so long as the control of the great original treasures of the Revolu tion is left to the subordinate tools of the dominant party. It was my intention at one time, after completing this work, to write the lives of Yon Kalb, Kosciusko, Pulasky, and other foreign officers and generals of the Revolution ; but as I should be obliged to consult the Washington archives in the greater portion of my researches, I have abandoned the idea, not being willing to purchase a very doubtful success by personal huraiUation. Friedeich Kapp. New York, February, 1859. CHAPTER I. Pbomikent Part taken by Steuben in the War op American Independence. — Synopsis op his Career.— Genealogy of the Stedbex Family.— First mentioned IN TEE Thirteenth Centi-ry. — Effects produced by the Reformation upon the German Nobles, to ^uicii the Steubens belonged. — Separation op the Branch FROM wnicit the General is descended from the Parent Stock during the Thirty Tears' War. — Nicholas Von Steuben Captain in the Army op the Em- peror of Germany, Founder op this Branch. — Mention of its Members down TO WiLHELM Augustine, the Father of the General.— Sketch op his Life.— Names and Number of his Children. — Birth of General Von Steuben. — IIiS Youth and Education.— His Entrance into the Prussian Army under Fred- erick THE Great.— Position of Prussia at this Time.— The Influence of the King in Europe. — German Patriotism aroused by his Exploits. — Prussia at the Zenith of her Fame at the commencement of Steuben's Career. — Steuben Ensign and Lieutenant. — IIis Duties in Scuweidnitz described in an interi;st- iNG Letter. — IIis Ambition and Devotion to his Profession. — Prospects of the Seven Teaks' War. — Steuben First Lieutenant. AMONG the officers who assisted the United States of America in achieving their independence, General Von Steuben, or, as he is more generally called in this country, Baron Steuben,* holds one of the most prominent positions. This position, however, is not accorded to him in the pages of American history. The evident reason for this neglect is, that Steuben's activ- ity, although essentially useful and indispensable, was not as conspicuous as that of others ; that on account of the pecul- iar nature of his position as inspector and diciplinarian of the troops, he was almost exclusively engaged behind the scenes of the theater of war, and assisted materially in paving the way for the successes of which others reaped the greatest por- tion of the glory. Thus, few or no exterior marks of Steuben's exertions are left, and the same prominence is not given to his name, in connection with the glorious exploits of the war, as * Pronounced as if spelled Stoyben. 38 LIFE OF STEUBEN'. is bestowed upon others whose mei-its were not greater, if so great, and whose deeds would not have been so brilliant, were it not for the effective assistance which Steuben's talent and thorough acquaintance with military details and the manage- ment of troops afforded in the entire conduct of the V\''ar of Independence, The life of Steuben is one of the most interesting and eventful of the many brilliant and stirring scenes of the eighteenth century. Sprung from an old noble and military family of Prussia, as a child he accompanied his father in his campaign in the Crimea and during his sojourn in Russia. As a boy, he was piesent at the siege of Prague; and, as a youth, he entered the service of Frederick the Great, the greatest commander of the age, and fought with distinction in the bloodiest engagements of the Seven Years' War. Taken prisoner by the Russians, lie spent some time at the court of St. Petersburg, and, when set at liberty by Peter HI., he remained, until the end of the war, attached to the personal staff of the great king. The calm which succeeded the stormy events of his youth was not destined to be everlasting. As soon as jorospects of fame and active exertions were opened to him at Versailles, he threw up his agreeable but inactive appointment at home, and hastened to America, to devote his military knowledge and experience to the conquest of American liberty, and to fight under George Washington for the independence of the United States. His efforts were crowned with succ;ess ; and, after the termination of the war, Steuben finally retired into private life, to end a career devoted to the public good, in honorable but unassum- ing poverty, in a rough log-house in the backwoods. Prague and Kunersdorf^ Petersburg and Berlin, Versailles and Philadelphia, Yorktown and Xew York, are the land- marks of this existence, which, however checkered and beset wish difficulties, has left brilliant traces behind it, and justly deserves to be .idded to tlio iceords of American history, so LIFE OF STEUBKN. 39 that, from a solitary example, the student may learn \\liat efforts and sacrifices were necessary to found and protect the state of things, in the enjoyment of which the American nation lives liappy and undisturbed. The family from which General Von Steuben is descend- ed, still exists in some parts of Germany, namely, in eastern Prussia, Weimar, and Westphalia, and is mentioned for the first time in the thirteenth century, when they left Franconia, and came into the district named Mansfeld, now a part of the Prussian province of Saxony.^* The name, which is first writ- ten Steube, Stoebe, Stoyben, and, finally Von Steuben, is found m the list of vassals of Mansfeld and Magdeburg, which was a roll of all the noblemen who were invested with feudal manors and estates. Among others, there is a record of a conveyance, executed in the year 1398, by Archbishop Albrecht of Magde- burg, to one Bernard Von Steuben, concerning the manor of Hohenthurm ;f besides which, the Steubens are found, in the course of the following centuries, in the possession of the estates of Gerbstaedt, Friedeburg, and Treschwitz. In 1457 and 1466, we find a Wenzel Von Steube, who was town counselor in Halle, on the Saale, and the owner of some shares in the salt mines of that city. In 1478, Archbishop Ernest of Madge- burg conferred on Philip and Hans Von Stoyben two shares of the above mines, and some other estates in the neighborhood. Afterwards, the Steubens joined the Reformation under Luther, and became Protestants, like all the noblemen of that part of Germany. It was one of the consequences of the Reformation, that the little German princes increased their power by confiscating the Church property, and thus became enabled to subdue the * Spangenberg Adelshistorio II., 1106-1117. and Collectio Genealogica Koeningiana, vol. xciii. f I. Ch. Von Dreyhaupt Ausfuhrliche diplomati.sch hi.?torisclie Beschrei bung des Saalkreises und aller darin befindliclien Staedto. Halle, 1755, fol, p. 901. 40 L I F E O r S T E U B K N . infliienGG of tlie smaller vassals, Avho were in tins way com- pelled to enter into the service of their former rivals. At the same time the new method of Avarfare, the new inventions in the militaiy service, the general application of gunpowder, guns and cannons, and finally the new system of mercenary troops, made the services and the importance of the knights superfluous, whose former individual influence and power were extinguished by the centralized dominion of the prince. By the continued wars they lost their property, also, and in- curred considerable debts. Especially in those countries which, like the north and middle of Germany, were the perpetual theater of strife, the nobility became from day to day poorer and more dependent upon the teriitorial prince. This is the reason why, in the old provinces of Prussia, there are scarcely any wealthy noblemen to be found, and why the electors of Brandenburg, afterwards kings of Prussia, succeeded with comparative ease in forcing the formerly independent knights to subserve their private interests. This change, with the ex- ception of local difterences, was genei*al over the Avhole conti- nent of civilized Europe. Commencing with the Reformation, it reached its culminating point in the court nobility of Louis XIV. and Louis XV., whose example was eagerly imitated by the mushroom princes of Germany. The highest ambition of the former equals of kings and princes was now to obtain some civil or military office, and the only privilege left to them was their exclusive nomination to the highest places in the army and civil service. The Steuben family belongs to this category. They must have lost their independence very early, for some of their numbers held ecclesiastical offices even at the time of the Reformation. Although they only lost the remnants of their landed estates in the course of the eighteenth centur}',* in the * I. Ch. Yon Dre3-haupt : General-Tabelle oder Ges.chlechtsregister der voinohmsten in Saalkrcise mit Rittergiitern angescssenen Familien. Halle, 1730, fnl. p. IGO. LIFEOFSTEUBEX. 41 early records of the Protestant church mention is made vt a Mr. Von Steuben as one of its first preachers, and even before Luther's declaration of independence from the Pope, another Mr. Yon Steuben, in 1512, is an officiating clergyman in Frotha, near Halle.* It would be tedious and uninteresting to the American reader to trace the history of the Steuben lamily through all its details. It will, therefore, be sufficient for our purpose to state briefly that the branch to which the General belongs was separated from the parent stock during the Thirty Years' War, though retaining the same arms and name. The former are an impailed shield, azure (blue) and ai-gent (silver), with a bend over all gules (red) ; the crest, surmounting a military casque, is two elephant-trunks, the one on the dexter (right- hand) argent and gules, the sinister (left hand) gules and azure, the whole surmounted by a coronet of nobility. This line is connected by marriage vdih some of the most prominent Prussian families of the last century. The Luederitz, Saldern, Mcellendorf and Knesebeck, who, for more than a hundred years, excelled as generals and commanders, are, on the moth- er's part, among the ancestors of Steuben, and the counts of Effern and the reigning princes of "Waldeck and Xassau-Siegen were among the founders of this line. It goes back to Ernest Nicholas Yon Steuben, f who entered the German emperor's service during the Thirty Years' War, and obtained a commis- sion as captain. In consequence of the severe wounds he had received in various battles, he was compelled in early life to withdraw from service. He married a Lady Henriette Yon Francken, and retii'ed to his estate. He left but one son, Ludwig, born in 1642, who was knight of the order of Malta, and the great-grandfather of the General. Ludwig's only son, * Ilering's Beitraege zur reformirten Kirche, ii., 312. f Historisches PortefeuiUe, Berlin, 1785, iv. Stuck, p. 447, article of J. P. Sej-fart of Halle, to whom the history of the Steuben family was communi- cated by the General's father. 42 L I F E O P S T E U B E N . Augustine Yon Steuben, born in 1601, devoted himself to the study of theology, man-ied Countess Charlotte Dorothea Von Eifern, and died in 1737, as rector of the Protestant church of Brandenburg. He was a very learned divine, and won much distinction as the author of an able commentary on the New Testament and the Apocalypse. He had ten children, of whom seven were sons ; three died in early youth, and the remaining four all adopted the military profession.^' The old- est, Christian Ludwig, who died in 1765, at Gliickstadt, com- menced his career as an officer in the Prussian, and after- ward became colonel in the Danish army, was an excellent mathematician, a prominent author on military science, and the inventor of a new system of fortification. A younger son, August GottUeb, lieutenant in the Prussian regiment Kalck- steiu, was killed at the battle of MoUwitz, on the 10th of AprU, 1741. The younger son, Gottfried Gerhard, like his oldest brother, was first an officer in the Prussian service, but subsequently entered that of Holland, where he died, hav- ing attained the rank of a captain. We have now particularly to notice the fourth son, Wil- helm Augustine, the ilxther of the General. He was born on the 23d of April, 1699, received a first rate education;! studied with his two elder brothers at Halle, and at sixteen years of age entered the Prussian military ser\ice (17 15) as cadet in the regiment Yon Gersdorf In 1724 he became ensign in the newly raised regiment Yon Bardeleben; 1727, lieutenant in the engineer corps ; and in 1729, captain, w^h en he married '^\i^\•y Dorothea Yon Jagow, born on the 14th of August, 1 706, and Avho died on the 19th of January, 1780. The captain was known as an able and scientific officer. In 1731 he Avas pre- * Historisches Portefeuille, Berlin, If 85. f Besides the work quoted, all the particulars about Steuben's father may- be found in Carl Renatus von Hansen Staatsmaterialien, I Band, 6, Heft p. 636. Dessau, 1784. The author staters that he derived his information from the General's sister. LIFEOFSTEUBEK. 43 sented with the order " de la generosite^^'' and two years later, 1733, on the outbreak of the war of the Polish succession, he entered the service of Russia by order of King Frederick William I., to vrhom the Empress Anne of Russia had applied for some good Prussian engineer officers, and distinguished himself, in 1734, at the siege and capture of Dantzic. Shortly after, when war was declared between Russia and Turkey, Captain Von Steuben continued to serve in the Russian army under Field Marshal Count Miinnich, and took part in the cam- paign in the Crimea. After the restoration of peace he went to Petersbui'g and Cronstadt as military instructor to the Rus- sian officers, and did not return to Prussia until Frederick II. had ascended the throne. He reentered the Pnissian army as major unattached, and for his eminent services at the capture of Xeisse in 1741, received the decoration of the order '•'■pw.Lr le rairite^'' in the distribution of which Frederic was not at all liberal. At the outbreak of the Seven Years' War the king transferred Steuben from the position of engineer of the fort of Cosel to the more important and responsible post at Custrin, where he was appointed joint commander. He con- tinued to live here after his discharge from service, and here he died at the advanced age of eighty-four, on the 26th of April, 1783. The major is described by his cotemporaries as an honest, straightforward and worthy officer. They mention it as something remarkable, that although engaged in a great many dangerous actions and sanguinary battles, as, for in- stance, the well-knovv'n storming of the Hagelsberg, near Dant- zic, he never was wounded ; and, up to his death, preserved the unimpaired use of his physical and mental energies. The only thing in which he lacked, was money.* During his en tire life his circumstances were straitened. His salary was scarcely sufficient to enable him to live according to his lank, and to meet the expenses which a Prussian officer of those * Politisches Journal von und fiir Deutschland, ii. vol., p. 8i-9.'(, 1784. 44 LIFE OF STEUBEN. times was compelled to incur. Though poor in a pecuniary- sense, he was rich in the number of his children. It was, j^er- liaps, fortunate for him that many of them died in early youth, since to have given them a liberal education, would have re- quired a lai-ger fortune than he possessed. In all, he had ten children, of whom only three arrived at years of maturity. Two of his daughters are buried in Cronstadt, another in Pe- tersbui-g, and a fourth in Riga ; one of his sons also died in Riga, and two others in Breslaii. Of his surviving children, the General, the subject of this memoir, is the oldest. The only surviving daughter, Dorothea Mary Justine, was born in I'ZSS, m Cronstadt; and after having become a " chanoinesse" in a noble Protestant ecclesilistical foundation at Heiligen Gi-abe, gave up this position to marry, in 1762, a Prussian captain. Baron Carl Constautine Von Canitz, who died in 1766, leaving two sons. The last brother of the General, Hans Alex- ander Siegfried, was born on March 16th, 1743, at Breslau, in 1757 became a page in the household of the Queen of Prus- sia, and afterward, in 1761, entered the Prussian army, join- ing one of the most fimous regiments of the Seven Years' War, Belling's hussai-s, to which the celebrated Field Marshal Bliicher also belonged at that time; he retired in 1769, and died as tax collector at Baerwalde in Pomerania. Frederick William Augustus Henry Ferdinand Von Steu- ben, the subject of this memoir, was born on the 15th of No- vember, 1730, at Magdeburg, a large Prussian fortress on the Elbe.* At that time his father \\^as captain in the Prussian engineers, and when called on service to the Crimea and Cron- stadt, took his son with him. In 1740 he returned with him to Prussia. Young Steuben received and finished his educa- tion in the Jesuits' Colleges at Neisse and Breslau, whose * As all our authorities diflercd in regard to the birthda}^ of Steuben, ■v\-e made it our special object to ascertain its exact date. This we owe to the kindness of the General's great-grand nephew, Lieutenant Von Steuben, in Gumbinnen (Eastern Prussia). LIFEOF STEUBEN. 45 schools at that time were the best in the newly conquered Prussian province of Silesia, and on that account frequented equally by Protestants and Catholics, He distinguished him- self especially in mathematics. The schools of those days did not consider it as their task to give a thorough education to their pupils ; they only imparted the first rudiments of learning, and left to accident or self education, the acquirement of that knowledge which enlarges the ideas and prepai-es the student for a better understanding of the world. Steuben's instruc- tion, however, must have been far superior to that given to ^he sons of poorer noblemen and of the middle classes at that time. Although he may afterward have increased his store of knowledge by experience and the intercourse with men of an elevated standing in society; yet we find that the basis of his learning was a very solid one ; that besides the information requisite for his rank, he knew what few officers of the first half of the eighteenth century understood, viz., to write and speak correctly German and French, and that he was inti- mately acquainted with ancient and modern history. "The troubles of a military life, the narrow circumstances ol my parents and their frequent changes of residence," says Steuben, in a memorial written toward the end of his life,* " did not permit them to give me any better education than that Avhich a poor young nobleman in Prussia always receives. But while other yomig officers led a dissolute and extravagant life,I appUed my self closely to study, and exerted myself not only to learn my profession, but to enlarge my knowledge of belles- lettres and the practical sciences. Nevertheless, from want of time and the necessary means, I made only slow progress." While a boy of scarcely fourteen years of age, he served tmder his father as a volunteer in the campaign of 1744, during the war of the Austrian Succession, and was present at the pro- tracted and sanguinary siege of Prague.f * Steuben MS. Papers (Sprague). f Historischea Portefeaille, 1. c. 46 LIFEOFSTEUBEN. It is but natural that the first notions and impressions of the boy should exercise an important influence on the whole after life and destiny of the man. Steuben, from his earliest infancy, saw nothing but soldiers and things pertaining to war. The principal topics of conversation at home were the martial tra- ditions of his family, and the exploits of his immediate relatives. The glory of heroic deeds and brilliant victories flew through the country, and the spirit of the people, martial since the days of the great elector, Frederick William, was now exultant at the triumph of Frederick II., and roused to enthusiasm. As a son of a poor ofiicer, Steuben's only prospect was to, gain for himself an honorable position and distinction on the field of battle. The constitution of the State and of the army having given to the impoverished nobility fresh importance by attaching them to the service and interest of the sovereign, the entrance of young Steuben into the army was a necessary consequence of the father's position. It was, therefore, a matter of course, that when he arrived at the required time of life, he should obtam a commission. At the age of seventeen, Steuben entered as a cadet (1747) the famous infantry regiment Von Lestwitz, afterwards Von Tauenzien. At this period Prussia had just appeared like a meteor on the political horizon, and began to attract the attention of the woild at large, as well by the rapid development of her strength, as by the imposing position which she had suddenly acquired after the fortunate termination of the wars of the Austrian Succession. That which was conceived a farce played by Frederick I. (1701-1713) in declaring himself king of a then powerless State, soon proved a plan not devoid of strong political signification. His successor, Frederick William I. (1713-1740) gave to his youthful kingdom that which no other monarchy of the time possessed, a well disciplined army unacquainted with defeat, an abundant treasury, and an ener- getic and autocratic form and system of government which LIFEOFSTEUBEX. 4:1 was based, in the words of that absolute monarch, on a " rock of bronze." The sober prudence, the practical views, the sound judg- ment of the father, had smoothed the way for the son. How- ever small his means compared with those of other powers, they proved amply sufficient, in the hands of a genius, to inflame the entire world, and to enable him to dictate his will as law. The accession of Frederick the Great to the throne (1740) opens the most glorious period in the history of Prussia, extending to the peace of Hubertsburg (1763) which terminated the Seven Years' War, and raised Frederick, not- withstanding the small extent of his dominions, to a place amongst the arbiters of tlie destinies of Europe. During the twenty-three years comjjrised in the above-mentioned period, foi- the greater part of which Steuben was in the service and under the very eyes of the great king, Frederick developed all the resources of his mighty talent, and gained, by his brilliant exploits and unexamjiled successes, both in the field and in the cabinet, for himself and his subjects, the admiration and respect of the woi-ld. This is not the place to analyze the political bearings of the king's position ; but in tracing the biography of a man who took an active part in the events of that time, it is not inappropriate to describe the great influ- ence and charm exercised by Frederick over his subjects and cotemporaries. Germany, which ever since the Reformation had been the constant theater of wars, and had supplied the world with armies and commanders, gradually declined and became en- feebled and denationalized. It was on the eve of falling in pieces and being divided into innumerable little principalities, which, although nominally independent, were continually drained by petty despots, who depended for existence upon the subsidy of foreign powers. Emperor and empire Avho formerly represented a fictitious union, were never so weak as under the inglorious sway of Charles VI. Just before his 48 LIFE OF STEUBEN. death the great Frederick appeared upon the stage, revived the fallen hopes of the people, condemned by misrule and tyranny to inaction, and inspired them with confidence in themselves. The glory of his arms evoked the enthusiasm of old and young, even amongst his enemies. Every German felt that the brilliancy of this man was reflected upon his people, and the joy was universal that his victories finally tended, if not to the direct benefit of the German people, at least to the defeat of French prestige, of Russian barbarism, and to the reconquest of the former glory of German arms. National feelings were aroused, and the Germans regarded the future Avith proud and well-grounded hopes. Although Fj"ederick did not speak his native language cor- rectly, and preferred French literature to that of all other nations, there never was a more national hero, or a more thoroughly German king. Prussia, under him, was the first exponent of these national feelings. On the battle field she had shown the way, which the rest of Germany successfully followed in literature and art, reaching their climax under Lessing, Kant, Schiller and Goethe about the end of the eighteenth century. As the glory of Prussia was, in the first instance, founded by her army, it was a source of pride and distinction for a young man to enter its ranks, the fame of which was increasing from year to year under the command of its illustrious leader. When Steuben received his first commission, the Prussian army was approaching the zenith of its fame, and was calculated to inspire a young and ardent spirit with a strong desire to devote his best energies to a seiwice in which he could acquire distinction, and gratify the honorable ambition which his early training had implanted in his breast. Two years after his entering the army, Steuben was pro- moted from the i-ank of cadet to that of ensign, in 1749, and made lieutenant in 1753. Of this time we have found but Bcanty memorials. Among a mass of papers, we discovered LIFEOFSTEUBEN. 49 one letter, written in bad French, dated Schweidnitz, June 4, 1754, and addressed to a friend. Count Henkel Von Don- nersmark, who had just been appointed by the king Coun- selor of the Supreme Court in Silesia, in which he congratu- lates Iwm on his appointment, and describing his own situa- tion, manifests that devotion to his profession, and ardor for distinction, which his after life so abundantly proved. " While you, my dear count," says he,* " are figuring in the temple of Themis, I am condemned to a most revolting occupation. A work that Mr. De Balby has traced across a cemetery, requires the cutting of a deep ditch, in the course of which half decomposed dead bodies are continually disin- terred. I fear for my poor soldiers. The noisome exhalations will become more insupportable as the season advances. I or- der vinegar, brandy, tobacco, in short, every thing that I can think of for their protection, to be served up to them. As yet I have no sick, but I fear the month of July. In order not to alarm them, I am continually at work, notwithstanding my disgust for this abominable occupation, and my subordinates are obliged to follow my example — ora pro nobis ! The for- tifications are extensive, and appear to me to be well planned. I should like them to be more solid, and then this place would be well adapted for the king's purposes, to serve him as a great depot in case we go to war with la grande dame. I am occupied in taking a plan of the entire fortress, which we shall discuss when we meet. Unfortunately that will not be before the end of September What do your Berlin correspondents say? Are Mesdames Elizabeth and Mary Therese vexed with our great king ? I should be happy if they were, although I am more gallant with the ladies than my master. I am extremely anxious to have an encounter, even as an apprentice, with these two Amazons. Yes, my dear Henry, if there is a war, I promise you, at the end of a * Steuben's MS. PaiDorg (Spraguo). 3 50 LIFEOPSTEUBEN. second campaign, that your iVicnJ will be either in Hades, or at the head of a regiment." We found another letter of about the same time, in which Steuben gives an account of his visit to General De la Motte Fouque, at Glatz, another very important fortress in Silesia, and gives a detailed description of the fortifications, showing that even at that early period of his career he had a very ad- vanced knowledge of the most scientific branches of his pro- fession. He also pays an elaborate compliment to the Baron De la Motte Fouque, w'hom the king admitted to his intimacy, and represents him as a man possessed not only of the high- est military attainments, but also well versed in history, poli- tics and philosophy. Steuben was appointed first lieutenant in 1755,* in which capacity we find him at the beginning of the Seven Years' War. * Historisches PortefeuiUe, 1. c. CHAPTER II. Sstkuckn's Participation in the Campaigns of the Seven Yeaks' War. — "WorxDED AT TiiR Battle op Prague. — Engaged in the Battle of Kossbach. — Joining the FREE Corps undep. Geneeai. Von Mayr. — Sketch of Mayr"s Life and Achieve- ments.—Steuben's Return to the kegulae Ar.my as Aid-de-Camp to General Vo.s lIuLSEX. — Wounded AT the Battle ok Kuneusdorf, where the Prussians WEP.E defeated.— Pi'.esent at the Battle of Liegxitz.— With the Kings Ar.my IN the fortified Camp AT Buxzel\vitz.—.\^d.iotant of Gexep.al Von Knobloch, on Plate.ns Kxpeditiox into Poland in 1761. — Crossing the Wartha at Lands- burg, WHERE Steuben was encaged at the same Time with his Father. — March to the liELlEF OF CoLBERO. — CAPITULATION AT TkEPTOW. — StEUUEN NEGOTIATES THE Terms.— Taken Prisoner by the Russians, and brought to Petersburg.— Favorite of Peteu IlL— Released by him in the following Year.— Attached to the King's pepjsonal Staff, and employed in the Quarter-Master Gen- eral's Department. — Present at the Siege .\nd Capture of Sciiweidnitz. — North's State.ment. — Steuben Co.mmanuer, ad interim, of the Reglment Von Salmutil— One of the favorite si.x Pupils of the King.— Presented by him WITH A LAY Benefice in the Chapter ok Uavelsberg. — After the Termination OF THE Seven Years' War Steube.v leaves the Prussian Service. — Different Reasons given for this Step. — Ilis Journey to Hamburg. — Petitions fob his Dischaege.— Delay in obtaining it.— Visit to the Springs of Wildbad in Sua- BiA. — Makf-s the Acquaintance of the Prince of IIohenzollern-IIechingen, WHO appoints him Grand Map.shal of his Court. — Duties of this Office. — Steuben's Reput.vtion at this Court. — Travkus with thk Prince. — Offers to ENTEP. foreign SERVICE.— IIiS REFUSAL.— .JeAI.OUSY OF RoMAN C.VTHOLIC PrIESTS. — TlIKIR LSTKIGUFJ AGAINST STEUBEN. — IIe WITHDRAWS TO CARI.SRUIIF, — RECEIVES THE Order "De la Fidelite"' Charles Frederick, by the Margrave ok Baden. — Visits THE Capitals ok Ger.m.vny and France. — Stay at Montpellier. — Makes TiiK Acquaintance of the PIarls of Warwick and Spencer.- Is invited to visit THEM IN England.— Negotiations to enter the Service of the Emperor of Ger- .MANY. — Unpublished Letter of the Prince DeLigne. — Steuben abandons thp. Idea of Re-entering active .military Seevicf. A FTER a peace of comparatively long duration, the Seven ^ *- Years' War afforded an opportunity for military distinc- tion, and consequently opened a field to Steuben of which he availed himself in a remarkable degree. At the beginning of the war he was in too subordinate a position to find his name prominently noticed ; he is, however, often mentioned in the military records of those memorable event.s, and wherever he is alluded to, it is as a brave and talented officer, to whom the execution of arduous and respon.sible tasks was intrusted. 02 L I F E O F STEU KEN . His regiment, M-hich duiing the war was known as the 31st, belonged to the army of Fiehl Marshal Count Schwerin, and distinguished itself on all occasions where it was engaged. Steuben fought and was wounded in its ranks* in the bloody battle of Prague, on the 6th of May, 1757, when it suiFered lieavily, losing a colonel and two officers. In the battle of Rossbach, on the 5th of November, 1757, the regiment Lest- witz was in the van of the Prussian army, and shared in the glory of that splendid victory. Even in the later years of his life Steuben told his American friends, with pride and sat- isfaction, that he too had been engaged in the battle of Ross- bach, and that he had assisted in making the Frenchmen run away. In the following year Steubenf entered, without prejudice to his claims to promotion in his regiment, the fi-ee corps of General Yon 3Iayr, w^ho appointed him his adjutant general. The volunteer corps of those times resembled very much what privateers are in naval warfare. Without forming part of the general military organization, they were employed to make inroads and excursions on their own account, and do the enemy all the injury in their power. This was the reason why young and brave spirits, fond of adventure, joined these corps, anxious to free themselves from the severe and monoto- nous discipline of the regular army. Here they found a field for the display of their energy and recklessness, Jolm Von MayrJ is the prototype of the military adven- turer of his time, and was looked upon by the enemy with al- most supernatural fear. He was the illegitimate son of Count Stella, born in 1716, and received little or no education. His boyhood was passed amid scenes of debauchery and profli- gacy. At the age of eighteen he was expelled from Vienna, * nistorisches Portefeuillc, Berlin, 1785, iv., p. 447, ff. f Scliloezer's Staatsanzeigen, v., p. 59, 1783. X Pauli: Leben grosser Helden, Biograpliie Johaun Von Mayr's, 1759, iii., 143-188, und EL "W. Schoening: "Die Generale der Kurbrandenburgischon und Koeniglich Preussischen Armee von 1640-1840." Berlin, 1840 p. 93. LIFEOFSTEUBEN. 53 and being quite destitute of "Ull means, he cmbi-aced the sol- dier's career, as that was most suited to his riotous and daring disposition. He entered the Duke of Lorraine's regiment, in Hungary, as band-boy, and ultimately became sergeant hi the same corps. His personal courage was indomitable, and in various skirmishes and battles during the Turkish war, the prowess and cool intrepidity of the youthful adventurer won the approval of his commander and the acclamation of his comrades. He was soon promoted to the rank of officer, and during ten years, from 1744-1754, he followed all the vicissi- tudes attendant on the career of a soldier of fortune, under Count Seckendorf, in Bavarian service, then in the army of the Elector of Saxony, and during the war in the Netherlands, under Count Bathyani ; wherever danger was to be met, or difficulty to be encountered, Mayr was always the foremost. An unlucky duel with a brother officer, which terminated fatally for his adversaiy, obliged him to (piit the service of Saxony. Frederick the Great, who was well aware of the courage and enterprising spirit which Mayr possessed, soon engaged his services, and gave him an appointment as aid-de- camp on the general staff of his army, from which he was sub- sequently transferred to the command of the light infantry corps, raised by the king at the commencement of the Seven Years' War to compete with the Croats and Pandours, in the service of Austria. Mayr's success proved the wisdom of the king's selection. His razzias in Franconia,* his descent on the rich towns of Nuremberg, Bamberg and Hof, his pursuit of the French troops to Erfurt, routed at the battle of Rossbach, his capture of Hof and seizure of two thousand two hundred guns manufoctured at Suhl in Thuriiigia, his gallant resistance with inferior forces against the attacks of Marshal Daun's army on the lines of the Elbe, on account of which Frederick nominated him major general, his active participation in the defense of Dresden, to whose salvation his corps mainly con- * Von TcmpclhofT: Geschichte des siebenjahrigen Krieges, ii., 95-93. 54 LIFEOF STEUBEN. tributetl,'" and iinally his huntiug the Austrians to the Bohe- mian mountains, are the piincii^al exploits of this remarka- ble soldier, who died in the beginning of January, 1759, at Plauen,f and whose career is here more specially noticed, as Steuben Avas attached to his corps during the year 1758, and as it was here he learned by practice and experience the use and management of light infantry, and skirmishes in actual waifare. The constitution of these corps and their independence from the general array were such, that the officers were compelled to make their own dispositions, to form their own plans and calculations, to be possessed of both inventive and executive genius. It was, therefore, an excellent school for a young officer to learn that self-reliance and promptness of decision in the face of danger and difficulty, Avhich are such essential attributes of a good general, and which formed such distinc- tive characteristics of Steuben's subsequent career. The first particular mention made of Steuben in the annals of that war, is to be found in Pauli's biography of John Von JMayr, who, enumerating all the officers under his command, characterizes the lieutenant, Friedrich Wilhelm Von Steuben of the regiment Von Lestwitz, the General's adjutant general in 1758, as a highly gifted and distinguished officer. J After Mayr's death, Steuben reentered the regular army, and was appointed adjutant general of General Von Hiilsen,§ one of Frederick's best captains. Hiilsen belonged to the army of Pj-ince Henry, then in Saxony, to which Mayr's corps had been attached. On the 5th of June, 1759, he left Dresden Avith ten battalions of infantry, four regiments of cavalry (about nine or ten thousand men in all), and joined General Von Dohna on the ]9th, near Frankfort on the Oder. In consequence of this march, Steuben Avas brought in immediate connection Avith his old regiment Von LestAvitz. During the battle of * Von Tempelhoff : Geschidito des siebonjahrigeu Kricges, ii., 358. f Pauli's Leben grosser Hclden, iv., 355. X The samo; iii. 184. § Schloezer, 1. a L I F E O F S T E U B E X . 55 Kay, on the 23cl of July, 1759, in which the Russian command- er, Soltikow defeated Wedell, the Prussian general and succes- sor of Dohna, it was among the troops first engaged, forming a part of the brigade Grabow, and of the division Manteuffel. On account of this defeat of the Prussians they were unable to prevent the junction of the Russian and Austrian armies, which, eighty thousand strong, advanced toward Frankfort and fortified themselves on the banks of the Oder. Here, be- tween Frankfort and Kunersdorf, they were attacked by the king, on the 12th of August, 1759, who had hastened from Sile- sia to assist "Wedell in his operations against the enemy under Soltikow and Loudon, who threatened Brandenburg and the interior of the king's old provinces with an invasion and occu- pation. This battle, which proved so fatal to the Prussian arms, cost the king eight thousand killed, fifteen thousand wounded, and three thousand taken prisoners, while the united enemy lost twenty-four thousand men in all. It was already won, the Russians were totally defeated, and the dispatches of vic- tory forwarded to Berlin, when the king, not satisfied with having repulsed the Russians, but desirous to annihilate them, altered his dispositions, and notwithstanding the advice of his tried generals, such as Soidlitz, ordered a new attack against the last of the Russian batteries and defenses, which his ex- hausted and tired troops could stand the less, as they were vigorously attacked and driven back by the Austrian cavalry and Loudon's best troops, who had hitherto not taken part in the battle. Now a general flight began. Almost all the Prussian generals and the king himself were wounded, and a great many killed. Among the wounded was General Von IliiLsen.'^ It is not certain whether Steuben was engaged in this murderous battle as Ilillsen's adjutant, or in the ranks of the regiment Yon Lestwitz; his name, however, is found in the * Von Arcbenholtz ; Geschiclite des siebenjahrigon Kriegc?, fimfte. Au- flage, Berlin, 1840, vol. i., p. 258. 56 LIFEOFSTEUBEJSr. list of the wounded of that memorable action.* The regiment Von Lestwitz, distinguished itself by its wonted bravery on this occasion, and after the loss of the battle, covered the Prus- sian retreat, displaying as well here as in the most difficult attacks such a degree of valor and intrepidity, that the king retired in its ranks from the battle-field, and paid to each pri- vate an extra ]-emuneration amounting to a week's pay.f From the date of the battle of Kunersdorf to the summer of 1761, there is no positive mention of Steuben. It is exceed- ingly probable, however, that he passed the entire years 1759 and 1760, with the army of Prince Henry, and acting as aid- de-camp to General Von Hiilsen, was present at the battle of Liegnitz. We find his name first mentioned again in Septem- ber, 1761, when the king, from his intrenched camp at Bun- zelwitz, where he was besieged by the united armies of Aus- tria and Russia, sent General Platen with seven thousand men to Poland, to attack the Russian rear. At that time Steuben was on the stafi", and adjutant of General Knobloch, whose brigade was attached to Platen's coi-ps, which marched, ou September 11th, from the camp, stormed and burned, on the 15th, the Russian provision and ammunition train at the Golkowka convent, near Gostyn in Poland, routed four thou- sand men, and marched viith nineteen hundred prisoners to Landsberg on the Wartha. Steuben's father, then major of engineers in Cilstrin, built a bridge across this river, by which Platen was enabled to cross. It is a curious coincidence, that Steuben and his father should both, the one as engineer officer, the other as adjutant general, have assisted in different ways in fecilitating the passage of Platen's army over the "Wartha.J Platen, after this brilliant expedition, marched into Pom- * Historiscbes Portefeuillo, 1. c, Pauli v., p. 245 (raisprmtod 445), 1760. •j- Kriele: Die Scblacbt bei Kunersdorf, pp. 35 aud 103. :]: Beitraege zur Kriegskunst und Geschicbte des Krieges von 1'756-I'i63, mit Plan und Charten, v. Stuek, von I. G. Tielko, Cburflirstlicb Sachsiscber Artillerie Hauptmann, Freiberg, 1784, p. 95. LIFEOFSTEUBEX. 57 erauia, where the Russians had, iu the meantime, made their appearance in large numbers, and, vipon the orders of the king, hurried to the ix'liet" of Colberg, which was threatened by the enemy. He effected a junction, on October 4th, with the gen- eral commanding in the vicinity of Colberg, Prince Frederick of Wurtemberg. Steuben's brigade, at that time two thousand strong, was dispatched to Treptow, on the Rega, to protect the arrival of supplies at Colberg. General Knobloch had been, since the 21st of October, 1 V61, blocked up in this exposed town by eight thousand men, so that he could neither advance to- wards Colberg nor reach Platen's corps. The town was set on fire in diiierent places. As long as he had supplies of i)rovisions and ammunition he defended himself most valiantly, but when he ran short of both, he was compelled to capitulate, and sent his a'e are inclined to doubt the correctness of his statement in this instance, because he was not thoroughly ac- quainted with the details of the Seven Years' War, and Steu- ben's position in the Prussian army ; and, confounding truth and misconceptions, often did not comprehend the exact bear- ing of Steuben's narrative of that eventful period. We, tliere- fore, give his statement with this preface. " The Baron," relates North, " had been for some time in the family and friendship of Prince Henry,* the king's broth- er, of whom he never spoke but Avith the greatest tender- ness and affection. In an unfortunate campaign of the Seven Years' War, the prince incurred the displeasure of his harsh brother, who directed liiin to retire from the army, and or- dered his aides-de-camp to their different corps, or put them on such unpleasant duty as might make them feel the misfortune * sNct Prince Henry, as is erroneously stated by North, but Prince Wil- liam, incurred the displeasure of his brother. L I F E O F S T E U B E N . 69 of belonging ko a man wlio hn.d dared to displease, perhaps to disobey him. "Steuben was sent into tSilesia to recruit, equip, and dis- cipline, within a certain period, a corps broken down by long and hard service. The pecuniary allowance for this object was entirely inadequate, but who in the Prussian service dared to murmur or remonstrate ! By the assistance of friends, funds weie found, and the regiment, complete, was marched to head-quarters within the time. Pleased with the prompt per- formance of a duty, of the arduousness of which the king was well appi-ised, the Baron received his compliments, and, in a little time after, the appointment of aid-de-camp to the mon- arch, with the charge of superintending the department of the quarter-master general." Steuben himself, in one of liis memoirs addressed to Con- gress, says, that in the last campaigns of the Seven Years' Wai-, he was ^'■marechal general de logis^'^ that is to say, quarter-master general, and adjutant general to the king; and that in the winter 1762-1763, he had the command of the regiment Von Salmuth, afterwards Hesse-Cassel.* This state- ment of Steuben is originally written in French : " II cut le coniniandenient du regiraeut /Salmuth, aujounVhui Jlesse- Cassel." The English translator said he was colonel of the regiment, etc., but Steuben corrected this mistake as above, in order to show that he was not the colonel of that regiment, but only commanded it ad interiin. Schloezerf says, that at the close of the war Steuben was major and temporary com- mander of the fortress of Torgau ; but Steuben himself does not mention his having occupied this post, which omission warrants the supposition that he never held it, for he speaks repeatedly of his employment in the king's service towards the end of the Seven Years' War. However this may be, it is certain that Steuben gained -the affection and esteem of the king. He brought him into a * Steuben's MS. Papers, vol. xiii. f Schloezer, 1. c. 60 M F E O F S T E U B E N . chosen numbei- of taletiteil young officers, wh«ra Frederick personally instructed and initiated into the most abstruse brandies of military art, and prepared for the responsible du- ties of the staff. Tliis academy consisted, besides six officers who died young, of tlie following: quarter-master general, lieutenant colonel and aid-de-camp in chief. Count Anhalt, and quarter-master lieutenants, Major Count Pinto, Captain Vo'i Steuben, Captain Von Ruits, Von Geusau, Von Pfau and Von Diebitsch.* The selection of an officer to form one of so small a number as the immediate pupils of the great captain, is a convincing proof of the merit and promise of the recip- ient of this envied distinction. Xo family influence, high birth or other fortuitous circumstances had any weight with Frederick the Great in the selection of his militaiy favorites : talent and fitness were the only recommendation to his favor. At the end of the war (1'762), the king, in consideration of Steuben's services, })resented him with a lay benefice, attached to the religious chapter of Havelsberg, producing annually an income of four hundred thalers.f The king, in his parsimony, which approached very neai-ly to avarice, very seldom gave pecuniary remunerations to his officers, and it is a pi'oof of high satisfaction that he made an exception to this rule m the case of Steuben. Soon after the conclusion of the peace of Ilubertsburg, Steuben quitted the Prussian service. Various reasons are given for this step. Some accounts say that he felt slighted and injurcfl in his claims to promotion, because the king, not- withstanding his seniority and higher rank, intended to re- move him as captain of a company to the same regiment Von Salmuth, at Wesel on the Rhine,J which he had commanded ad interim ; others say, that he had quarreled and had a due" with the above-mentioned Count Anhalt, in consequence ot * Leben.s;zescliiclite Friedrichs des Grossoa von J. D. E. Preuss, Berlin, 1833 Drilter Band, pp. 149 and 150. \ Steuben's MS. Papers, vol. xiii. % Scbloezer, 1. c. I. I F E O F STEUBEN. Gl which he had been obliged to give in his resignation,* and a third report says, that lie felt uneasy and unhappy in the quiet and monotonous life of the garrison. He himself says, in a letter written toward the close of his life, that ininicdi- ately after the war, an inconsidei-ate step and an implacable personal enemy had led to his leaving the Prussian service. He, however, gives no details. The first of the foregoing reasons seems the most probable, because it is asserted by highly trustworthy authorities, and because it is in accordance with the king's rough mode of dealing with his officers, whose number was quite out of i)roportion to that of the army, wliich had been considerably reduced. Whenever an officer of that time felt offended at the king's treatment, Frederick's stereotyped answer was, " He may go to the devil !" (" Kann sicli zum Teufel schceren !'') With these words he dismissed tlie afterwards celebrated Field Marshals Bliicherf and York,J who could only reenter the Prussian service after the great king's death. Steuben, while residing a short time in Halle and Dessau, feigned sickness and petitioned for iiis discharge, v.hich, however, was not immediately granted. He first took a journey to Hamburg, where he got acquainted with the Count St. Germaiii,§ then in the service of Denmark, and vis- ited, in May, 1704, the springs of Wildbad, in Suabia, in com- pany with the Prussian general. Prince Frederick of Wur- temberg, at which time he was introduced to the Prince of Hohenzollern-Hechingen, who, on the warm recommendation of the Princess of Wurtemberg and Prince Henry of Prussia, offered Steuben the office of grand marshal of his court, which he accepted, having finally received his discharge from the service of Prussia.|| * Politisches Journal, 1. c. f Varnhagen Yon Ense : Das Lebcn dcs Fiirsten Bliicher Von Walilstadt, Berlin, 1827. J Johann Gustav Droysen : Das Lcben des Fcldmarschalls Grafen York Yon WartenK>rg. Berlin, 185-4, i., 21. g Steuben's MS. Papers, vol. siiL I Politisclios Journal, 1. c. 62 LIFEOFSTEUBEN- This office is one of the highest and most distinguished posts which it was possible to hold, particularly at the minor German courts, where the same system of etiquette prevailed, on a smaller scale, as at the larger and more influential courts of Vienna and Berlin. The duties of the office consisted in the supreme direction of the reigning Prince's household, and in the arrangement of all court presentations and ceremo- nies. The personage holding this office was always in the closest relations with, and in the most intimate confidence ol, the prince, and the appointment was invariably conferred on persons who had made themselves remarkable in either a civil or military caj)acity. Steuben held the office of grand marshal of the court at Hechingen, as it appears, about ten years, and gained tlie affection and the esteem of every one with whom he had any connection. A cotemporary, who made his ac- quaintance at this time, writes as follows :* " Steuben filled his post with all that dignity, method, and knowledge of his duty which it eminently required, gained the perfect confidence of the prince, and was looked upon in the most friendly manner by the neighboring courts, as well as by his own. He was affable and condescending to his inferiors, and severe and exact with those placed imder his orders; without that tyranny by which, at many courts, the life of the subordinate was rendered miserable, he always succeeded in getting the duty punctually performed. He was obliging, humane, and anxious to promote the happiness of all with whom he had to deal ; he always endeavored amicably to set- tle disputes amongst the officers of the court, by which lie acquired for himself the esteem and respect of all who had the good fortune to know and appreciate him." It formed a part of Steuben's duty to accompany the Prince of Hohenzollern-Hechingen on his travels, which ex- tended, during the period of his service, to various courts of Germany, and, in 1771, to that of France, on which occasions * Politisches Journal, 1. c. LIFE OPSTEU BEN. 63 he had opportunities of becoming acqnainted with the promi- nent statesmen and the higher nobility of that time. The ease and comfort of his present office, compared with the bustle, hardship and privation of his former life, pleased him so much, that he seemed to have abandoned all ideas of returning to the profession in which he had acquired so large a share of renown. Although liberal offers had been made to him in 1764 on the part of the King of Sardinia,* and repeatedly in 1766 and 17G9 by the German emperor through his minister and General Von Ried,f to enter military service, he declined these flattering proposals, being contented with the otium cum dignitate which he at present enjoyed ; the more so as he had purchased a small country-seat near Hecliingen, called Weilheira. It is most probable that Steuben would have passed the rest of his life in this unprofitable retirement had he not happened to excite against him the animosity of certain Popish priests who — the religion of the court being also Catholic — were constantly plotting and intriguing against him after his return from France. As Steuben was a firm adherent to the tenets of the Pi'otestant church, he was, of course, ob- noxious to the priesthood, who were jealous of his growing influence over the prince and the other members of the court. Steuben seeing that this state of things, if prolonged, could only lead to disagreeable results for lura, and perhaps cause dissension between the prince and himself, decided to retire. That this dissension did not arise from any serious cause, is proved by the fact that Steuben continued to be a great favorite of the prince, and kept up friendly intercouise with him even after his arrival in America.J He went to the court of the Margiave of Baden, at Carlsruhe, who, on the 28th of May, 1769, had distinguished him with the cross of the oi-der " De la FicleUte:% * Steuben's MS. Papers, vol. xiii. \ Ibidem. X Politisches Journal, 1. c. § This was the only order which Steuben ever had, and it is a mistake 04 LIFE OP STEUBEN. Steuben says, in one of his inenioriuls, that this prince afterwards conferred on him the rank of general, but this statement does not appear correct according to the court calendars of that time, which we have carefully perused. It is the less likely as tlie rank of general did not exist in the small army of the Margrave of Baden, and as the highest military dignity was that of a colonel of the guards. Wc shall at another place refer to the reasons which probably produced the above assertion. It is, howevei', a fact es- tablished beyond any doubt, that Steuben held a military appointment of an honorary character in the militia of the empire, having been chosen general of the Circle of Suabia, a species of national guard, and scarcely ever called out for active service. This office was merely an honorary post, and did not entail any duty upon its holder. His life in Carlsruhe and Durlach was as inactive and void of excitement as that during his stay in Hechingen. Having no duties to perform, and having sufficient, though not af- fluent, means, he diversified the monotony of an existence at a small German court, by occasional ti-ips to the capitals of Germany and to France. It was during this time that he visited Baron Von Waldener at his country residence in Alsace, Avhere he renewed his acquaintance with Count St. Germain,* and during his stay in MontpelHer, in the south of France, in the winter of 1776, he met and became acquainted with the English Earls of Warwick and Spencer, and with the French Prince De Montbarey, subsequently minister of war when some American -writers (for instance Benson J. Lossing, "Pictorial Field Book," 1., 333) say that the King of Prussia had given it to liim. There never was a Prussian order of this name. It was founded on Jime 1 7, 1715, by Charles, Margrave of Baden, and consisted of only thirty members. According to § 5 of its by-laws only such persons were able to become mem- bers of the order who were of noble extraction, unsullied Uneage, and irre- proachable conduct. From 1715 to 1769, when Steuben was made one of its knights, there were one hundred and sixty-seven members in all. * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xiiL LITEOF STEUBEN. 65 iiiiilei- the French government. Ilis relations M'ith those En- glish noblemen were of the most intimate and friendly character, and he received from them pressing invitations to spend the ensuing summer with them in England, which he accepted.* Steuben was ill adapted, either by disposition or early habits and training, to find enjoyment and satisfaction in a life of idle- ness, for any length of time, although the dignified tranquillity of his Ufe at a little court promised agreeable repose to one tired of the bivouac and the camp. It was not calculated to satisfy his ardent and impetuous temperament, or induce him forever to renounce the busy scene from which he had Avith- draAvn for a season, and soon after his return to Carlsruhe he appears to have sought a fitting opportunity to reenter active service. Just at that time all Europe was anxiously expecting the war, which some years after broke out, in legard to the succession of the Elector of Bavaria, and which promised honorable employment and glory to every officer. Steuben resolved to avail himself of these cheering prospects, and for this purpose opened negotiations, which, however, were not successful. The Prussian officers of that time were so fully convinced of their importance and superiority over all other troops, that they always expected to receive higher rank than that which they had under the king, and therefore very often rejected propositions made to them by foreign powers, who were anxious to profit by their knowledge and experience, but were unwilling to excite jealousy amongst their own officers by placing foreigners over their heads. To this cause is to be attributed, as it appears, the fliilure of Steuben's projects. The difficulties of entering the German emperor's service, even for an officer so distinguished and sought after as Steuben was, may be seen fioni the following letter addressed to him on the 4th of April, by the famous Prince De Ligne, one of the highest dignitaries of the imperial court.f It reads as follows : — * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xiii. f I found this interesting letter, originally written in French, in vol. bb L I F E O F S T E U B E N , " I thought of getting you, my dear baron, to enter our service even before the idea occurred to you, when I heard you speak of matters connected with war with that talent which distinguishes the pupil of the hei'o from whom you have learned so much. Independent of any personal gratifica- tion I should derive, I believed that it would be very fortu- nate for the service to have you amongst us. *'I should like you to see the emperor Avhen he passes through your i^rovince, for I am sure that you Avould produce the same favorable impression upon him that you made upon me. With- out this, it will be impossible to enter the service. " I have just received a letter from Field Marshal Lascy, of whom I asked, as a particular favor, to get a commission in my own regiment for a colonel of the very highest distinction, but he informed me that it is utterly impossible, and not to be thought of. You see with what regret I acquaint you with this, my dear baron. If there were a war, I should exert my- self to get you, for our own sake more than for yours, so that your talents should not be left unemployed." In the beginning of the year 1777, when the Emperor Jo- seph II. went to France, General Ried, a personal friend of Steuben, urged him to pay his j-espects to the emperor at Stuttgardt, assuring him that it was very probable that his Majesty would invite him to enter his service.* It does not appeal-, however, that Steuben complied with Ried's recom- mendation ; on the contrary, it would appear that he declined doing so, and that he had definitively abandoned the idea of reentering active military service. xiii. of the Steuben Papers. Although bearing only the date of the month, it must have been written in ITTt, because it refers to the emperor's intended journey through Western Germany, -which Joseph II. never visited before 1777, on his way to Paris. * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. x. CHAPTER III.* Btkuhex visits Paws on his Way to England.— Count Dr St. Germain's .mystf.kious Message. — IIis Inteevikw with Stecben. — Proposition lo enter the Service of THE American Congress. — Steuben's Ob.feotions. — Remarkable Answer of Count De St. Germain.— Steuben introduced to Beavmakouais, Franklin, and Deane. — Interview with the American Commissioneii.s. — Beau.marohais' Offer. — Steui;kn abandons the Idea of going to America.— Takes Leave of St. Ger- main prior to his Ketfrn to Germany.— Introduction to Count Ar.vnda, the Spanlsh Amba'Wador. — Visit to Prince Dk Montbarev. — Return to Carlskuiie. — Advice of Prince Louis William of Baden. — Letters fp-om St. Germain and Beaumarchais, persuading Steuben to enter the Service of A.merica. — He CONSENTS, AND SETS OUT FOR PaRIS. — AUKIVAL THERE. — ReSULTOF THE CONFERENCE WITH THE French Ministep.s.— Interview with CountDeVergennes.— Steuben's Duties defined by St. Germ ain.— The American Commissioners furnish him witii Letters of Introduction. — Sets sail from Marseillf.s on board the Flamand, WHICH conveys Ar.MS and AM.MUNITION TO AMERICA. — ^TlIB U.VZARDOUS CUAKACTER OF THE Enterprise. nnilE negotiations allucled to in the foregoing chapter having -^ foiled, Steuben determined to fulfill a promise made some time Lefore to visit his friends in England, and set out, toward the end of April, 1777, on his journey thither, by way of Fiance. He arrived in Paris on the 2d day of May, intend- ing to spend a few days in that capital previous to his depart- ure for Calais, in order to visit his old acquaintances, particu- larly the Count De St. Germain, whom the King of France had recently appointed minister of war. Shortly after reaching Paris he notified the count of his arrival and of his anxiety to see him, to which he received in reply, that the count would rather not see him at Versailles, but that he would be glad to meet him in three days at the Paris arsenal, where he intended to have a particular conversation with him, and that he would send an officer to conduct him to the place of rendezvous. * Almost the entire narrative in this chapter is taken from vol. xiii.of the Steuben Papers, at some places very often word for word. 68 LIFE OP STEUBEN. Steuben could not conceive the meaning of this extraordi- nary message. " I had formed," says be, in one of his memo- rials, " no ambitious schemes, and was perfectly satisfied with my situation. I could not define the meaning of this enigma. I can certify, upon my honor, that among all the conjectures I made, the truth never occurred to me." A few days afterward the Count St. Germain arrived in Paris, and sent the Baron De Pagenstecher, colonel of the Legion Conde, for Steuben, who waited upon the count, and was received by him in bis cabinet. After observing to the baron that he had arrived very a pi'o^^os, the count mentioned that he had intended to write to him to submit a project Avhicb he thought would prove very advantageous, and for the execution of which he thought the baron the most proper per- son. Then opening a map and pointing to America, " Here," said he, " is your field of battle. Here is a republic which you must serve. You are the very man she needs at this moment. If you succeed, your fortune is made, and you will acquire more glory than you could hope for in Europe in a great many years to come !" He then entered into a minute de- tail of the political situation of the United States, M'hich, after having once declared themselves independent, would undoubt- edly sustain this declaration ; adding that it would be a mer- itorious office to assist in building up the grand edifice of that rising republic. He demonstrated to Steuben the resources v/hich the in- surgents had, and the support which they could indirectly ex- pect from France and Spain. He intimated to him the possi- bility of an open alliance between the different branches of the house of Bourbon and the Americans. He then turned to the other side of the picture, and with equal discernment de- tailed to Steuben the many disadvantages the United States then labored under ; tliat their array had no regular or per- manent formation ; that their enlistments, being for very short periods, their army had no order, or method of keeping the LIFEOF STEUBEN. 69 corps together ; tbat the loss of the racu not only continually destroyed the formation of the corps, but caused the most terrible destruction of horses, arms, clothing, and every spe- cies of camp equipage ; that the consumption of these articles was enormous ; that they were in want of some officer of ex- perience to be charged with the details, who was not only acquainted with the regular formation of an army, but wlio could trace out for them a system of economy for the disburse- ments of the army, and, by a rigid inspection, prevent those abuses which might otherwise tend to the destruction of the country. To this he added, that if some such order were not established, the resources of the United States must very soon be exhausted, nor would it be in the power of their friends in Europe to supply so enormous an expense ; that, among all the foreign officers who had gone to America, there was not one who possessed sufficient information on these pohits, and that the commander-in-chief and Congress would be ex- tremely happy to meet with an officer of experience to assist in establishing order, which was so indispensably necessary. " You perceive now," added the count, " why I wished you not to appear at Versailles ; I would not even wish you to be seen much in Paris; you must, however, see the Count De Aranda and the Prince De Montbarey, who are acquainted with this project ; and in order that j'ou may have every pos- sible information with respect to the United States, I will send Mr. Deane to you." St. Germain was well aware that Steuben M-as perfectly competent to perform the lask. Being himself an ardent ad- mirer of the Prussian school of military discipline and tactics, whicli in former years he had in vain tried to introduce into the Danish army, and which he now equally in vain tried to introduce into the French army, he had made the acquaint- ance of Steuben, when the latter, after the termination of the Seven Years' War, had just returned from the field, and formed a favorable opinion of the sound judgment and mili- VO LIFKOFSTEUBEN. taiy ability of King Frederick's aicl-de-camp. Success demon- strated that his choice was a good one : a proof that St. Ger- main had a much deeper knowledge of men and things than his adversaries ordinarily attribute to him, Steuben replied to St. Germain's overtures, that although his present situation was not an elevated one, it was, never- theless, agreeable, Avhile the enterprise proposed by the count was hazardous for a man no longer young, and ignorant, as he ■was, of the English language. He finally asked the count, rot in his character of minister, but as a friend, if he would advise him to accept such an adventurous undertaking, to which St. Germain answered : " Sir, as a minister I have no advice to give you on these subjects; but as your friend I would never advise you to do any thing which I would not do myself, were I not employed in the king's service." Xo determination was arrived at in their first interview. The first consequence, however, resulting from this conver- sation, was the suspension of Steuben's proposed visit to En- gland. On the following day, when he saw the count again, the latter recurred to the subject, and as he still preferred that Steuben should not visit him at Versailles, he gave him a let- ter to Mr. De Beaumarchais, the author of Figaro, Avho took such a deep interest in the American Revolution, warning him at the same time to be extremely circumspect. The proposi- tion now appeared to Steuben less extravagant than at first, and as he began to feel an interest in the matter, he did not need St. Germain's recommendation to be discreet. Mr. De Beaumarchais introduced Mr. Deane to Steuben, and a few days after Mr. Deane took him to Dr. Franklin at Passy. Both the American commissioners appeared very desirous that Steuben should enter the service of Congress. They con- firmed to him the statement, made by St. Germain, and ex- pressed their hopes that he would be able to establish the or- der and discipline in the American army, which were so much wished by the commander-in-chief, and for which he had not LIFEOFSTEUBEX. 71 yet found an able assistant amongst the throng of foreign oiE- cers who had gone over to America. But when Steuben mentioned a disbursement for the expenses of his journey they expiessed some doubt as to their jjower to grant it, Mr. Deane made no difficulties ; Franklin, however, made sev- eral. He spoke a great deal about presenting him Avith a couple of thousand acres of land, to which Steuben did not attach much value, and which in any case could not furnish him with the means of crossing the Atlantic. As to advances, Franklin positively declared that it was out of the question ; that he Avas not empoweied to make any, and that he could not enter into any engagement Avith any officer whatever. He told him this Avith an air and manner to Avhich Steuben, as he remarks in a letter Avritten at the time, " was then little ac- customed," Avhereupon Steuben immediately took leave Avith- out any further explanation. He Avent thence to Mr. De Boaumarchais. He told him that he intended to set out immediately for Germany, and that he did not wish to hear any more of America. As soon as Beaumarchais AA'as informed of the cause of Steuben's reso- lution, he informed him that "if he wanted nothing but money, a thousand Louis-d'ors and more Avere at his service." Steuben thanked him for his generous offisr, but told him, at the same time, that he was fixed in his determination to pay his last visit to the Count St. Germain, and to leave the foUoAV- ing day for Rastadt. On July 24th, Steuben accordingly paid a farewell visit to Count St. Germain at Versailles, and informed the minister of his determination. He represented to him that he could not embark on so hazardous an enterprise, and that even if he would, he had not the money necessary for his oaa^u equip- ments and that of his suite. He cited the instance of Mr. Du Coudrai, AA'hose services, notwithstanding a previous en- gagement with the American commissionei's in France, had not been accepted by Congress, and alluded to the danger of 12 LIFE OF STEUBEN. being taken prisoner by the English, without having made a definite engagement. Although the count ai^peared somewhat hurt by Steuben's determination, he invited him to spend two days at Versailles, and renew his acquaintance with the Prince De Montbarey. After dinner the Spanish ambassadoi", Count De Aranda, came in, to whom St. Germain introduced Steuben with the following words : " Here is a man who will risk noth- ing, consequently he will gain nothing." On the same day Steuben vraited upon Prince De Montbarey, who appeared as full of the American scheme as the Count De St. Germain, Notwithstanding the arguments and importunities of the French ministers, Steuben declared that he could not deter- mine on any thing until he had first visited Germany, whither he intended to set out the following day. When he arrived at Rastadt he met there Prince Louis William of Baden, a lieutenant general in the Dutch army, and governor of Arnheim. He also found a very persuasive letter from M. De Beaumarchais, who wrote him that Count St. Germain expected his prompt return to Versailles ; that a vessel was ready in the port of Marseilles for his embarkation, and that as for any disbursements he might need to make, he could dispose of his funds. This letter -svas accompanied by one from the Count St. Germain, who pressed Steuben to re- turn immediately. The confidence he had in Prince Louis William made Steuben consult him about the aflfair. Being himself engaged in the service of a republic and probably more dazzled by the prospect of gloiy than Steuben was him- self, he was of opinion that there was no room for hesitation ; that he should ceitainly run the risk, and that he could never find a finer opportunity of distinguishing himself than that which was offered to him. The prince's advice Avas successful, and it was not long before Steuben carried his plan into exe- cution. Having obtained the consent of the Kiiig of Prussia, he conferred his canonry at Havelsberg, which then brought him a yearly revenue of four thousand six hundred Hvres, on L I F E O F S T E U B E X . 73 his nephew, the Baron Von Canitz, and started again for Paris, wlicre he arrived on the 17th of August, 1777. On the day after his arrival Steuben went to Ycrsailics, where he had a conference with St. Germain and Montbarey, and where it was resolved that he should not enter into any arrangement with the American agents, cither for money or the expenses of his journey, but that he should merely wait upon them, to inform them of his approaching depaiturc ibr the United States, and ask tliem for letters of introduction to the leading members of Congress, telling them, at the same time, that it was his intention to make one or two campaigns with their army in the simple capacity of a volunteer. " From the information," says Steuben afterwards,* in a letter addressed on the 27th of January, 1790, to Alexander Hamilton, then Secretary of the Treasury, " I received from the ministers of France, that the preferment of foreigners to mihtary employments had been a cause of discontent in the American army, I foresaw the necessity of pursuing a diifcr- ent course from that which had been adopted by my prede- cessors, in order to gain admission into your army. Being- sure of success in my enterprise, as soon as the commander- in-chief and the army should be aware of the advantages of my military arrangements, there was but one difficulty to sur- mount, and from the complexion of the times, that difficulty was of the greatest magnitude. It depended upon obtaining such a post in the army as would enable me to make use of the knowledge of my profession, and to render it beneficial to the interest of the United States, without exciting the dissat- isfaction and jealousy of the officers of your army. Any con- ditions proposed by me, under these circumstances, tending to insure me a recompense proportioned to my sacrifices and my services, would have rendered all my negotiations abortive. But proposals to serve the United States as a volunteer, with- * American State Papers. Yolunie entitled "Claims." Washington, 1834 ; No. 5, foL. p. n-lG. 74 LIFKOFSTEUBEN. out rank or pay, could give no umbrage. No person, sir, is better iuforraed than yourself, bow difficult it was, at that time, to introduce a foreigner into your array, even without any condition whatever. If, however, I should be charged with having made use of illicit stratagems to gain admission into the service of the United States, I am sure the army will acquit me, and, I flatter myself, so also will the citizens of this republic in general." Steuben does not say, either on this or on any other oc- casion, what was the illicit stratagem of which he had made use. Nevertheless, is is evident that it was his assertion that he had been general in the service of the Margrave of Baden. It appears that tliis pretense formed one of the subjects of the conversation with the French ministers, and that it had been suggested by them. Politically they were right, as Steuben, had he been introduced only, as a major or colonel to Congress, would never have been able to gain that important and influential position in America, which he wanted for the introduction of his insj^ection and discipline. There was probably not a member of Congress that had ever heard of a Margraviate of Baden. The more imposing title of lieutenant general secured to Steuben the right place in the Amei-ican army. Even Franklin, who lived then in Paris, con- founded Steuben's beitig aid-de-camp to Frederick II. with the fictitious rank given to him by the French diplomacy. And in the United States, from his arrival to the present day, he is usu- ally called a Prussian lieutenant general. So much is certain, that if Steuben had been a general in Europe, his position would have been so elevated, that he would never have crossed the Atlantic. The Prince De Montbaroy introduced Steuben to the Count De Vergennes, the French minister of foreign afliiirs, who, on the 19th of August, granted hun a particular audience. "You are determined then to go to America," said the count, upon which Steuben asked if he considered the idea extravagant. LIFEOFSTEUBEN. 75 " Ou the contrary," he replied, " it is the road to fame and distinction ; but I strongly recommend you to make an agreement beforehand, and not rely too implicitly on repub- lican generosity." Whereupon Steuben remarked that he had no conditions to make with the American agents, adding, that if the republic he was going to serve was ungrateful, he expected that the King of France would not be so, and that Count Vergennes and Prince Montbarey would not allow his services to remain unrewarded. " You know very well," said Count Vergennes, " that it is impossible for us to make conditions with you. I can only say to you. Go, succeed, and you will never regret the step you have taken." The Count De St. Germain then conversed with Steuben relative to the defects of and the reforms to be introduced into the American army. Of these, the principal were strict order and economy in the diiFerent corps, and in the administration of the different departments having the regulation of the sup- plies for the army. The other points were, the establishment of a rigid inspection and regular and permanent formation of the different corps, a simplicity in the maneuvers, the abolition of all exercise of parade, and the easiest and most expeditious mode of encamping in order of battle. Having obtained from Franklin letters of introduction to General Wasliington, Samuel Adams, President Laurens, Rob- ert Morris, and other men of distinction in America, Steuben commenced arrangements for his departure. Mr, De Mon- thieu, one of the royal commissioners, gave him the clioice of two vessels, one sailing from I'Orient, the other from Mar- seilles. By the advice of the Spanish minister, Count Aranda, Steuben selected the latter, and set out for Marseilles, whence, on the 26th day of September, 1777, he set sail on board of the twenty-four gun ship " I'Heureux," the name of which, for this voyage, was altered to that of " le Flamand." Steuben's name Avas entered ou the ship's books as Frank, and under Vb LIFE or STEUBEN. this name the French ministers gave him dispatches to the Marquis De Bouilly, Governor of Martinique, in order to guard against the evil consequences of capture by the British cruisers. His suite consisted of Peter S. Duponceau, whom Steuben had engaged as secretary and interpreter ; of his aids, De I'Enfxnt, De Romanai, Des Epinieres and De Pontiere, who afterward, as a captain of horse, entered the corps of Pulasky. They wei-e joined by Beaumarchais' nephew and agent, M. De Francy, who was sent over by his imcle to settle the accounts and business relations of the latter with Congress. It is worthy of remark, that this same vessel in which Steuben embarked also conveyed to the American government large supplies of war material, purchased and shipped by M. De Beaumarchais under the assumed name of the mercantile firm of Roderique Hortalez & Co. These supplies consisted of seventeen hun- dred weight of powder, twenty-two tons of sulj^hur, fifty-two brass cannon, nineteen mortars, besides a great number of smaller field-pieces, muskets and pistols,* and formed a part of the advances which Beaumarchais made to Congress as well from his own as from the governmental means, and the value of which his heirs only paitly recovered after about sixty years' litigation. Beaumarchais at the same time advanced to Steuben his traveling expenses, which were considered by the latter as a peisonal loan. " Recall me often," writes Beaumarchais, on the 6th of De- cember, ITYS, to De Francy,f " to the memory and good cashes Baron De Steuben. I congratulate myself, from what he tells me, of having given so great an ofiicer to my friends, the free- men, and having in a certain way forced him to follow this noble career. I am in no way uneasy about the money I lent him to start with. ISTever did I make so agreeable a use of * Politisches Journal von und fiir Deutschland, IT 84. Yol. ii., p. 94. The Remembrancer, London, 1118, p. 98. f Beaumarchais et son Temps, par Louis de Lomenie. 4 vols. ; iii., p. 1T5 (English translation. London edition, by Henry S. Edward). LIFEOFSTKUHEN. V"? capital, for I have put a man of honor in his true place. I hear that he is inspector general of all the American troops. Bravo ! tell him that his glory is the interest of ray money, and that I do not doubt that on these terms he will pay me with usury." For a man of Steuben's age and habits to abandon home, kindred and pov.erful connections for a life of danger, priva- tion and uncertainty in a strange land, with whose language he was unacquainted, and whose manners and habits were dif- ferent from those in which he had lived, was a bold and haz- ardous entei'prise in which one of less energetic and deter- mined character than Steuben would scarcely have embarked with so little hesitation. He left Europe, where he had won hard-earned distinction and flime — where, if he was not opulent, he had at least a sufficient competence — to serve a country engaged in an obstinate, exhausting and hitherto un- successful war, where his prospects of professional advance- ment were by no means assured, and which offered him no in- ducements of a pecuniary or material nature. Confident in himself, urged by high and generous motives, he determined to offer his sword to a nation struggling for her rights and lib- erties. He made no conditions. He bargained for no re- ward. Military distinction and active employment were the chief objects of his ambition, the immediate motives of his conduct. CHAPTER IV. BxEtTBEX ON HIS "WAT TO AMERICA. — EeASONS WHY FRANCE ENGAGED IlIM, AND ArXEP.- ■WARD8 CONCLUDED AN Al.LIANCE WITH THE UNITED STATES. — ThE POLITICAL IM- PORTANCE AND Position of France. — Arbiter op Europe till 1763. — loNOMtNioca Peace.— England's Supremacy as a Maritime Power.— France degraded to a SECOND-RATE POWER.— ThE DISSOLUTE GOVERN.MENT OF LoUIS XV. — LOUIS XVI. ASCENDS THE TlIRONE.— WARLIKE SpiRIT AT THE CoURT.— TnE AMERICAN REVOLU- TION HAILED WITH Enthusiasm all over France. — Different Points of View op THE different CLASSES OF SOCIETY. — ThE KiNG JEALOUS OF ENGLAND. — THE COUET WANTS TO REVENGE ITSELF FOR THE DEFEATS OF THE SEVEN YeARS' WaR. — TuE ARIS- TOCP.ATIC AND MIDDLE CLASSES IMBUED WITH THE PRINCIPLES AND PUILOSOPIIY OF THE Time.— They are in Favor of the PlEpublican Cause.— Rousseau's Influencb ON THE Court Circles. — The political Importance of his " Contrat Social" IN Europe. — Alliance of European Idealism with American Realism. — The French Noblemen perceive in the American Revolution the Realization op THEIR OWN Dreams and Ideas. — Segur and Lafayette. — Duportail's Letter. — Franklin's Influence in the Declaration op War against England. — His Character by Schlosser.— A''iews and Designs of the French Cabinet at the Time of Steuben's Arrival in Paris. — France makes an Alliance with the United States after Burgoyne's Capitulation.- No direct Advantages from THIS Alliance. — But France thereby regains her Position as Arbiter or European Politics. — Important Consequences of the American War foe Europe. TTIHILE Steuben is hasteuiiig to his journey's end, and try- ' ' ing to relieve the monotony of life on ship-board by mathematical calculations, exercising his companions in shoot- ing at a mark, or reading books like the writings of the Abbe Raynal on America, we propose to consider briefly the rea- sons which impelled the French minister to engage Steuben's services for Congress, and immediately afterwards to conclude an alliance with the United States, There is perhaps scarcely an event in modern history which has been so partially judged by the American people, and therefore so distorted from its true historical connection. "We shall, therefore, endeavor to analyze the motives of this act, and to place it in its true political light. LI F K OF S T E i; B E X . 79 Frederick the Great used to say : " If I were King of France, not a single cannon could be fired in Europe without my consent," and thus demonstrated in the most convincing manner how the resources, importance and the position of Fiance in the family of European States gave her this position of arbiter. Titis supremacy was maintained from the beginning of the seventeenth century down to the Seven Years' War. The peace of Paris (1763) which deprived France of all her North American possessions — Canada in particular — put a sudden end to it. The terms of that peace were an unquestionable proof of the internal decay of the country, the impotence of the government, and the unsettled condition of the entire nation. From this time dates the decided superiority of En- gland over France as a maritime power. That nation, which by its interpretation of the terms of the jjeace of Aix-la-Cha- pelle (1748), had extended its dominion from the Canadas to the Ohio, and along the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico ; that nation which had confined the English colonies within the comparatively narrow space between the Atlantic and the Alleghany mountains ; that nation, which in the East Indies, also, had tor a long time successfully struggled for the mastery, was broken in pieces by the mistresses and favorites of Louis XV. The apathy of the government, incapable of supporting or maintaining a single element of national greatness, now, by the peace of Paris, received the public testimony of its dis- grace. France was thus reduced to the position of a second- class power. Her domestic and foreign relations reduced her iiifiuence in European i:)olitics.to nothing, and even the Bour- bon family compact, which was a sort of triumph in the poli- tics of the house and family, at last became nothing but a vain attempt to regain the lost position. In 1772, when the iirst par- tition of Poland took place, France submitted without a pro- test, without uttering a syllable of war, to an act, which, consist- ently with her traditionary policy, and the preservation of the so LIFEOFSTKUBEX. Lalance of power in Europe, she ought to have opposed with all her might. Thus at the death of Louis XV, her poKtical influence was everywhere destroyed, and new powers, which had acquired strength and size during the century — Piiissia and Russia — threatened to deprive lier of the last remnant of her attributes as leader of political and social ton. On the accession of Louis XVL to the throne, a warlike spii'it began to appear at court and in the most prominent circles of society. The humiliations of tlie last vrar excited feelings of shame, and efforts were made to collect strength and means to be em- ployed at the first opportunity to recover the lost pohtical influ- ence. The national feeling which, under Louis XV,, had sunk lov\% rose again to its proper height, and the court favored ev- ery bold and noble enterprise that flattered the popular pride. Such was tlie state of feeling in France, when the Amer- ican Revolutiou broke out. France, from one end to the other, hailed the event with the utmost joy, although for various reasons. The court rejoiced at the embarrassment of England, and regarded it as a good opportunity to avenge all the annoyances and losses which it liad been compelled to endure from England for the last eighty years. A war with the latter power, detested by all Frenchmen of every degree, might recover the lost glory of their army and navy, snatch the mastery of the seas from England, and revive the commerce of France, The king, timid and hesitating as he was, could not come to any conclusion, and in this way lost all the probable advantages which would have resulted from a sudden declaration of war. Instead of commencing hostilities in the usual manner by capturing the enemy's trad- ing vessels even before the formal declaration of war ; or in- stead of sending a fleet to America, and there, in presence of the enemy, declaring war, Louis XVI, wavered up to the last moment. In secret he sent arms and money to Amer- ica, while he publicly forbade the Revolution to be discussed in the cafes He listened to liis ministers and counselors with- LIFE OF STEUBEN. 81 out giving an opinion or a decided answer, and " deceived himself so far as to believe that his secret intrigues could not be detected, and that he could ruin his rival Avithout running the risk of a conflict with her. Such a deception could not long continue, and the English cabinet had too much penetra- tion to allow the French government thus to reap all the ad- vantages of war without incurring its dangers."* A breach took place thus with England, and war was declared. Prejudiced as Louis XVI. was in the beginning against the Americans, in his character of legitimate sover- eign, jealousy" of England finally overcame the principles of monarchical policy. The " Most Christian King" allied him- self with the rebels who were contending against his author- ity as well as that of his colleague in England, with the her- etics, for whose destruction France had formerly made such great sacrifices of blood and treasure. Simple times, when absolutism was still unaware of the solidarity of its interests, and had no combined system of action ! Even Joseph 11., whose strength did not consist in clear political conceptions, gave as his opinion concerning the alliance, that his " business was to be royalist." It was, in general, the want of experience in all colonial matters that led almost all the European governments which had transatlantic possessions into the greatest jDractical mis- takes. As the English, by acquiring Canada, destroyed the balance of povver in Xorth America, and cleared the way for the independence of their own colonies, so Charles III. of Spain, in drawing his sword in favor of the despised heretics of America, promoted the claims of his American colonies for emancipation. In this way, the very hot-houses of European absolutism, France and Spain, stirred up the fire of revolution in America, which, not long afterwards, reacted on their own countries with tlie most terrible effect. The consequences of * Memoirs of Count Segur, vol. i., p. 100. 4* b- L I F E O F S T E U B E N . the American war, liowever, very soon proved to tliera their short-sighted i-ashness, and made them more prudent in the future. When, in 1790, Louis XVI. was advised to assist Tippo Sahib against England, he most positively declined adopting the suicidal policy of encouraging rebels — a policy which Count Aranda, one of the most far-seeing statesmen of the last century, understood, even during the American war,* He had scarcely signed the peace of Paris, which declared the United States independent, when, convinced that the mutual advantages between Spain and her colonies did not depend upon their political relations, he advised the king, in a very re- markable memorial,! to give up all his American possessions, except the islands, and to erect three independent kingdoms of Mexico, Peru, and Costa Firma, for the princes of his house. In this memorial, the wise Aranda foresaw and predicted that the United States must grow to gigantic proportions, and that, in a very short time, they would threaten the Spanish colonies, first in Florida, and that the example given by the northern republic would j^roduce the most disastrous results. To return, however, to France ; all the political reasons would have failed to induce Louis XVI. and the French court to declare war with England, were it not for another power, which, availing itself of the occasion of the American Revolu- tion, for the first time, with youthful impetuosity, took part in European politics. This power was the Philosopuy of that time, which, in conti-adiction to the corruption of the mon- archy and the anomiiiies of the existing relations of Church and State, m:\de JSTati'.re the stanringfield, on the 20th at Hartford, on the 28th at L I F JE O F S T E U B E 2C. 99 Fishkill, on Thursday, the 30th, at Bethlehem, on the 2d of February at Reading, on the 4th at Manheim, and arrived on Thursday, the 5th, at York. "In the course of that journey," remarks Duponceau, " we met with few adventures. I shall relate one or two to show the spirit of the times. "We had been cautioned against putting up at a certain tavern in Worcester county, Massachusetts, not far from the frontier of Connecticut. We were told that the landlord was a bitter Tory, and that he would refuse to receive us, or, at least, treat us very ill. We determined to avoid that place if it were possible. Unfortunately, when we were at some distance from it, we were surprised by a violent snow storm ; it was in the evening, and we were compelled to take shelter in the very house we wished to avoid. We had not been misin- formed. The landlord at once said that he could not accommo- date us. He had no beds, no bread, no meat, no drink, no milk, no eggs ; all that he could ofler us was the bare walls. In vain we remonstrated and prayed, he remained inflexible. At last Baron Steuben grew impatient and flew into a violent passion. After exhausting all his store of German oaths, he called in that language to his servant to bring his pistols, which he did. Then the baron, presenthig the deadly weapons at the frightened landlord, repeated the questions that he had in vain asked before : ' Have you any bread, meat, drink, beds, etc. ?' The answers were now such as we desired ; we were accom- modated with good beds and a good supper, and our horses were properly taken care of. In the morning after our break- fast, we politely took leave of our host, who, though a Tory, did not refuse the continental money in which we liberally paid him, " Another anecdote which I now recollect, is strictly char- acteristic of the patriarchal manner of those times. As we passed through the State of Connecticut, we put up one night at a house where, for some reason that I do not remembei-, we 100 LIFE OF STEUBEX. were all obliged to sleep on the floor in the same room with the family, some on feather beds, and some on blankets ; men, women and children, had all to bundle together, as it was called. The bedding was spread all around the room, and every one took his place and went very comj^osedly to sleep. The utmost decency was observed though no fuss was made about it. There was so much innocence and simplicity in the manner in which these arrangements were prepared and made, that the idea of indelicacy did not even occur to us, and if in the morning we indulged in a smile at manners to which we were so little accustomed, nothing was said or thought to the prejudice of the morality of the good people who had enter- tained us in the best manner that they M'ere able. " A great number of inns, in towns and country, bore the sign of the King of Prussia, who was still very popular, par- ticularly among the Germans. I remember that at Manheim the baron, Avith a significant look, pointed out to me, at the tavern where we dined, a paltry engraving hung up on the wall on which was represented a Prussian knocking down a Frenchman in great style. Underneath was the following ap- propriate motto : " ' Ein Franzmann zum Preuszen wie cine Mucke.' " 'A Frenchman to a Prussian is no more than a musquito.' "The good baron appeared to enjoy that picture exceed- ingly, and so no doubt did the German landlord to whom it belonged." Steuben staid at York until the 19th of Februaiy, 1778. " The Congress of the United States," continues Duponceau, "were not at that time the illustrious body whose eloquence and wisdom, whose stern virtues and unflinching patriotism had astonished the world. Their number was reduced to about one half of what it was when independence was de- clared ; all but a few of the men of superior minds had disnp- peared from it. Their measures were feeble and vacillating, LIFE OF STEUBEN. 101 and their party feuds seemed to forebode some imi'euding ca- lamity. The enemy were in possession of our capital city ; the army we had to oppose to thera were hungry, naked and destitute of every thmg. No foreign government had yet acknowledged our independence — every thing around us was dark and gloomy. The only ray of light which appeared amidst the darkness was the capture of Burgoyne, which cheered the spirits of those Avho might otherwise have despaired of the commonwealth. But that brilliant victory had nearly pro- duced most fatal consequences. General Gates became the hero of the day. Saratoga was then what New Orleans has been since — the Avatchword of the discontented. A party Avas formed even in Congress to raise the conqueror of Bur- goyne to tlio supreme command of our armies. But the great figure of Washington stood calm and serene at his camp at Valley Forge, and struck the conspirators with awe. With the exception of a few factious chiefs, he was idolized by the army and by the nation at large. The plot was discovered, and the plan frustrated without a struggle. Without any effort or management on his part, and by the mei'e force of his character, Washington stood firm and undaunted in the midst of his enemies, and I might almost say, looked them into silence. " Such was the state of things when we arrived at York. Parties were then at their height ; but as Congress sat with closed doors, the country at large was not agitated as it would otherwise have been. There were not wanting out of doors disaffected persons, who railed at King " Cong" and the bunch of " kings" (such was the slang of the day among the Tories), but the great mass of the people was still in favor of the Revolution, and the press did not dare to utter a senti- ment inimical to it. " The fame of Baron Steuben had preceded him to York. He was welcomed and courted by all, and I well remember that General Gates in particular paid him the most assiduous 102 LIFE or STEUBE2f. court, and even invited him to make his house his home, which he prudently declined." " Please to accept my grateful thanks" — such are Steuben's vi'^ords, in a letter to John Hancock, written a day after his arrival at York* — " for all the kindness you have shown me during my stay at Boston. In this very moment I enjoy the good effects of it, having taken the liberty of quartering my- self in an apartment of your house in this town. My jour- ney has been extremely painful ; but the kind reception I have met with from Congress and General Gates on my arrival here, have made me soon forget those past inconveniences. Now, sir, I am an American, and an American for life ; your nation has become as dear to me as your cause already was. You know that my pretensions are very moderate ; I have submitted them to a committee sent to me by Congress. They seem to be satisfied, and so am I, and shall be the more so when I find the opportunity to render all the services in ray power to the United States of America. Three members of Congress have been appointed for concluding an arrangement with me to-morrow ; that will not take long, my only claims being the confidence of your general-in-chief." The committee of Congress just mentioned by Steuben, which consisted of Doctor Witherspoon, the chairman, and only person who spoke French, Messrs. Henry, of Maryland, and Thomas McKean, waited upon Steuben the day after his arrival, and demanded of him the conditions on Avhich he was inclined to serve the United States, and if he had made any stipulations with their commissioners in France ? He replied that he had made no agreement with them, nor was it his in- tention to accejDt of any rank or pay ; that he wislied to join the ai'my as volunteer, and to render such services as the com- mander-in-chief should think him capable of, adding, that he had no other fortune than a revenue of about six hundred guin«ias per annum, arising from places and posts of honor in * Steuben MS, Papers, vol. xi. L 1 F K o r S T K U IJ ]•: N . 103 Gennany, whicli he had relinquished to come to this country ; that in cons'ideration of tliis, he expected the United States would defray his necessary expenses while in their sendee ; that if, unhappily, this country should not succeed in estab- lishing their independence, or if he should not succeed in his einleavors in their service, in either of these cases he should consider the United States iis free from any obligations to- wards him ; but if, on the other hand, the United States should be fortunate enough to establish their freedom, and that if his eftbrts should be successful, in that case he should expect a full indemiiitication for the sacrifice he had made in coming over, and such marks of their liberality as the justice of the United States should dictate ; that he only required commis- sions for the officers attached to his person, namely, that of major and aid-de camp for Mr. De Romanai, that of captain of engineers for Mr. Do I'Enfant, that of captain of cavalry for Mr. De Depontiere, and the rank of captain for his secre- taiy, Mr. Duponceau ; that if these tcnns were agreeable to Congress he waited for their orders to join the army without delay."* The connnitteo applaiuled the generosity of Steuben's prop- ositions in thus risking his fortune on tliat of the United States, and made their report. The next day Congress gave him an entertainment, after which the president, Mr. Laurens, told him it was the desire of Congress that he should join the artny immediately, in conformity with the following resolu- tion : '• Whereas, Baron Steuben, a lieutenant general in foreign service, has in a most disinterested and heroic manner ottered his services to these States as a volunteer, " liesolved. That the president present the thanks of Con- gress, in behalf of these United States, to Baron Steuben, for the zeal he has shown for the cause of America, and the disin- * American State Papers, vol. "Claims." Washington, 1834, p. 11-16. 104 LIFE OF STEUBEN. terested tender lie has been pleased to make of his military talents, and intbrni him that Congress cheerfully accept of his sen-ices as a volunteer in the army of these States, and wish him to repair to General Washington's quarters as soon as convenient." " Congress received Steuben with eveiy mark of distinc- tion," says Richard Peters, in a letter dated Belmont, October 30, 1785, " and paid more particular attention to him than I had known given to any foreigner. Much pleasure was ex- pressed at the arrival of a j)erson of his military knowledge and experience, at a time when the want of discipline in our army, and the economy it produced, were severely felt and re- gretted."* Steuben set out for Valley Forge on the 19th of February, 1778, and arrived there on the 23d. " On our joiirney," says Duponceau, " we passed through Lancaster, then considered the largest inhind town in the United States. Having arrived there early in the afternoon, the baron was waited upon by Colonel Gibson and other gentlemen, who ihvited him and his family to a subscription ball to take place that evening, in honor of his arrival. Tiie baron accepted, and we accord- ingly went. There we saw assembled all the fashion and beauty of Lancaster and its vicinity. The baron was de- lighted to converse with the German girls in his native tongue. There was a handsome supper, and tlie company did not sep- arate until two o'clock the next morning." It was on this occasion that William Xorth, who after- wards was his aid-de-camp and adopted son, saw him for the first time. " His reputation had preceded him," says North, " and those who yet remember his graceful entry and manner in a ball-room, the novel splendor of his star and its accompa- nying ornaments, can easily conceive the feeUngs of his coun- trymen and of their assembled wives and daughters; they might ♦ American State Papers, vol. " Claims." Wasliingtoa, 1834, p. 13. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 105 indeed, with honest feeling, have thanked God that they had no reason to be asliamed of him." '* Upon my arrival in camp," writes Steuben, " I was again the object of more honors than I was entitled to. General Washington came several miles to meet me on the road, and accompanied me to my quarters, where I found an officer with twenty-five men as a guard of honor. When I declined this, saying that I wished to bo considered merely as a volunteer, the General answered me in the politest words, that the whole army would be gratified to stand sentinel for such vol- unteers. He introduced me to Major General Lord Stirling and several other generals. On the same day my name was given as w^atchwoi-d. The following day the army was mustered, and General Washington accompanied me to re- view it. To be brief, if Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, or the greatest field marshal of Europe, had been in my place, ho could not have been received with greater marks of honor than I was." Washington himself informed Congress, on the 27th of Feb- ruary, 1778, of Steuben's arrival, in the following words:* " Baron Steuben has arrived at camp. He appears to be much of a gentleman, and as far as I have had an opportunity of judging, a man of military knowledge, and acquainted with the world." The encampment at Valley Forge lasted till the 18th of June, 1778, and the period of its existence marks one of the most trying periods of the revolutionary w^ar. All the abuses and defects that had been dominant in the American army, reached their culmination during this time, and showed the pressing need of radical reforms. In consequence of the bad management in the commissary general's office, a famine broke out in camp, although the country was abounding with provis- ions. " Unless," writes Washington to Congress, " some great * "Washington's Writings, by Sparks. Vol. v., p . 244. 106 LIFE OF STEUBEX. and ca])ital change suddenly takes place, the army must in- evitably be reduced to one or other of these three things— to starve, dissolve, or disperse in order to obtain subsistence." On the other hand, the quarter-master's department was of as little use, as it had been long without a head, and was dependent, not on the commander-in-chief, but on Congress. On the 1st day of February, 1778, there were three thousand nine hun- dred and eighty-nine men in camp unfit for duty for want of clothing. The natural consequences of these evils were muti- nies, frequent desertions, and the prevalence of fever and sick- ness, which swept hundreds of soldiers away. Of the original fbice of about seventeen thousand men, only five thousand and twelve were at this time (February, 1778) fit for duty. Congress at last gave way to the remonstrances of the com- mander-in-chief, and appointed a committee to reside in camp during the winter, for the purpose of inquiring into the state of the army, and of proposing such reforms as seemed to it necessary. Upon its arrival, Washington laid a memorial be- fore it concerning the state of the army, the remedies for the abuses in its departments, and the steps to be taken for its fu- ture safety. Little or nothing, however, was done in answer to Washington's proposals. Congress seemed only desirous of showing its good will ; the refoi-ms proposed were but par- tially carried out, after their necessity had been demonstrated for months, and even years. Nothing, therefore, was consum- mated in the commissary's and quarter-master general's de- partment, and while an inspector general was appointed, it was for the purpose of gratifying Conway's ambition. The regulation of this important oftice was, therefore, postponed to better times ; the oflicers were not provided for, and the comfort and exigencies of the privates were neglected. At this critical period of the war it was not Congress that kept the army together ; it was not the people at large that supported and sustained their soldiers ; it was not the enthu- siasm of the masses that saved the country ; other and more LIFE OF STEUBEX. 107 powerful elements were woi-king toward the establislimeut of American independence. To tlie most prominent only ot these elements we mean to refer at this time. The lack of proportion between the basis of opei-ations and the numerical strength of the British forces is the character- istic type of the whole war, and in this essential difference may be found the chief reason for the final victory of the Americans over the EngUsh. Ten thousand square miles of an insurgent country can no more be occupied, watched over and kept by half a dozen weak divisions, than a few thousand regular troops can maintain themselves as masters of a large city like Paris or Berlin against a sudden revolutionary outbreak, how- ever badly the rebels may be equipped and disciplined. If the English from the beginning had duly appreciated their situa- tion, they would have confined themselves to the occupation ot strong places, single posts and fortified ports. Whenever they made large expeilitions into and through the country, or when- ever they tried to conquer whole provinces, they always failed, as might have been anticipated. It was the war of Cyrus against the Scythians, of the Romans against the Germans. The sud- den retreat of these undisciplined masses into the barren and distant interior, Avas their most terrible weapon, both of of- fense and defense. Moreover, the Americans were sei)arated from their aggressor by a great ocean, and had no neighbor able to harm them seriously. Thus it was that the American Revolution, which suffered from all the defects of the P]uropean revolutions, finally came out triumphant. On account of these reasons it had just time enough to organize itself. In all instances when a people has risen against its oppressors, it has to oppose loose, undisciplined, unorganized masses to a ruling power, which haS at its dis- posal the chief support of an effective resistance, a disciplined and obedient army. It is, therefore, at the beginning of the i-uvolution that the 108 LIFEOPSTEUBEX. greatest ditHciilties of tlic uprising masses exist. Tbe throw- ing ofi'the yoke is comparatively an easy afiair, but the strug- gle begins with the first battle. Even where insurgents have au- army from the outset, it is difficult to keep it together and to employ it, because every revolution supposes a certain dis- solution of the established order of things, which reacts with the most pernicious eiiect upon its creators. A revolution is doomed Avhen it has not time and ground enough to collect itself and settle. It will at once be suppressed by the united military movements of its organized enemies. Thus, at the beginning of the French Revolution, the French troops almost everywhere suffered defeat. Badly armed, badly provided for, badly drilled, all their personal heroism and the terror of the Convention were not sufficient to compensate for these defects. The Hungarian honveds (mi- litia) were driven into a precipitate flight at Schwechat, and the whole army forced back into the interior of Hungary, until, provided from tlie resources of the country, and su))plied with new arms and new ammunition, it could take its ground again and advance victoriously. The people of these countries were as self sacrificing, if not more so, than the Americans. Nevertheless, the latter alone, of all modern nations, succeeded in their struggle. If the cir- cumstances we have mentioned were the natural basis of their final triumph, they had, on the other hand, the great good luck to have a general at their head who, by his indefatigable exer- tions and his noble conduct was immeasurably the superior of all the military leaders, and who knew how to choose the j^roper persons for the proper places. Thus, for instance, he at once perceived Steuben's talent for organization. The independence of the United States would not have been realized so speedily, or with such brilliant effect, if the chief part of its achievenaeut had not been conferred upon Wash- ington. He appears a greater commander in his letters to Congress than in his military operations, in which, weak as he LIFE OF STEUBEN. 109 vras iu his means, he had to combat with enormous difficulties. Why did he not incessantly alarm the English camp ; why did he not fly to inaccessible posts wlien the enemy was preparing to attack him ; why did he not suddenly outflank the British ; why did he not appear in their rear, cut off their provisions, and intercept theu- supplies ; why did he not use his entire force with more energy and activity ? The answer to all these questions is easily given and under- stood when it is seen that Jiis soldiers were barefooted, and would almost all have run away if Washington had made fatiguing marches ; that the government for which they fought did not provide them with the necessary provisions and cloth- ing ; that often their own countrymen refused to them a mere shelter against cold and storm ; that there existed no hospitals to receive the wounded, who thus saw certain death staring them in the face ; and were thus discouraged from engaging in an enterprise in which they had to sufter much — without deriving any corresponding profit ; that these soldiers only wanted to go over to the English in order to put a stop to their miseries ; that the troops were enUsted for too short a time to be entirely trustworthy ; that iu consequence of all these defects a rigid discipline could not be enforced, and that, therefore, General Washington was bound to save as much fatigue as possible to his troops, which were almost over- whelmed with hardships and privations, in order to keep at least as many of them together as would lead the enemy to suppose that a real and eflective army existed. It is, there- fore, ajjparent that Wasliington's inactivity was the result of the unfavorable circumstances in which he found himself; but whenever it was prudent he took the oftensive, and displayed great vigor, as in the affairs of Trenton, Princeton, and Ger- mantown. This selt-control and Fabian-hke prudence is one of the most striking traits of Washington's character, lie possessed all the qualities necessary for command. A hun- dred other commanders put in the same position, and sur- 1)0 LIFEOFSTEUBEN. rounded by tliu same difficulties, would Lave lost patience and courage ; but he was a master, not in guiding the general feel- ing of the people, but to discern, follow and make the best of them. On account of this talent, Washington is justly the most popular hero of the American people. He is flesh of their flesh and blood of their blood, but of a higher order. All that has been said and written about Washington by his admirei-s, falls short, in our opinion, of a perfect appreciation of the man. It is certainly a high position to occupy the first place among men like Franklin, Jeiferson, Greene, Hamilton, Jay, and several others ; it is an histoi'ical glory — and can there l)e any greater ? — to be the soul and the expression of a great historical event ; it "is an enviable destiny enjoyed by few, to be the first in war, the first in peace, the first in the hearts of his countrymen, and to shine to succeeding genera- tions for centuries as tJie man of his country. Washington is more than all this — he is not only the hero of his people and of the new world, he is at the same time the hero of the whole world, of the entire Teutonic race, the classic expression of its will and power, of its perseverance and energy, of its contentedness and grandeur, of its dishitcrestedness and self- denial. It is a great mistake to compare Washington with a great conqueror, like Napoleon, or any other military commander of modern times, because no point of comparison really ex- ists between them. It is a contradiction in itself to place him on the same level with the monarchical statesmen and soldiers of the last century, as his views, motives and ob- jects had nothing in common with theirs. To appreciate the greatness of a man like Washington, according to the number of his victories, the extent of his conquests, and the apparent brilliancy of his exploit^. i«j-n.rfv:\f iVuw (feeply, though unconsciously, the Lati^i dogma of authority and cen- tralization has penetrated the life and notions of modern nations. Washington y^as great just because he did 7iot LIFE OF STEUBEN. Ill possess tlie qualities which constitute the greatness of other historical characters. His true position in history is on the tlireshold of the Present and the close of the era of the Reformation That grand thesis of ninety-five paragraphs, which, on the olst day of October, 1517, Luther nailed on the chapel-door of Wittenberg, finally found, after more than two centimes and a half" its synthesis when, on the 4th day of July, 1776, at the State House of Philadelphia, the young, rising repubhc of the West made its declaration of independ- ence, and established liberty of conscience in politics, of which the chosen champion was Washington. Thus Wittenberg and Pliiladelphia, Luther and Washington, are the beginning and end of the era of the Reformation. Open the book of modern history and you will find many heroes in the life of the Teutonic race Avho are not only akin to Washington, but complete his character, and who, either previous to his time or cotemporaneously with him, assisted in forcing the world into the same phase of development. In the fii"st i^lace, we meet Luther, the great German reformer, who overthrew the despotism of Rome ; there, also, we are re- minded of the taciturn and majestic forms of the two Wil- liams of Orange, who, in giving the death-blow to the gloomy rule of Spain, won undying fame for themselves. There, also, we meet the great dramatist, William Shakespeare, who illus- trated poetically the new Protestant ideas ; there, also, we meet the valiant Kmg of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus, who secured religious liberty on the battle fields of Germany ; there the sturdy Lord Protector, Ohver Cromwell, gives the first blow to the crumbling edifice of the efiete social system of England, by bringing the middle classes into pofitical exist- ence, and thus laying the foundation of her present greatness; there, that sober Scotchman, Adam Smith, the Luther of po- litical economy, breaks down the old feudal system, and ini- tiates a new era in the commercial and industiial world ; there, finally, Emanue^ Kant, by his " categoric imperative," arouses 112 LIFE OP STEUBEN. the world from mental slumber to intellectual activity, and closes, in this point of view, the age of the Reformation, as Washington did in a political sense. All these men, although in other spheres, his predecessors and cotemporaries, are sprung from the same race, and elevated by the ame idea — the autonomy of the individual, which they made to prevail by prudence, moderation and concentration of their power on this single point. Is there any more Teutonic nature than that of Washing- ton, or any character that has exercised more perfect self-dis- cipline, or anybody who, by each act of his life, elevated and purified himself to a higher degree ; who performed his task with greater self-satisfaction, or regarded the fulfillment of his duty as a matter of course ; or who adhered more rigidly to selt-imposed limits ; or who, after many and great personal sacrifices, having reached the goal of his noble ambition, re- tired into private life with more modesty and grace ? Thus we think Washington may be considered one of the most notable and important exemplars of Teutonic genius, which is not confined to any particular land, which to-day is exploring the deserts of Africa, and to-morrow lays the tele- graphic cable between Europe and America, and which carries civilization into the wilderness, not with sound of trumpet and drum, but with the ax and the plow to last forever. CHAPTER VI. Sad Condition of the Continental Aemy. — Steuben's DEsnp.iPTioN of thtj State of Things in Valley Forge.— Hard Task for a Reformer.— The English System prevalent. — Enormous Expenses. — Percentage paid to the Co.mmissioners ; THEIR Peculation. — Steuben proposes the Contract System, which, however, IS not accepted. — Condition of the Troops.— Ebb and Flow of Men. — Inccm- PLETKNESS OP THE COMPANIES, EeGIMENTS, AND BRIGADES. — A KeGIMENT CONSISTING OF THIRTY Men, and a Company of one Corporal. — Duty of the Muster Mas- ter, AND THE Way in which it was perfou.med. — Incorrectness of such Eeturns. — The Army a Nursery for Servants.— More Commissaries and Quarter- masters THAN IN all, the xVeMIES OF EuROPE TOGETHER. — No ACCOUXTS KEPT. — Five to Eight Thousand Muskets lost in one Campaign.— The Loss of the Bayonets still greater. — Steuben's Arrange.ments saved the United States AT LEAST $100,000 A Year. — The Arms in a horrible Condition. — The Men al- most LITERALLY NaKED.— OFFICERS AT A GREAT PaRADE IN A DrESSING-GoWN.— No Discipline, no regular Formation. — Each Colonel has a System of uis own. — No Uolls kept of the Co.mpanies. — Great Abuses in granting Fur- loughs.— Officers had no Idea of their Duties. — Internal Administration of a Regiment unknown. — Infinity of Guards. — Duponceau's Sketch. — Army in "Want of Provisions, Clothes, Fodder, and Every thing. — Life at Head- quarters ; Mrs. Washington and Mrs. Greene. — Dinner given by Steuben, WHERE TORN ClOTHES WERE AN INDISPENSABLE REQUISITE. — SALAMANDERS AND Sansculottes. — Office of Inspector General. — Resolutions of Congress of December 13, 1777. — Conway*. — "I.mperium in Imperio." — Steuben temporary In- spectop.. — Directs his Attention to the Organization and Discipline of the Army. — Where to co.mmence, the Question. — Difficulty of finding an Ar- rangement, so AS not to dlsgust the Officers and Men, and in Coxfor.mity with the Genius of the People. — Greene, Laurens, and Hamilton assist him. — Steuben's Proposition for a temporary- Inspectorship approved by Washing- ton.— Steuben's Sub-Inspectors. — Model Co.mpany for.med and drilled bt Steuben himself. — Reasons why he departed from the general European Rule in drilling and exercising the Troops. — Colonels and Officers begin TO drill their Men.— Steuben gains Confidence and extends his Operations on a larger Scale. — IIis Inspectors teach the different Corps. — Fleury describes the Performance op his Duties in Wilmington. — A. Scammel ac- knowledges the good Effect op Steuben's indefatigable Efforts. — William North's Narrative op the Progress of the Troops in Consequence of Steu- ben's System op Drill. — Benjamin AValker first introduced. — Complete Suc- cess OF Steuben. A LTHOUGH the sad condition of the Continental army •^^ during that horrible winter in Valley Forge is sufficient- ly known, it vnW. be interesting to give here the testimony of an eye witness, who shared the privations of the troops, and 114 LIFEOFSTEUBKN. used his best exertions to mitigate the hardships to which they "were exposed. " The situation of affairs in general," writes Steuben, at the time of his arrival in camp,* " and of our own army at Valley Forge in particular, is too well known to need a description. ]My determiuation must have been very firm that I did not abandon ray design Avhen I saw the troops. Matters had to be remedied, but where to commence was the great difficulty. In the first place, I informed myself relative to the military administration. I found that the different branches were divided into departments. There were those of the quarter- master general, war commissary, provisions commissary, com- missary of tljo treasury, or paymaster of forage, etc., etc. But they were all bad cojiies of a bad original. That is to say, tliey had imitated the English administration, which is certainly the most imperfect in Europe. " The general asked me to give him some statements con- cerning the arrangements of the depai'tments, and their va- rious branches in the European armies. I gave them to him, and, detaiUng therein the duties of each department and of its different branches, dilated upon the functions of the quarter- masters {marechaux generaux cle logis) in jiarticular, in which branch I had served myself for a long time in the Seven Years' War. But the English system, bad as it is, had al- ready taken root. Each company and quarter master had a commission of so much per cent, on all the money he expend- ed. It was natural, therefore, that expense was not spared — that wants were discovered where there were none ; and it was also natural that the dearest articles were those that suit- ed the commissioners best. Hence the depreciation of our currency — hence the expense of so many millions " I pointed out to General Washington and several mem- bers of Congress, the advantages of the contract system. I even drew up a memorandum on the subject, which Colonel * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xi., and Sprague. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 115 Laurens translated into English, showing the way in which things were contracted for in the Prussian and French armies. But whether it was that they thought such a system impracti- cable in this country, or whether they were unable to check the torrent of expense, things remained as they were. " I directed my attention to the condition of the troojis, and I found an ample field, where disorder and confusion were supreme. As this became my principal object, I must enter into some particular details. "The effectiye strength of the army was divided into di- visions, commanded by major generals ; into brigades, com- manded by brigadier generals ; and into regiments, command- ed by colonels. The number of men in a regiment was fixed by Congress, as well as in a company — so many infantry, cavalry, and artillery. But the eternal ebb and flow of men engaged for three, six, and nine months, who went and came every day, rendered it imjiossible to have either a regiment or a company complete ; and the words company, regiment, bri- gade, and division, were so vague that they did not convey any idea upon which to form a calculation, either of a particu- lar corps or of the army in general. They were so unequal in their number, that it would have been impossible to execute any maneuvers. Sometimes a regiment was stronger than a brigade. I have seen a regiment consisting of thirty men, and a company of one corporal! Nothing was so difficult, and often so impossible, as to get a correct list of the state or a return of any company, regiment, or corps. As in the En- ghsh service, thei-e was a muster-master general, with a num- ber of assistants. It was the duty of this officer to ascertain and report every month the effective state of the army, for the payment of the men and officers. This operation took place as follows : each captam made a roll of his company, whether absent or present, after which he made oath before a superior officer that this return was correct, ' to the best of his knowl- edge and belief.' The muster-master counted the men present, 116 LIFE OF STEUBEN. and the absent were marked by him for their pay upon the oath of the captain. I am very far from supposing that an officer would voluntarily commit a fraud, but let us examine the state of the companies, and we shall see the correctness of such returns. " The company had twelve men present ; absent, one man as valet to the commissary, two hundred miles distant from the army, for eighteen months ; one man valet to a quarter- master attached to the army of the north, for twelve months ; four in the different hospitals for so many months; two as drivers of carriages ; and so many more as bakers, blacksmiths, carpenters, even as coal-porters, for years togethei-, although the greater number were only engaged for nine months at the outset. But a man once on the roll of a company, remained there everlastingly, as forming part of the eifective strength, excejDt in case of death or desertion, under the very eyes of the captain. " According to these rolls, the strength of the army for pay and provisions was calculated. The regimental returns furnished to the adjutant general every week, for the informa- tion of the general-in-chief, as to the strength of the army, were not ranch more exact. I am sure that, at that time, a general would have thought himself lucky to find a third of the men ready for action wdiom he found on paper. " The soldiers were scattered about in every direction. The army was looked upon as a nursery for servants, and every one deemed it his right to have a valet ; several thousand sol- diers were employed in this way. We had more commissa- ries and quarter-masters at that time than all the armies of Europe together ; the most modest had only one servant, but others had two and even three. If the cajitains and colonels could give no account of their men, they could give still less an account of their arms, accouterments, clothing, ammuni- tion, camp equipage, etc. Xobody kept an account but the commissaries, who furnished all the articles. A company, LIFE OF STEUBEIT. 117 which consisted, in May, of fifty men, was armed, clothed and equipped in June. It then consisted of thirty men ; in July it received thirty recruits, who were to be clothed, armed and equipped ; and not only the clothes, but tlie arms were car- ried off by those who had completed their time of service. General Knox assured me that, previous to the establish- ment of my department, there never was a campaign in which the military magazines did not furnish from five thousand to eight thousand muskets* to replace those which were lost in the way I have described above. The loss of bayonets was still greatei*. The American soldier, never having used this arm, had no faith in it, and never used it but to roast his beef- steak, and indeed often left it at home. This is not astonish- ing when it is considered that the majority of the States en- gaged their soldiers for from six to nine months. Each man who went away took his musket with him, and his successor received another from the public store. No captain kej^t a book. Accounts were never furnished nor required. As our army is, thank God, little subject to desertion, I venture to say that during an entire campaign there have not been twenty muskets lost since my system came into force. It was the same with the pouches and other accouterments, and I do not believe that I exaggerate when I state that my arrangements have saved the United States at least eight hundred thousand French livres a year. "The arms at Valley Forge were in a horrible condition, covered with rust, half of them without bayonets, many from which a single sliot could not be fired. The pouches were quite as bad as the arms. A great many of the men had tin boxes instead of pouches, others had cow-horns ; and muskets, carbines, fowling-pieces, and rifles were to be seen in the same company. *' The description of the dress is most easily given. The * The price of a musket was fixed, in the regulations of 1119, at sixteen dollars without bayonet, and eighteen dollars with bayonet. 118 LIFE OF STEUBEN. men were literally naked, some of tliem in the fullest extent of the word. The officers who had coats, had them of every color and make. I saw officers, at a grand parade at Valley Foige, mounting guard in a sort of dressing-gown, made of an old blanket or woolen bed-cover. With regard to their military discipline, I may safely say no such thing existed. In the first place there was no regular formation. A so-called regiment was formed of three j^latoons, another of five, eight, nine, and the Canadian regiment of twenty-one. The forma- tion of the regiments was as varied as their mode of drill, which only consisted of the manual exercise. Each colonel had a system of his own, the one according to the English, the other according to the Prussian or French style. There was only one thing in which they were nniform, and that was, the way of marching in the maneuvers and on the line of march. They all adopted the mode of marching in files used by the Indians. Mr. De Conway had introduced platoons and many other things ; but as he was not liked, they had allowed all his instructions to flill into disuse, so that I scarcely found a trace of them. It is also necessary to remark, that the changing the men, the reductions and continual incorporations deprived the corps and regiments of all consistence. There was another evW still more subversive of order in an army : the captains and colonels did not consider their companies and regiments as corps confided to them by the United States for the care of the men as well as the preservation of order and discipUne. The greater part of the captains had no roll of their companies, and had no idea how many men they had un- der their orders. When I asked a colonel the strength of his regiment, the usual reply was, ' something between two and three hundred men.' The colonels, and often the captains, granted leave of absence as they thought proper, and not only that, but permissions to retire from the service. The officers were not accustomed to remain with the troops when the army was in camp ; they lived in houses, often several miles LIFE OF STEUBEN. 119 distant. In winter quarters they nearly all went home, and there were often not more than four officers with a regiment. In the campaign of 1779, I found a Massachusetts regiment commanded by a lieutenant. The idea they had of their duty was, that the officers had only to mount guard and put them- selves at tlie head of their regiment or company when they were going into action. "The internal administration of a regiment and a com- pany was a thing completely unknown. The quarter-master received arms, ammunition and camp equipage, for an entire brigade. Tiie clothing and provisions wei"e distributed in the same way by l)rigades. A captain who did not know the number of men in his company, could not know the number of the rations and other articles necessary for it. There were absolutely no regulations for the service of the camp and of the guards. Each colonel encamped his regiment according to his fancy. There were guards and pickets, and sometimes too many ; but the officers did not know their duty, and in many instances did not imderstand the object of the guard. An infinity of internal guards for the commissaries of for- age and piovisions, and for the quarter-master, weakened the strength of the army, the more so, because these guards were never relieved, and remained from one year to another. Their arms were lost, and they were all the servants of the commis- sary, who often granted them leave not only for six months, but without limitation. It would be an endless task to enu- merate the abuses which nearly ruined the army. The above is a general view of the situation of the American army as I found it at Valley Forge in the month of February, 1778." Duponceau's sketch of the state of affiiirs at Valley Forge gives more the domestic than the military aspect of things, and may therefore, with good reason, form the supplement to Steuben's characteristic sketch. "We dined," says he, "tNvice or thrice a week with Gen- eral Washington. We visited him also in the evening, when 120 LIFE OF STEUBEN". Mrs. Washington was at head-quarters. We were in a man- ner domesticated in the family. As to the situation of our army, suffice it to say that we were in want of jsrovisions, of clothing, of fodder for oui- horses, in short, of every thing. I remember seeing the soldiers ])opping their heads out of their miserable huts, and calling out, in an under tone, ' No bread, no soldier!' Their condition was truly pitiful, and 'their courage and their perseverance is beyond all praise.' We, W'ho lived in good quarters, did not feel the misery of the times so much as the common soldiers and the subaltern offi- cers ; yet, we had more than once to share our rations with the sentry at our door. We put the best face we could upon the matter. Once, with the baron's permission, his aids invit- ed a number of young officers to dine at our quarters, on con- dition that none should be admitted that had on a whole pair of breeches. This was of course understood as pars pro toto ; but torn clothes were an indis^Densable requisite for admission, and in this the guests were very sure not to fail. The dinner took place. The guests clubbed their rations, and we feasted surap- tously on tougli beefsteak and potatoes, with hickory nuts for our dessert. Instead of wiue we had some kind of spirits, with which we made ' salamanders,' that is to say, after fill- ing our glasses, we set the liquor on fire and drank it up, flame and all. Such a set of ragged, and, at the same time, merry fellows, were never brought together. The bai-on loved to speak of that dinner, and of his ' sansculottes,' as he called us. Thus this denomination was first invented in America and applied to the brave oflicers and soldiers of our revolu- tionary army. " In the midst of all our distress there were some bright sides of the picture, which Valley Forge exhibited at that time. Mrs. Washington had the courage to follow her husband to that dismal abode, and other ladies also graced the scene. Among them was the lady of General Greene, a handsome, el- egant and accomplished woman. Her dwelling was the resort LIFE OF STEUEEX. 121 of foreign officers, because slie spoke the French language and was well versed in French literature. They often met at each other's quarters, and sometimes at General Washing- ton's, where the evening was spent in conversation over a cup of tea or coifee. There wei-e no levees or formal soirees, no dancing and playing, or amusenients of any kind,X2xcept sing- ing. Every gentleman or lady who could sing was called " upon in turn for a song." Two months before Steuben arrived in camp, the office of inspector general had been created, in conformity with the propositions and wishes of General Conway. Congress, in their session of December 13, 1777, resolved,'-"^ "That it is essential to the promotion of discipline in the American army, and to the reformation of the various abuses which prevail in the diffisrent departments, that an appoint- ment be made of inspector general, agreeable to the practice of the best disciplined European armies ; that this aj^point- ment be conferred on experienced and vigilant general offi- cers, who are acquainted with whatever relates to the general economy, maneuvers and discipline of a well regulated army." The duties of these officers, or rather of this officer, as Conway alone was elected for this office, were shaped after the model of the French army, and consisted in instructing, maneuvering and reviewing the troops, in preparing and transmitting to Congress the necessary returns of clothing, accoutrements, payment of the men and of the casualties. This plan, like that of creating the office of commissary general, Vv^as proposed in direct opposition to the opinion of the commander-in-chief. " It created," to use Judge John Marshall's words, "an Imperlum m imjjerio ;''"' it made the inspector only accountable to, and removable by, Congress, and at the same time independent of the commander-in chief " It conferred powers," as Alexander Hamilton justly * Journal of Congress, iii., 1717, pp. 574 and 575. 6 A22 LIPEOFSTJiUBEJSr. remarked, " which could not fail to produce universal op- position in the army, and by making the previous concur- rence of the board of war requisite to the introduction of every regulation which might be found necessary, opened a continual source of delay, which was calculated to defeat the usefulness of the institution." Conway expected to use it as an eifectual though indirect means of attack in his notorious cabal against the conimandei-- in-chief, whom he did not dare to assail directly. The worth- less intriguer, however, never exercised the duties of his office. After his cabal against Washington had exploded, he retired from the army, where his promotion to the rank of major general had caused great dissatisfliction, and resigned bis commission about the end of April. Thus, the whole plan never went into operation, and existed only on paper when Steuben joined the array at Valley Forge. Washington knew but too well, by the experience of the last campaigns, that a well-organized inspectorship was the best remedy against the principal defects and irregularities or the army, and was at the same time aware that Congress, af- ter having appointed Conway to the office of inspector general, could not but agree with his wishes of a permanent and effi- cient establishment of this important bi-anch of military disci- pline. Steuben arrived, therefore, very opportunely at the camj). Offering his services as a volunteer, ho could give no ■!imbrago to the native officers by claiming a rank equal or superior to them, and having been trained in the best war school of his time, and strongly recommended by competent fudges and impartial friends, he was just the man whom the commander-in-chief wanted, as the American officers were almost entirely ignorant of military tactics. Steuben most cheerfully accepted the offer' of a temporary ins])ectorship which Washington made to him, and commenced the disci- pline and exercise of the trooj)S early in March, 1778. "I found it useless," so he coutinui^'s in the above-quoted LIFE OF STEUBEX. 123 memorial, " to trouble myself about the many things which I could not remedy, I dii-ected my attention to the organiza- tion and discipline of the army. To establish the inspection on the same footing as in France and Prussia would not have answered the purpose. In these services the inspector general reviews the troops at the beginning and end of a camjjuign ; he examines the state of the men, their arms and accoutcr- ments ; exercises and maneuvers them ; sees that they adhere to the prescribed regulations ; that they follow the system laid down by the minister at war, to whom he makes his reports, and recommends for promotion, pardon, and reward. " I found here neither rules, nor regulations, nor system, nor minister at war, nor pardon, nor reward. The inspector general in Prussia and France has nothing whatever to do with tlie money department ; here it was necessary that he or some one else should take charge of it. This mysterious department was a mere farce. The war commissary in France examines the books and accounts of the different regiments and coraj^a- nies ; here, there were no books and no accounts, and conse- quently no one to examine them. "All this required an immediate remedy. But how to commence, was the question. " General Conway followed the routine of the inspectors in France, but that did not answer the purpose. It was, therefore, essential to create a department, under some name or other, to organize it so as to rectify the abuses, fuund some simple but firm system, and put it into execution at once. I found a committee of Congress in camp concerting with the commander-in-chief for regulating several matters connected with the army, such as fixing the number of regiments and companies, which was one of the most essential things to be determined. Congress approved of their resolution on that head, but the means for j^utting it into execution were yet wanting. There was no established system of maneuvers, no settled regulations for discipline and good order, and no uni- 124 LIFE OF STEUBEX. formity in the service. General Wasliington proposed to me to sketch out a plan for establishing an inspection in order to introduce system and uniformity into all these matters, I sketched a variety of different plans, but it was exceedingly difficult to find an arrangement likely to succeed so as not to disgust the officers belonging to so many different States, and to form a plan in conformity with the spirit of the nation, and with the prejudices, however well or ill founded they might be, against foreigners. I was often obliged to abandon ideas I liad formed ; I was in want of information and advice, and I was fortunate enough to find a few officers of merit, who gave me every satisfaction ; they were General Greene, Colonel Laurens, and Colonel Hamilton. Having drawn out my last plan, I communicated it to these three officers, and made the altera- tions they deemed advisable, before I presented it to the com- mander-in-chief. Time was precious, and I worked day and night. I finally proposed that an inspector general ought to be appointed at once who should establish a uniform system for forming the troops ; for exercising and maneuvering them ; for their duties in camp and on the march ; and for the duties of guards, pickets and sentries. He should also define and point out the ro- ductions, they would all have detested me. I therefore pre- ferred to pay no special attention to this subject until I had won their confidence. It was not so with regard to maneu- vers. They had not meddled with them. Fortunately there was not a single good English book that contained the rules of tactics. " To follow the thread of my operations, I had my com- pany of guards exactly as I wished them to be. They were well dressed, their arms clean and in good order, and tlieir general appearance quite respectable. " I paraded them in presence of all the officers of the ai'my, and gave them an opportunity of exhibiting all they knew. They formed in column ; deployed ; attacked with the bayo- net ; changed front, etc., etc. It afforded a new and agreea- ble sight for the young officers and soldiers. Having gained my point, I disjsersed my aj)OStles, the inspectors, and my new doctrine was eagerly embraced. I lost no time in extending my operations on a large scale. I applied my system to bat- talions, afterward to biigades, and in less than three weeks I executed maneuvers with an entu-e division in presence of the commander-in-chief." Steuben's statements are corroborated by the testimony of some eye witnesses, which furnishes additional proof of the manner in which he went to work. Lieutenant Colonel L. Fleury, who acted as sub-inspector of the Maryland brigade and executed strictly Steuben's or- ders, describes his duties and those of his troops, in a letter dated Wilmington, April 5th, 1778, as follows :* " At six o'clock in the morning the division is ordered to general parade, and the soldiers in squads of always eight, are drilled in ordinary marching. A non-commissioned officer marches at their right, a little in advance, to give the time and the step, and he drills them m marching with and without * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. i. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 129 music or drums. This drill lasts two hours. At nine o'clock is the parade ; the soldiers are then taught the few movements in which they are to be instructed after the use of arms. At noon particular instruction is given to the non-commissioned officers. At three o'clock, drilling in divisions as in the morn- ing ; at six o'clock, p. m., meeting of the adj utants in my quar- ters for instruction in theoretic maneuvering and the empha- sis to be used in giving the word of command." " Baron Steuben," says A. Scammel, in a letter dated Val- ley Forge, April 8th, 17/8, to General John Sullivan,* "sets us a truly noble example. He has undertaken the discipline of the army, and shows himself to be a perfect master of it, not only in the grand maneuvers, but in the most minute details. To see a gentleman, dignified with a lieutenant gen- eral's commission fi'om the gi-eat Prussian monarch, conde- scend, with a grace peculiar to himself, to take under his direc- tion a squad of ten or twelve men in the capacity of drill-s.M-- geant, commands the admiration of both officers and men, and causes them to improve exceedingly fast under his instruc- tions." The most interesting narrative of the energy employed by Steuben, and the success of his system, is given by his favor- ite aid-de camp and intimate friend, "William North, who was with him from the beginning. He says in his biographical sketch : " Certainly it was a brave attempt ! Without understand- ing a word of the English language, to think of bringing men, born free, and joined together to preserve their freedom, into strict subjection, ; to obey without a word, a look, the man- dates of a master ! that master once their equal, or possibly beneath them, in whatever might become a man ! It was a brave attempt, which nothing but virtue, or high-raised hopes of glory, could have supported. At the first parade, the * I am obliged to Thomas C. Amory, jr., Esq., the biographer of General Sullivan, for the kind communication of this interesting letter. 6* 130 L I F E O F S T E IT r. E N . troops neither undurstaiKlino; the command, nor how to follow in a changement to which they had not been accustomed, even with the instructor at their head, were getting fast into con- fusion. At this moment, Captain B. Walker, then of the second New York regiment, advanced from his platoon, and offered his assistance to ti-anslate the orders and interpret to the troops. ' If,' said the baron, ' I had seen an angel from heaven, I should not have more rejoiced.' The officers in the array who spoke English and French fluently were indeed very few in number — how few were so capable of giving as- sistance to the baron in the formation of his system. Walker became from that moment his aid-de-camp, and remained to the end of the baron's life his deai- and most worthy friend. From the commencement of instruction, no time, no pains, no fatigue were thought too great, in pursuit of this great object. Through the whole of each campaign, when troops were to maneuver, and that was almost every day, the baron rose at three o'clock ; while his servant dressed his hair, he smoked a single pipe and drank one cup of coffee, was on horseback at sunrise, and with, or without his suite, galloped to the parade. There was no waiting for a tardy aid-de-camp, and those who followed wished they had not slept. Xor was there need of chiding ; when duty was neglected, or military etiquette in- fringed, the baron's look was quite sufficient. It was a ques- tion, Avhy, in the first instance, our troops had been put to the performance of the great maneuvers. I beg pardon for call- ing them great, but they were great to us, for we were igno- rant. Bland's exercise and Symmes's military guide were al- most the only poor and scanty sources from which we drew. To the question, it was answered that in fact there was no time to spare in learning the minutise — the troops must be prepared for instant combat ; that on a field of battle, how to display or fold a column, or to change a front, was of the first conse- quence ; that the business was to give the troops a relish for their trade, a confidence in their skill in the performance of LIFE OF STEUBEN. 131 cx)mplicatecl evolutions ; that, oven if time permitted, the offi- cers, copying the bad example set them by the British, of re- ferring all instruction to the sergeants, would feel themselves degraded in attending to an awkward squad. ' But the time will come,' said he, ' when a better mode of thinking will pre- vail; then we will attend to the a b c of the profession.' This prophecy was amply fulfilled. A year or two afterwards the baron said to me, ' Do you see there, sir, your colonel in- structmg that recruit ? I thank God for that !' " * Things were progressing as well as possible. Steuben en- joyed the confidence of both officers and men, and every thing he proposed was executed with as much precision as if it were an order from the commander-in-chief Although he was only a volunteer, without any specific rank in the army, he had greater power and authority than any general could boast of * Page 3 of " A Biographical Sketch of the Life of Baron Steuben, Inter- spersed with a Variety of Anecdotes and Historical Facts Relating to the Rev- olutionary "War." The author of this higlily valuable pamphlet, of fourteen pages, is General "William North, Steuben's aid-dc-camp. Thacher and Bowen have amply quoted from it. Tliere are very few copies of the pamphlet now in existence ; we have, therefore, thought it expedient to make copious ex- tracts from its pages. CHAPTER YII. Steuben commexces Maneuvekixg of the Troops. — Washington appreciates the I.MPOETANCE OF THF. InSPECTOHSUIP.— GENERAL ORDERS ACKNOWLEDGING THE RE- SULTS OF HIS Exertions. — AVasuington's Letter of the SOth op April, 177S, ABOUT THE Office of Inspector General, and Steuben's Merits. — Steuben ap- pointed Major General and Inspector General. — The News of the French Alliance reachf.s the Camp. — Univep^al Joy. — Sanguine Hopes for the Fu- ture.—People RELAX their ExERTIONS.— StEUBEN APPREHENDS A SPEEDY PeACE. — Interesting Correspondence with Henry Laurens. — Celebration of the French Alliance by Steuben's grand Maneuver. — Gener.al Op.der of the 7th OF May thanks Steuben for his Activity. — IIis Appointment the Signal for a Cabal. — Steuben's Authority and Functions curtailed. — Bad Effects of this Jealousy.— Letter of Alexander Hamilton to William Duer, illustrating THIS Feeling. — Steuben continues to perform his Duties. — His Letter to the Board of War, explaining his Ideas about the Inspectorship.— The Board of War adopts Steuben's Views, and lays a Plan before Congress, which is >"ot APPROVED. — The Intelligence of the French Treaty highly encouraging to the Army.— Council of War. — Self-Confidence of the Ar.my. — Good Conse- quences OF Steuben's Discipline, Order, and general I.mpeovements. — Cote.m- porary Witnesses. — Gordon and Page. — Sir William Napier. — Evacuation of Philadelphia by the Bbitisil — Their March through New Jersey. — Steuben GOES TO York to get the Duties of his Office settled by Congress. — Washing- ton's Lettfji and te.mporary Orders of the 15tu of June, 177S.— Inspector General degraded to a Drill-Sergeant. — Steuben's Letter Of the IStii of June. — Congress postpones the Settlement of the Matter. — Bad Policy of this Indecision. npHE commander-in-chief also very soon perceived and ap- -*- preciated the enormous advantage which the army derived from the labors of its temporary inspector, and fully sensible of the value of his services, interposed his authority on Steu ben's behalf, and used all his influence to advance the object at which the latter aimed. Steuben commenced his military instructions on a larger scale on the 24th of March, ] 778, with the elementary maneuvers of the troops. He exercised them in the morning and afternoon, dining an entire mouth, at the end of which they were able, on the 29th of April, to pLMtbrm the grand maneuvers. \Ye need not to enter into the details of these instructions, as LIFE OF STEUBEN. 133 they correspond with the regulations for the order and disci- pline of the army, laid down a year afterwards, and as we shall allude to the latter in a subsequent chapter. Washington's orders show the importance which he at- tached to Steuben's office, while they are, at the same time, the official acknowledgment of the good consequences which his labors produced. We quote here a few which illustrate Steu- ben's efficiency and the progress of his system :* "Valley Forge, March 28th, 1778. "On Sunday, the 29th of March, at ten o'clock in the forenoon, all the brigade inspectors, with the officers and non- commissioned officers, who are to mount guard on Monday, will attend at head-quarters, where the inspector general will instruct them in Avhat is to be done the next day. " The Baron Steuben, a lieutenant general in foreign ser- vice, and a gentleman of great military experience, having obligingly undeilaken the exercise of inspector general in the army, the commander-in-chief, till the pleasure of Congress shall be known, desires he may be respected as such ; and hopes and expects that all officers, of whatever rank in it, will affi)rd him every aid in their power in the execution of his office. Lieutenant Colonels Davies, Brooks and Barber, and Mr. Ternant, are appointed to act as sub-inspectors ; the three former retaining their rank and order in the line. " The importance of establishing an uniform system of useful maneuvers, and regularity of discipline, must be obvi- ous ; the deficiency of our army in those respects must be equally so ; but the time we probably shall have to introduce the necessary reformation is short. With the most active ex- ertions, therefoi-e, of officers of every class, it may be possi- ble to effiict all the improvement that may be essential to suc- cess in the ensuing campaign. Ai'guments surely need not be * Revolutionary Orders of General Washington, from 1778 to 1782. Se- lected from John Whiting's manuscripts by Henry Whiting, Lieutenant Col- onel United States Army, New York and London, 1841:. 134 LIFE OF STEUl? EX. multiplied to kindle the zeal of officei-s in a matter of such great moment to their own homes, the advancement of the service, and the prosperity of our arras." "April 19, 1778. "The sub-inspectors will each superintend the discipline of each brigade, according to the following division, viz., Mr. Ternant, Woodford's, Scott's and Mcintosh's; Lieutenant- Colonel Brooks, First and Second Pennsylvania, Poor's and Glover's; Lieutenant Colonel Davies, Larned's, Patterson's, Weedon's and Muhlenberg's; Lieutenant Colonel Barber, Maxwell's, late Conway's, Huntington's and Varnum's." "April 21, 1778. " The colonels and commanding officers of regiments are to make it an invariable rule to review their respective regiments once a week, look into the state and condition of the men's arms, accouterments and clothes, and know precisely the state of them, and where every man is. "Tlie brigadiers and commanding officers of brigades are to do the same in their respective brigades, at least once a fort- night. In a word, it is expected from both that every care and attention will be paid to keejj their men together, and the arms and accouterments belonging to them in good order. "This is also to be considered as a standing ordei", but not to supersede the daily inspection by subordinate officei'S, agreeably to former oi'ders." "May 4th, 1778. " The sub and brigade inspectors are to be pointedly exact hi pursuing the written instructions of the inspector general, that the strictest uniformity may be observed throughout the army. " They are not to practice one single maneuver without his direction, nor in a method diffiarent from it. Any alteration or innovation will again plunge the army into that contrariety and confusion from which it is endeavoring to emerge. LIFE or STE IT BEX. 135 "The hours of exercise will also bo exactly attended to by each biigade, for which purpose, and that no other difterence may arise on account of watches, proper attention will be paid to the order of the 1st of April last, for regulating them by that of the adjutant general. The commander-in-chief requests the brigadiers, and officers commanding brigades, to see that these orders are strictly complied w*ith, that the golden op- portunity which now presents itself for disciplining the army may be improved. And he hopes that the brigades will vie with each other in arriving at the highest pitch of excellence." On the 30th of April, 1778, about six weeks after Steuben had commenced his active duties, "Washington made the fol- lowing report to Congress :* "The extensive ill consecpiences arising from a want of uniformity in discipline and maneuvers throughout the army, have long occasioned me to wish for the establishment of a Avell-organized inspectorship, and the concurrence of Congress in the same views has induced me to set on foot a temporary institution, which, from the success that has hitherto attended it, gives me the most flattering expectations, and will, I hope, obtain their approbation. "Baron Steuben's length of service in the tirst military school in Europe, and his former rank, pointed him out as a person peculiarly qualified to be at the head of this dejxart- nient. This appeared the least exceptionable way of intro- ducing him into the army, and one that would give him the most ready opportunity of displaying his talent. I therefore proposed to him to undertake the office of inspector general, which he agreed to with the greatest cheerfulness, and has Ijerformed the duties of it with a zeal and intelligence equal to our wishes. He has two ranks of inspectors under him ; the lowest are officers charged with the inspection of brigades, with the title of bi-igade inspectors; the others superintend * Washington's "Writings, by J. Sparks, v., 347. 136 LIFE OF STEUBEN. several of these. Tliey have written instructions relative to their several functions, and the maneuvers they are to practice are illustrated by a company, which the baron has taken to train himself. The brigade inspectors were chosen by the brigadier and commanding officers of regiments in each bri- gade. The inspectors are Lieutenant Colonels Barber, of Jersey, Brooks, of Massachusetts, Davies, of Virginia, and Mr. Tern ant, a French gentleman. "Upon the arrival of Lieutenant Colonel Fleury in the camp, as he was unemployed and. had exercised the office of aid major in France, the baron proposed to have him em ployed as an inspector, in which I readily acquiesced, as Con- gress had given him the rank and -paj of lieutenant colonel. " I should do injustice, if I were to be longer silent with regard to the merits of Baron Steuben. His knowledge of his profession, added to the zeal which he has displayed since he began upon the functions of his office, leads me to consider him as an acquisition to the service, and to recommend him to the attention of Congress. His expectations with respect to rank extend to that of major general. His finances, he in- genuously confesses, will not admit of his servhig without the incidental emoluments, and Congress, I presume, from his character and their own knowledge of him, will, -without dif- ficulty, gratify him in these particulars. " The baron is sensible that our situation requires a few va- riations, in the duties of his office, from the general practice in Europe, and particularly that they must be more comprehen- sive, in which, as Avell as in his instructions, he has skillfully yielded to circumstances. The success which has hitherto at- tended the plan, enables me to request, with confidence, the ratification of Congress, and is, I think, a pledge of the establishment of a well combined general system, which in- surmountable obstacles have hitherto opposed." Congress answered this letter, by the following resolution, on the 5th of May, ITTS, viz.:— LIFE OF STEUBEX. 137 "Tliat Congress approve of General Washington's plan fur the institntion of a well-organized inspectorship. That Baron Steuben be appointed to the office of inspector general, with the rank and pay of major general, his pay to commence from the time he joined the army and entered into service of the United States. That there be two ranks of inspectors under the direction of the inspector general ; the first to superintend two or more brigades, and the second to be charged with the inspection of only one brigade."* "The honor," says Steuben on the 16th of May, IVTS,! in reply, " I have lately received at your hands, has aftbrded me so much tlie greater pleasure, as it was unsolicited. The suc- cess my efforts have ah-eady met witli, adds not a little to the satisfaction I feel on this occasion. I shall endeavor to de- serve, more and more, the good opinion you have entertained of me in intrusting me with so extensive a department as the inspection of your army. Please, gentlemen, to accept ray sincere thanks for the confidence you have placed in me, and the opportunity you have afforded me of being useful to you." On the 4th of May the news of the French alliance had reached the camp. Suddenly the public distress seemed to be forgotten amidst universal joy. Dinners, toasts, songs, feux de JGie and rejoicings were general throughout the army ; satis- faction and happiness were depicted in every countenance, and everybody entertained the most sanguine hopes for the future. These dreams and hopes, however, were a little too much ahead of the embarrassment and difficulties of the pres- ent situation. Supposing that immediate peace would be the natural consequence of the French alliance, hundreds and thousands relaxed their exertions for the common good, and thus endangered the success of the R?volution. Steuben, although not belonging to this class of expectant citizens, nevertheless, to some extent, shared their expecta- * Journals of Congress (Dunlaij's edition), vol. iv., pp. 2G1 and 262. \ Steuben Mf5. Papers, vol. xi. 138 LIFE OF STEUBEX. tions in the probability of an early conclusion of peace. This is not surprising when it is remembered that he had been but a short time in America, and was, consequently, in some mea- sure, unacquainted with the full extent of the exasperated feelings which existed between Great Britain and her revo- lutionary colonies. Anxious to engage in the cause of his adopted country for its independence, and feehng his ability and desire to exert his talents and experience, he feared any inter- vention which could possibly have prevented him from using them in the service of the United States. " I congratulate you" — so he writes on the Tth of May, 1778, to Henry Laurens, then President of Congress* — "on the conclusion of a treaty of alliance with the court of France, as honorable as advantageous to both powers. I esteem ray- self extremely happy in being in America at so interesting an epoch, and feel a sensible pleasure in seeing the independence of America established on so solid a basis. I may not, per- haps, have an opportunity of drawing my sword in your cause, but no matter, be free and happy, and I shall not regret my having undertaken the voyage to offer you my services." "It is my opinion," answers H. Laurens, very justly, on the 11th of May, 1778, "that we are not to roll down a green bank and toy away the ensuing summer. There is blood, much blood in our prospect, and in all appearance, in my view, there will be opportunity and incitement to unsheath your sword. Britain will not be hummed by a stroke of policy ; she will be very angry, and if she is to fall, her fall will be glorious. We, who know her, ought to be prepared. A pow- erful army in our fields may, I should say, will, be the only means of securing an honorable peace. If we universally adopt and indulge the idea of peace, it would be presump- tuous in me to intimate to a gentleman of Baron Steuben's expeiience, what probably will be the consequence. I am * Steuben MS. Papers, vol xi. LIFE OF STEU13EX. 139 desirous of baiiisliiug from the raiiids of the people the assur- ance, even the hopes, of a peace for the present year." The general-in-chief wished that Steuben should celebrate the alliance by a great maneuver with the entire army, which went off marvelously well. Major Generals Lord Stirling commanded on the right, Lafayette on the left, and Baron De Kalb on the second line. A cannon shot announced the ad- vance of the army in five columns, which, having taken up their position on the heights, deployed and fired a feu de Joie. Washington gave a grand dinner. Before the party sat down, he handed Steuben the commission of major general and in- spector general of the army, that Congress had just sent him.* On the following day he issued the following general order : " The conunander-in chief takes great pleasure in acquaint- ing the army that its conduct yesterday afforded him the highest satisfaction. The exactness and order with which all its movements were formed, is a pleasing evidence of the prog- ress it has made in military imi>rovement, and of the perfec- tion to which it may arrive by a continuance of that laudable zeal which now so happily prevails. The general, at the same time, presents his thanks to Baron Steuben, and the gentlemen acting under him, for their exertions in the duties of their office, the good effects of which are already so apparent, and for the care, activity and propriety with which they conducted the business of yesterday." The act of May 5th, 1778, creating Steuben an American major general, and making his appointment as inspector gen- eral definite, instead of being approved of by the superior ofli- cers, was the signal for a cabal, at the head of which were thi-ee major generals (Lee, Lafayette and 31ifliin), who, being senior to him, lost nothing by his appointment, and nearly all the brigadier generals. Not suspecting any thing, Steuben con- tinued to maneuver his battalions, brigades and divisions. All of a sudden, an order was issued that major generals * Steuben MS. Papers. Sprague. 140 LIFE OF STEUBEN, should, in future, exercise their divisions themselves, and lliat brigadiers should do likewise with their brigades, but that they should not depart from tlie system laid down by the inspector genei-al. Steuben afterwards learned that the ma- jor generals complained of the too great authority of the inspector general in being able to call out the brigades ^^hen- ever and however he pleased, and other alDsurdities of a similar nature. Steuben, mortified as he was to find his operations checked when they were making such progress, concealed his annoyance as well as he could, and comiDcnsated himself by the satisfaction' he experienced in visiting the camp twice a day. He never found a major general exercising his division, nor a brigadier his brigade. Steuben referred to this time five years later in the follow- ing words:* "All the brigadier generals threatened to quit the service. I, however, in no way changed my conduct ; I continually pursued the object I had in view, and flattered nobody, even not the genei-al-in-chief The nature of my ofiice in the army obliged me to a severity to which our officers were then little accustomed, but I was equally severe towards my inferiors, and am so -still at present. And hero is my greatest triumph. The same brigadiers who opposed the inspectorship, are eager to-day to serve under my orders. These same oflicers, whom I never had flattered, honor me now with the title of friend and father. In the mili- taiy career the testimony of the inferiors is the most honor- able ; our subalterns use to be our most severe judges. The aflTection and estimation of my officers fill my heart with the greatest pride and satisfaction." This jealousy, on the part of the general officers, emana ting from their entire ignorance of the indispensable neces- sity of military order and subordination, proved, in the highest degree, detrimental to the progress of discipline. Just when things were in the best train, a sudden stop Avas * Steuben ilS. Papers, vol. xiii. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 141 put to tliem. Steuben, in the interest of the army defended his system, but thouglit it prudent to yield somewhat rather than endeavor to stem the torrent of prejudice. The bad consequences of this interruption -and curtaiUng of the in- spectorship was a greater calamity for the troops than the loss of a battle. The members of Congress, and those who participated in the suspicions of the general officers, injured their own cause by giAing way to their feelings, which is best expressed in a letter of Alexander Hamilton to "NVilliam Duer, and which, although written in June, 1778, may be inserted here as an impartial illustration of the opposition made to Steuben. " I take the liberty," says he,* " to trouble you with a few hints on a matter of some importance. Baron Steuben, who will be the bearer of this, waits on Congress to have his oflice ar- ranged u])on some decisive and permanent footing. It will not be amiss to be on your guard. The baron is a gentleman for Avhom I have a particular esteem, and whose zeal, intelligence, and success, the consequence of both, entitle him to the great- est credit. But I am apprehensive, with all his good qualities, a fondness for power and importance, natural to every man, may lead him to wish for more extensive prerogatives in his department than it will be for the good of the service to grant. I should be soriy to excite any prejudice against him on this account ; perhaps I may be mistaken in my conjecture. The caution I give will do no harm if I am right ; if I am not, it may be useful. In either case, the baron deserves to be con- sidered as a valuable man, and treated with all the deference which good policy will warrant. " On the first institution of this office, the general allowed him to exercise more ample powers than would be proper for a continuance. Tliey were necessary in the commencement, to put things in a train with a degree of disjiatch which the exigency of our affairs required ; but it has been necessary to restrain them, even earlier than was intended. The novelty * Alexander Hamilton's "Works, L, 56. 142 LIFE OF STEUBEN. of the office excited questions about its boundaries ; the ex- tent of its operations alarmed the officers of every rank for their own rights. Their jealousies and discontents Avere ris- ing to a height that threatened to overturn the whole plan. It became necessnry to apply a remedy. The general has de- lineated the functions of the inspectorship in general orders, a copy of which will be sent to Congress. The plan is good, and satisfactory to the army in general. " It may be improved, but it will be unsafe to deviate es- sentially from it. It is, of course, the general's intention that whatever regulations are adopted by him, should undergo the revision and receive the sanction of Congress ; but it is indispensable, in the present state of our army, that he should have the power, from time to time, to introduce and authorize the reformation necessary in our system. It is a work which must be done by occasional and gradual steps, and ought to be intrusted to a person on the spot, who is thoroughly ac- quainted with all our defects, and has judgment sufficient to adopt the progressive remedies they require. The plan estab- lished by Congress, on a report of the board of war when Conway was appointed, appears to me exceptionable in many respects. It makes the inspector independent of the com- mander-in-chief; confers powers which would produce univer- sal opposition in the array ; and, by making the previous con- currence of the board of war requisite to the introduction of every regulation which should be found necessary, opens such a continuous source of delay as would defeat the usefulness of the institution. Let the commander-in-chief introduce, and the legislature afterward ratify or reject, as they shall think proper. Perhaps you will not differ much from me, when I suppose that, so far as relates to the board of war, the former scheme was a freak of faction, and therefore ought to be re uounced. " There is one thing which the baron has mucli at heart, Avhich, in good policy, he can by no means be indulged in : it LIFK or STEUBEN. 143 is the power of enforcing that part of discipline Avhich we \m- derstand by subordination, or an obedience to orders. This power can only be properly lodged with the commander-in- chietj and would inflame the whole army if put into other hands. Each captain is vested with it in his company ; each colonel in his regiment ; each general in his particular com- mand ; and the commander-in-chief in the whole." It can easily be imagined that, under these circumstances, Steuben tried in vain to get the duties of his ofiice settled on a more permanent basis. It took him more than four years to convince the army and Congress of the necessity for adopting his plans. For the present, however, we have to refer to the correspondence which Steuben, in regard to this matter, had with the board of war, and which shovvs that both corres- ponding parties can not be made answerable for the delay in putting their proposals in execution. "I am sensible," writes ho, on the 27th of May, 1778,* " that my duty obliges me to submit my operations to the approbation of the board of war. This I should have already done had I not looked upon the few instructions I have given as a mere essay till it should please the honorable Congi-ess to confide in me the office of inspector general of the army. " The dispositions I have hitherto made, have been under the title of instructions. I am well aware tliat it is not the business of the inspector general to make any regulations without the approval of the board of war. These instruc- tions I presented to the coramandei'-in-chief before I put them in execution, and as they were given just as circumstances and our present situation required, it is necessary that they should be corrected and put in order, before they are submit- ted to the board of war, to be regularly established. " On my arrival at the army the commander-in-chief pro- posed that I should sketch out a plan of the duties of the office of inspector general, to introduce uniformity in the * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. i. 1-44 LIFE OF STEUBEN. service, in the exercises, maneuvers, discipline, and police of the ai-my. The regulations of the Prussian, French and En- glish armies, did not appear to me exactly adapted to the present circumstances of our army. It was, therefore, neces- sary to find out some other means of obtaining the end "we desired. I drew the subjoined plan, which, having been sub- mitted to his Excellency, was approved of, and thought worthy of being put into execution, " His Excellency did me the honor to confide the du-ectlon of it to me as a volunteer. Though it was nearly thirty years since I had had any thing to do with that department, I haz- arded the enterprise and commenced with the infantry. "I had as assistants, William Davies of the Virginia troops, Colonel Brooks of Massachusetts Bay, Colonel Barber of Xew Jersey — all officers of merit — and 3Ir. Ternant, a Fiench gen- tleman who speaks Enghsh perfectly, and who, in addition to considerable military knowledge, has the greatest zeal and activity, and being already settled in this country, may be regarded as a citizen. He has undertaken the department of inspector as a volunteer, and has not yet demanded any rank, though he has merited it by the jjains he has taken and the progress of the brigades committed to his care. Besides these four adjutants the commander-in-chief made choice of a field officer from each brigade, as inspector of the brigade. Cap- tain "Walker of the second Xew York regiment, who, besides his knowledge of the French language, possesses every quality of a good officer, Avas attached to me as an aid-de-camp. "To the assistance of these gentlemen I owe the little suc- cess I have had, and which now begins to be perceptible. " In sketching out the plan for an inspector general, I fixed upon three objects : " 1st. Xot to burthen the States Avith a number of officers for that department only, the appointment of whom would have been a great expense. " 2d. To employ as much as possible American officers in LIFE OF STEUBEX. 145 that department, on Avhose services the States could always depend, the majority of the foreigners being likely to quit the service either during or after the war. " 3d. To employ in that department officers who had al- ready acquired a reputation in the army, in Avhom the officers and soldiers would have most confidence. " The return of the Marquis De Lafayette obliged me to add one to the number of inspectors in the person of Colonel De Flcury, who requested to be employed in that department. The merits of this officer are well known to the army. He is well acquainted with the English language and has every requisite quality, so that the commander-in-chief appointed him inspector of the corps under General Smallwood, where he executed the instructions I have given liiin, with the utmost success. Tliis, gentlemen, is the footing on which the estab- lishment is at present. The short time, the situation of the army and a vaiiety of other circumstances have prevented me from making greater progress, I have hitherto confined my- self to a uniform formation of the troops (which I have regu- lated as nearly as possible in conformity with the new arrange- ment of regiments which Congress has resolved to hitroduce), to an easy marching exercise, and a few evolutions to enable the officers to form some idea of the way to conduct their corps. " We have not taught the soldiers yet, however, the ele- mentary principles, nor have I ever instructed them iu the manual exercise. Indeed, discipline is as yet scarcely touched upon. A uniformity in the service of the guards is beginning to show itself, but there has not been any review of the troops. In all these things I was obliged to submit to circumstances, which, as I before observed, have hindered me from proceeding further." Steuben says in another memorial, " I began by forming battalions of the strength of about half a regiment, according to the new arrangement, i. t., of about two hundred rank and 7 146 LIFE OF STEUBEN. 6!e, and as the strength of the regiments differed so consider- ably, I divided the brigades into battalions, according to their \ninibers, in order to make the corps nearly equal in strength. In a word, I made use of such means as I founl at hand to •effect, as far as I could, regularity in seivice, and I can say that the arrangements I made ])ro ternjyore jjroduced. a good effect." "The board," answered Richard Petei-s, by their order, on the 2d of June, 1V78,* "have had the favor of your letters and papers by Mr. Ternant, "svith-whom they have had much Hnd very satisfactory conversation on the subject of the in- spection ; but find that your orders and letters give sufficient information to show the necessity and great utility of your de- partment, from which the board pi-omise themselves, on the oublic behalf, the most perm;inent and substantial advantages. "Many of the regulations, however proj^er and wise, we perceive are only temporary, and therefore can not be inter- woven into a system. As it requires much time to perfect the arrangement in all its parts, and to establish certain rules for present as well as future government, the board desire you will proceed as you have begun, for the present, and they have diawn up a report to Congress, to give weight to your orders and plans of discipline ; and the determination of Congress thereupon will be communicated to you in its right season." Tlie plan just alluded to, and the motives which led to it3 formation, read as follows : f "The board having received sundry letters from the Baron Steuben, with accounts of his proceedings and copies of his orders and arrangements, and having conversed with Mr. Ter- nant, sent by the baron for the purpose of giving further in- formation on the subject, are happy to find that the business of the inspection has produced much reformation in the arti- cle of discipline; and as the department has experimentally- proved itself of great imijortance, the board think it well de- * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. i. f Ibid., vol. xLii. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 147 serves the immediate attention of Congress, and they have submitted the following resolutions for consideration, which are formed agreeably to the baron's and the opinion of the board, resulting from the information they have received of the matter : '"'' Hesolved^ That there be but one inspector general of the armies of the United States, " That there be an assistant inspector general in each mili- tary department of these States where an army is stationed, and Congress shall judge the appointment necessary. " That there be as many inspectors, and brigade inspectors, under the immediate orders of the inspector general, with the grand army, or in the several departments, as the inspector general and the commander-in-chief of the armies of the United States, or the commander-in-chief of the respective de- partments for the time being, shall deem necessary ; that the said inspectors shall be recommended to the commander-in- chief of the armies of the United States, or the commanders- in-chief of the several departments by the inspector general, and if approved by him and them resj^ectively, their names and duties are to be returned to the board of war, who are to report the same to Congress. These inspectors to be of the rank of lieutenant colonels or majors, and to be taken out of the line, with such exceptions with regard to foreigners having no rank in the line, as the commander-in-chief shall think proper. " That the inspector general, with the concurrence of the commander-in-chief, shall make such regulations for the dis- ciphne and police of the army, reporting the same to the board of war, as the service shall require from time to time, until a permanent system can be established for the inspection by Congress ; and all officers and soldiers in the armies of the United States are directed to pay due obedience to the orders of the inspector general and assistant inspectors general, on matters of military discipHne and poHce, signified personally or 148 LIFE OF STEUBEN. through the several inspectors and brigade inspectors, under pain of being subject to a trial by court martial, and punished according to the nature of the offense, as a court martial shall think proper, " That the inspector general shall have liberty to select six young gentlemen, natives or residents in these States, as vol- unteers, who shall be equipped at Continental expense, as light dragoons, be engaged for one year, and receive the pay and rations of ensigns. These young gentlemen are to be under the command of a skillful person, to be instructed how to take points of view, help lay out a camp, to direct the artificers in the opening the way far a column, to lead columns on a march, to reconnoiter and sketch out the routes, to carry or- ders, and such other proper service as the inspector general shall direct. "That a secretary of inspection, with the pay of a brigade major, be aj)pointed, to be nominated by the inspector gen- eral, with the approbation of General Washington, to be re- ported to Congress for the appointment. "That the inspector general be authorized to appoint a secretary to assist him in the duties of his department, who shall receive the pay, rations, and subsistence of a brigade major. "That the commander-in-chief, and the general command- ing in each separate department, appoint as many inspectors and brigade inspectors as they shall respectively judge ne- cessary, for the aid of the inspector general and assistant in- spectors general, in the execution of the duties of their offices. " That these inspectors and brigade inspectors be taken from the line, with such exceptions in favor of foreigneis as the commander-in-chief, and general commanding in each sep- arate department, shall judge proper to recommend to Con- gress, to appoint to the office of inspector or brigade in- spector. "That the inspector general draw up such instructions and LIFEOFSTKUKEN. 149 regulations as he shall jiulge necessary and expedient for ful- filling the duties of his department, and present the same to the commander-in-chief, which being approved of by him, the inspector general avIU then transmit them to the board of war, and being by them established, the inspector general is then to transmit copies of them to his assistants in separate departments, whieli assistants, in performing the duties of their office, shall scrupulously observe the instructions and regula- tions so established, and not attempt the smallest alteration, without first communicating the same to the ins2:)ector general, wliich meeting his concurrence and the approbation of the commander-in-chief, and established by the board of war, shall then be adopted." Congress, however, did not determine upon this plan, and therefore only temporary regulations could be given by the commander-in-chief. It is Steuben's great merit, and it can not be too highly appreciated, that he wisely left to time and service to fix his station, and that he did not relax his exer- tions for the benefit of the army. His disinterested course forms a striking contrast to the somewhat mean envy of his brother officers. Hundreds of others perhaps would have abated their zeal and energy for an army, the officers of which attrib- uted his actions to the lowest personal vanity and ambition. To return, however, to the camp; the intelligence of the French treaty proved higlily beneficial and encouraging to the army. On the 8th of May a cuuncil of war was convened, at which, besides Major Generals Greene, Gates, Lord Stirling, Mifflin, De Kalb, Lafayette, and Armstrong, for the first time Steuben was present, and in which they were requested by the commander-in-chief to/lecide what measures were the best to jDursue. Although it was the unanimous ojjinion of the coun- cil that it was more advisable to remain on the defensive and wait events, and not attempt any offensive operation against the enemy, yet the mere circumstance of considering the expe- diency of the offensive, shows clearly that officers and men 150 LIFE OF STEUBEN. had regained confidence iu tliemselves, and that they felt strong enough to take again the open field. It is not an idle conjecture, but a fact witnessed by impar- tial cotemporaries, that the discipline, order, and general im- provements, which Steuben introduced into the American array, contributed chiefly to that reliance in a successful issue, which they felt at the opening of the campaign. We have in this respect a highly creditable authority in Mr. Page, who in his speech, delivered on the 7th of May, 1790, before the House and in favor of Steuben's claim on the United States, mentions as one of the most conspicuous merits of Steuben's discipline, that when the Marquis De Lafayette, with a detachment un- der his command, to occupy Barrenhill on the 20th of May, 1778, was in danger of being cut off on his I'eturn to the army, and the commander-in-chief was determined to support that invaluable officer, the whole army was under arms and ready to march in less than fifteen minutes from the time the signal was first given. "The orderly manner," says W. Gordon,* " in which the Americans retreated on this occasion, and which contributed much to their escaping, is to be ascribed to the improvements made in their disciphne, owing greatly to the Baron De Steuben, the inspector general." Finally, Sir William Napier, the historian of the Peninsu- lar war, and, like Wellington, the sworn enemy of midisciplined mass fighting, in objecting to the loose guerilla warfare of the Spaniards, instances the American example, to prove that the victories of the revolutionary war were not fought by the un- disciplined militia of the first campaigns, but by the disciplined battalions of Valley Forge. The next favorable consequence of the arrival of the French treaty was the evacuation of Philadelphia by the British, which was no longer tenable, now that the Delaware was exposed to a blockade at any moment, by the arrival of a French fleet when least expected. Some weeks, however, passed, before * Ilistory of the War of Independence, vol. iii, 92. T. IFK OF STEUBKN. 151 Clinton evacuated the city, and crossing the Delaware on the 18th of June, 1778, marched through the State of New Jer- sey, in order to make the Hudson and New York the basis of the operations for the ensuing campaign. On the same day Steuben went to York, in order to get the duties and powers of his department minutely defined and settled by Congress. Washington gave him a letter to the president, and inclosed a copy of orders which were issued on the loth of June, to quiet the minds of the general officers, and to remove a spirit of jealousy which but too apparently was nsing among them. " These contain," he continues, " my ideas of the principal duties of the inspector's office, and I have reason to think are generally agreeable to the army. Whilo I am on this subject, I must do justice to the baron's intelli- gence, zeal and indefatigable industry, from which we have ex- perienced very happy effects." * These orders degraded the inspector's office to that of c drill-sergeant, and in their harmless shape were of course found satisfactory. They prescribe the following rules :t "Till the duties of the office of inspector general shall b«. defined and fixed by Congress, the commander-in-chief thhika proper to establish the following plan : "The functions of it are to comprehend the instituting the system of rules and regulations for the exercise of the troops in the matmal and maneuvers for their formation, for the pur pose of exercising on guard and on detachment, and for camp and garrison duty, by which is to be understood whatever relates to the service of guards, the ordinary routine of dutj in and the internal police of camps and garrisons, in the exe cution of which rules and regulations the inspector general and his assistants shall be employed as hereafter specified. All rules and regulations shall first be approved and authorized by the comraander-in-chicfi and either published in general orders or otherwise communicated through the adjutant general, from * Washington's Writings, vol. v,, 409. f Steuben MS. Papers, Utica. 15"? LIFE OF STEUBEN. whom the division and brigade inspectors will receive them, and communicate them to the major generals and brjgadieis, and to their respective divisions and brigades. "The major generals will exercise their respective divisions according to the rules and regulations so established ; the brig- adiers their brigades, the colonels their regiments, or in the absence of either, the officers present next in command. The division and brigade inspectors \nll assist in the execution, under the immediate orders of the major generals, brigadiers and colonels commandant. "The major generals shall make such dispositions as they think proper for grand maneuvers in their own divisions, and the brigadiers in their own biigades, conforming exactly to the general principles of maneuvers, which shall be estab- lished. "Grand maneuvers will be occasionally executed by the inspector general with particular brigades, or with detach- ments from the line, of which previous notice will be given in general orders, and of the corps which are to perform them. " The inspector general will occasionally attend the troops while exercising. His directions relative to the exercise and agreeable to the rules laid down, are to be observed by every officer of inferior rank who may command. When any new maneuver is to be introduced, it is in the first instance to be performed by the division or brigade inspector, after which the brigadier or colonel will take the command. Each division inspector shall attend his major general when he is of the day, and under his directions assist the field officers of the day in Examining whether the duty of the guards is performed accord- ing to rule. Each brigade inspector shall likewise attend his brigadier when he is of the day for the same purpose. " On the daily parade of the guards the inspector general or the sub-inspector of the day is to exercise the parade under the orders of the major general of the day. " The division and brigade ins^^ectors are immediately to LIFE OF STEUBEN. 153 furnish theii* respective major auJ brigadier generals with all the regulations which have been heretofore made." Steuben feigned not to understand the bearing of these orders, or, perhaps, he did not imagine at that time that the general officers wanted the removal of the inspector general rather than the increase of their own labor. Before setting out for York, he wrote, on the 18th of June, 1778, to Wash- ington :* "It gives me great satisfaction to see that your Excellency has taken such a wise step in my department, as to engage the general officers and field officers of regiments to take the com- mand of the troops in our daily exercise. Nothing could be more useful in the present moment. I had wished, some time ago, it might soon be the case; but, in the meanwhile, I was endoavormg, with the gentlemen under me, to make the offi- cers and soldiers a little more perfect, in order to enable the general officers to pass immediately to grand maneuvers, and save them the trouble of descending to those toilsome and fastidious details which we cheerfully encountered from the beginning for the good of the service. No pains will be spared on my part to help on the general officers, and I shall always think myself happy if I can contribute in any manner what- ever to the advancement of the American army, and prove a useful instrument in your hands. As it will take a few days for the general officers to become acquainted and famiUar wnth the instructions and principles heretofore approved of and es- tablished by your Excellency, and for the officers and soldiers to arrive to a tolerable degree of perfection in the perform- ance of the evolutions and maneuvers before practiced, I will seize this opportunity, with your Excellency's leave, to take a short journey to York, there to settle some affiiirs with my friend Mr. De Francy, and take ray leave of him before he goes to South Carolina, as Congress has not yet come to any positive determination about the department. If your Excel- * Department of MS. State Papers in Washington, vol. xxiv., p. 46. 154 LIFE or STEUBEN. lency foresees that I cau he of some use, I beg you will give me such orders and directions about the whole as you think proj^er. I must likewise beseech your Excellency to give me the satisfaction to let me know whether you are satisfied, as I am, with the officers your Excellency has appointed inspectors under me, and whether you are willing to have them continued in the exercise of that office. I will likewise propose to your Excellency the reuniting the office of brigade inspector to that of brigade major, with the denominations of brigade majors, which officers will be taken from the line of majors, and not as it was before, some being captains, others majoi-s or colonels. There is such an analogy between both offices as renders it, in my opinion, almost indispensable to join them in one office, were it but to prevent difficulties naturally arising between two officers acting in two different analogous departments, between which there is no certain line drawn. Upon these different heads I beg your Excellency's opinion and orders," Congress, however, left the matter undecided, and indefi- nitely postponed its settleme:it. This was bad polic}^ and full of bad results. The army was no longer drilled, and, conse- quently, could not be brought to that perfection which guaran- tied victory, and which, at less expense of life, blood, and money, would sooner have secured success to the American easfle. CHAPTER VITI WaSHIXGTON PUESIES THE ExEMT.— StECBKN- HASTENS TO JOIX THE MAIN ArMT.— Philadelpiua. — Filthy Condition of the City. — The German Qitaeteb. — Pora- LARITV OF THE KlN<; OF PrUSSI I. — OPERATIONS OF THE AMERICAN A RMT. — CorNCIl OF War AT Princeton. — STEruEN sent to Kecoxnoitre. — Ills Reports. — He i» WITH the left \Vin(j.— The Part he takes in the Battle of Moxmoltii.— Near- ly TAKEN Prisoner.— He collects Part of the retreating Troops of Lee.— He Places the Batteries of Li>kd Stirling, and Re-forms the Troops towards Englishtown. — Stei-iien's Account about the Duties performed by ui.m, be- fore THE Court Martial for the Trial of Lee. — Correspondence between Steubex axd Lee. — Steuben challenges Lee.— The Latter declixes.—Hamil- TON8 Opinion.- American Army marches to Wiiiteplains.— Steubex conducts Lee's Division. — Soox ordered to give up his temporary Com.mand. — Jealousy OF the Brigadier Generals.— Steuben goes to Philadelphia.— Difficulty with Colonel De La Neuville.- Steuben threatens to give in his Resigna- tion.— Washington's Opinion about the Foreign Officers in General, and Steuben in Particular.— His Letters to Governeur Morris and the Pef.si- DENT OF Congress.— The Position of ForiSign Officers in the American Akmv. — The political Spirit of the last Century more Cosmopolitan than Nation- al— The French Absolutism Arbiter of Europe. — The sta.nding Armies com posed of all Nationalities.— Nationality no Obstacle to Succf.ss.— War the REGULAR Business ok the Nobility. — The greater Part of Foreign Noblemen- A valuable Acquisition for the United States, although some bad Charac- ters among them. — The Influx op Foreigners indispensable to Success. — The Question of Nationalities subservient to the Principles of the Parties. —Nationality no Standard of a Mans Capability and Utility.— The Foreign Officers here felt very bitterly the fortuitous Circumstances of their Df.scent.— Not stated what constituted riir. precise Attributes of a For- EiGXEPw — It appeaksthat whoever was not Anglo-Saxon was a Foreigner. IMMEDIATELY after the news of the evacuation of Phila- delphia had reached the head-quarters of the army, Wash- ington quitted Valley Forge, crossed the Delaware some fifteen railes above the city at Corryel's ferry, and went in pursuit of the enemy. Steuben hastened from York to join the main army in New Jersey, and passed, on his way, through Philadelphia, which did not present, by any means, a pleasant appearance. " The first observation I made on entering Philadelphia," 1 5G M F E O F S T E r B E X . says Dnponceau, wlio nccoiiipanied Steuben,^'' " was, that the city liad been left by the British and Hessians in the most filthy condition. I joined Baron Steuben at the Slate House in Second street, the celebrated boarding house so much spoken of in Graydon's Memoirs. Such was the filth of the city that it was impossible for us to drink a comfortable dish of tea that evening. As fast as our cups were filled, myriads of flies took possession of them, and served us as the harpies did the poor Trojans in the ^neid. Some said they were Hessian flies, and various other jokes were cracked on the oc- casion, for the evacuation of the city had put us all in good spirits, and we enjoyed om-selves very well, the filtli notwith- standing. The next day a house was provided for us in New street, where we staid but a few days, being anxious to join the army. That quarter of the city was then inhabited almost entirely by Germans ; hardly any other language than the German was heard in the streets, or seen on the signs in front of the shops, so that Baron Steuben fancied himself again in his native country. A great number of the inns in town and country bore the sign of the King of Prussia, who was very popular, particularly among the Germans. We were, however, not captivated with the delights of Capua; we bade adieu to Philadelphia and all its German attractions, and joined General Washington's army in New Jersey." The commander-in-chief had sent, in the meanwhile, Max- well's brigade after the enemy, and ordered that general to cooperate with General Dickinson, of the New Jersey militia, in harassing and impeding, as much as possible, the march of the English. Lee and Wayne were soon after dispatched, each with a division for the same purpose, into Jersey, and ordered to follow the enemy closely, but to halt on the first strong ground and wait for the main army, which was advanc- * MS. Letters of Peter S. Uuponceau, vii. letter, dated Philadelphia, Juno 24, 1836. L I F E () F S T E U B E X . 1 57 ing with great celerity. Wasliington, eagerly seeking a general engagement, reached Hopewell, live miles from Princeton, on the 24th of June. Here ho held a council of war, for the pur- pose of obtaining its opinion about the best mode of attacking the British. Xo decision, however, was arrived at. Six of the generals present, under the leadership of Lee, Avere of opinion that a general engagement ought to be avoided, and not more than fifteen hundred men sent to hang on the rear of the enemy, and interfere with their operations ; the other six — and among them Steuben — were for a battle, should fa- vorable circumstances present themselves. In consequence of this diversity of opinion, Washington took his own course, and fully aware of his personal responsibility to the country and the reputation of the army, he decided to avail himself of the opportunity to give battle to the retreating British army. In execution of this plan he ordered a large detachment, first \mder Lafayette, and afterward under Leo, to reinforce the troops already close to the enemy, for the purpose of attacking their left Hank. Clinton had moved slowly from Gloucester Point, on the left bank of the Delaware, to Haddonfield and Mount Holly, and thence to Crosswicks and Allentown. From this point two roads led to Xew York, one via Brunswick and South Amboy, the other via Freehold and Sandy Hook, Washington's movements were of course dependent on the route Clinton might select. In order to ascertain the British general's design, he sent Steuben to reconnoiter, a service which demands for its efficient fulfillment the highest order of military capacity, both as a strategician and a com- mander. This selection of Steuben shows the estimation in ■which the commander in-chief held his character and abilities. On the 25th of June Steuben discovered that the enemy was directing his march from Allentown to Freehold and Sandy Hook, and having ascertained this important fact, he immediately made it known to the army. One of his dis- 158 LIFE OF STEUBEN. patches'" to Brigadier General Scott, dated Hightstown, on the 25th of June, 1778, three o'clock, p, m., reads as follows : " Sir : By intelligence already forwarded, you are, no doubt, acquainted that the enemy have certainly taken the direct road from AUentown to Monmouth court-house. I, therefore, submit to your judgment whether it would not be best to advance your corps as far as this place, and make no doubt you will communicate the intelligence you receive to the commanding officers of all our advanced corps," Clinton, however, did not reach the neighborhood of Mon- mouth court-house until the 27th of June. Steuben pursued him closely, and communicated his observations to the com- mander-in-chief in the following report :f "About two miles on the left of the Court-House, June 27th, 12. | o'clock, P. M. " Sir : We arrived here this morning, and it being the best position we can Und to observe the motions of the en- emy, have remained ; we have advanced our parties so near as to fire a pistol at their horsemen while feeding their horses. They now lay encamped, one line on the main road by the court-house, and another line extended on their left from the head of their column, which is not advanced one hundred and fifty paces beyond the court-house, having sent a man there to discover ; they have some tents pitched, and their horses are at pasture, and have not the least appearance of moving. " When we first arrived here, they had a party of infantry posted in a wood on their left and about five hundred paces in our front, from which we could discover several detach- ments to go to the adjacent houses, two of which they have burnt, viz.. Colonel Henderson's and Mr. Wickofl" 's. So soon as they move, 1 shall endeavor to discover their route, and immediately acquaint you." * "\Vasliino;ton MS. State Papers, vol. xxiv., p. 164. f Ibidem. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 159 While tlius reconnoitering, Steuben suddenly heard a rust- ling in the wood, and looking toward it, saw two of the enemy's light horse emerging. Steuben had just time to dis- charge his pistols before he turned his horse and leaped a fence, his hat falling off as he rode. After this narrow escape, he returned to the camp. The horsemen did not fire at him, but hallooed to him to stop. The two aids had gone in suc- cession nearer the British than Steuben. These, he supposed, were captured, the horsemen having passed between him and them. While making his report at head-quarters, he was surprised by the entrance of Walker and his companion, and exclaimed, " How is this ? I thought you were taken prison- ers !" " O no," said Walker, " they were intent on the high prize, and overlooked us !" " Have you brought my hat ?" " O no, baron, we had not time." After the battle, some pris- oners were brought to head-quarters, and one of them, after being examined, addressing Steuben, said, " I believe, gen- eral, I had the honor of seeing you yesterday, and thought to get a more splendid prize than your hat." " Why did you not fire ?" " You were recognized by General Knyphausen, and our orders were rather to take you, if we could do it without harming you."* On the next morning, the 28th of June, the memorable battle of Monmouth court-house was fought. It is beyond the lim'tsof our task to give a full description of the events of that sanguinary day, the particulars of which are doubtless familiar to all our readers ; but it is our duty to describe the part taken by Steuben in that battle. In all American histories, from Mar- shal down to Dawson (who gives the clearest account of the battle),! Steuben's name is scai'cely mentioned in connection with it, except for the promptness which the soldiers exhibited on that occasion, and which proved the good effects of his dis- * Verbal communicatioa of John W. Mulligan. f Battles of the United States by Sea and Land, by Henry B. Dawson. New York, Johnson, Fry & Co., 1858, vol. i., 385-411. 160 LIFE OF STEUBEN. cipliiie.* This may possibly be accounted for from the fact that he held no regular command in the line. We will, how- ever, endeavor biiefly to supply this omission. Steuben says himself, in a letter already quoted, and ad- dressed to Mr. De Frank at Hechingen, " At the battle of Monmouth I commanded on the left wing of the first line, and was fortunate enough to decide the day to our advantage." This statement is wholly consistent with the other accounts, and is corroborated by the events of the day. The commander-in-chief h,aving been informed that the British, xmder Sir Henry Clinton, were on the point of quitting their position and descending into the plain which lies between the court-house and Middletown, ordered General Lee to move forward with the advance, and attack the enemy with- out delay. At the same time the main body was put in motion towards Freehold to sustain him. The right wing was commanded by Greene, and the left by Lord Stirling. Washington was with the left wing, and Steuben was attached to his stafl". When Clinton, on his march towards Middletown, was made aware of General Lee's advance, and of the peril to vdiich the detachment under Knypliausen (the baggage train was under the convoy of this general), was exposed, he quickly saw that the only way in which he could extricate himself, was to engage the advanced corps of the Americans who menaced his rear. To effect this purpose he assumed the oiFensive, and with the divisions commanded by himself and Cornwallis, he re- pulsed the American vanguard under Lee, and drove them back in disorder. Washington came up at this critical moment, and seeing the confusion into which Lee's corps was thrown, of which he had no previous notice, saw the necessity for prompt and energetic action to check the advance of the enemy. It was absolutely necessary to restore order and collect the re- treating ti'oops, to re-form them in the rear of his first line, and * Washington In'ing's Life of Wasliington, Svo edition, iii., 430. LIFE OF STEU1JEN-. 161 thus resist the vigorous attack of Clinton and Cornwallis. On the success of this movement depended, the fortunes of tlie day. To execute a maneuver of such importance under the galUng fire of the enemy requii-ed no Httle coolness and decis- ion, and needed an ofiicer accustomed to command, and in whom the troops had imphcit confidence. This critical duty was intrusted to Steuben on the left, and to "Wayne on the right wing. The latter was directed to form his men, and hold the enemy in check. Chnton, reinforced by some of Knyphausen's troops, attacked Wayne at the par- sonage with great spirit. This was the point where the battle was the fiercest, and where \Yayne entitled himself to a high meed of praise. The British were finally repulsed, and their gallant leader, Lieutenant Colonel Monckton, killed. The choice of Steuben to collect the men on the left wing was equally fortunate. So accustomed had the soldiers be- come to his direction, and so firmly did they rely upon his guidance, that they, although severely presrsed by the enemy, Avheeled into line with as much precision as on an ordinary parade, and Avith the coolness and intrepidity of veteran troops. Alexander Hamilton was struck with this change, and was afterwards heard to say that he had never known or conceived the value of railitaiy discipline till that day."* Clinton, after his repulse, moved the main body of his army against the left of the American army under Lord Stirling, but the batteries were so well served that he was glad to re- treat. It was here that Steuben was first engaged, and from his statement before the court martial against Lee, which we quote below, we may reasonably conclude that it was he who placed some of Stirling's batteries. The enemy, after he had been driven from the left wing, moved again towards the right of the American position, but on account of Greene's energetic resistance, and the heavy fire of his artillery, commanded by the Chevalier Du * Williain North's Biographical Sketch. 162 LIFK OF STEUBEX. Plessis de Mauduit, lie was equally unsuccessful in that direc- tion. At this moment General Wayne advanced "with a body of troops, and kept up so well directed and severe a fire that the enemy was soon compelled to retire behind a defile, where the first stand was made in the beginning of the action.* After having performed his duties on the left wing, Steu- ben was ordered to re-form the troops towards Englishtown. "On the 28th of June," says he in his deposition made on the 18th of July, 1778, before the court martial for the trial of General Lee, " after having been reconnoitering, I returned from Monmouth, in order to make my report to the com- mander-in-chief, whom I found at Englishtown, Having seen that the enemy was marching, and doubting of our being able to overtake them, and having seen nothing in my way but some mihtia, which followed at some distance, I stopped at a house in Enghshtown to take some rest, where I staid about an hour and a half I afterwards continued my road to meet the commander-in-chief On my way I heard several firings of cannon, and made the greatest haste to arrive near the general, whom I found on the high ground, beginning to form the troops as they arrived. It was there that I saw General Lee's division retreating in great disorder, followed by the enemy, whose strength I conceived to be fifteen hun- dred men of infantry, and about one hundred and fifty horse, "As I was employed in placing a battery, General Lee passed by me, without our speaking to one another. About a quarter of an hour after, the commander-in-chief ordered rae to stop the retreating troops and form them toward En- glishtown, I sent some oflicers forward to stop the men, and I went there myself, accompanied by Mr, Ternant and my aides-de-camp, to form them. As I passed through English- town I found General Lee on horseback before a house. He asked me where I was going. I acquainted him with my or- ders, upon which he said to me, that he was very glad of my * Henry B. Dawson, 1. c, pai't i., 409. LIFE OF STEUBEX, 163 having taken tliat charge upon me, for he was tired out. I assembled part of General ^Maxwell's hrigade and part of Gen- eral Scott's detachment, which I formed behind the creek at Englishtown. General Maxwell was himself there. Scarce had the troops taken their position, when General Paterson arrived Avith tlirce brigades of the second line and desired to know where he was to be stationed. I placed his three brigades a little more in the rear on a high ground, and I established a battery on the right wing, in front of the second brigade of General Smallwood. The cannonade continued more or less briskly till past five o'clock. Half an hour after it had ceased, Colonel Gemat arrived and brought me the or- der from the commander-in-chief, that the enemy was retreat- ing in confusion, and that I should, therefore, bring him a reinforcement. I ordered General Maxwell to take the com- mand of the troops I had placed behind the creek, and to remain there till further orders. I then marched off with the three brigades of the second line. As I passed through En- glishtown I met again General Lee, who asked me where I was going ? I imparted him the order I had received from the general-in-chief, which I declared in the very expressions of Colonel Gemat, that the enemy Avas retreating with confusion. Upon the word 'confusion,' he took me up and said, 'that they were only resting themselves; but,' said he, afterward, 'lam sure there is some misunderstanding in your being to advance with these troops.' I told him that I had received the order from Mr. Gemat. I ordered, however, General Muh- lenberg to halt, and sent for Captain Walker, my aid de-camp, who repeated, in presence of General Lee, the order which Colonel Gemat had brought me; 'then,' said he, 'you are to march,' and I went on with the ti-oops." Having successfully executed his orders, Steuben was com- manded to proceed to the front, to pursue the advantage which the Ameiican forces had thus gained. Before this movement could be effected, night set in and put a stop to 164 LIFE OF STEUBEN. the action, which it was intended should be renewed on the next morning. This, however, did not take place, Clinton having silently withdrawn his forces during the night, and pro- ceeding, iinraolosted, to Sandy Hook, eniharked his men for New York. Steuben's evidence before the court martial, respecting the situation of the enemy and the column commanded by General Lee, induced that gentleman, in his defense, to make some remarks, of which Steuben thought it proper to ask an immediate explanation in the- following letter, dated Philadel- phia, the 2d of December, 1778 : " It has been reported to mc, sii-, that in your defense you have allowed yourself to cast indecent reflections on my ac- count. I made haste to arrive at Philadelphia to inquire into the matter, and I find the report confirmed by the journal of the court martial, which I got possession of an hour ago, and where I read the following paragraph : ' Of all the very dis- tant spectators,' etc. Were I now in my own country, where my reputation is long ago established, I should have put my- self above your epigrams and would have despised them. But, here I am a stranger. You have offended me ; I desire you will give me satisfaction. "You wUl choose the place, time and arms; but as I do not like to be a distant or slow speetatoi-, I desire to see you as near and as soon as possible. " You will explain to Captain Walker, ^ho will deliver this to you, if your present situation will permit you to bring this affair to as quick a conclusion as I wish it. I am, sir, yours," etc. "I believe," says Lee in reply, "you have misunderstood the sense of this article of my defense. Very likely the sen- tence ' very distant spectators,' has appeared to you a reflec- tion cast upon your courage. If such be your opinion, I assure you that I had not the least idea of it. I am ready to acknowl- edge it to all the gentlemen of your acquaintance, to all the LIFE OF STEUBEN". 165 world if you will. It is true that I found fault Avith your forwardness (as I took it to be) to witness against nie. I was piqued and thought myself justifiable in making use of the phrases which you have seen in print ; but, I repeat it, with- out the least intention of intimating a reflection ou your cour- age." * Steuben was satisfied with this explanation. " I have read," writes Alexander Hamilton, from head-quarters, on the 19th of December, 1778, "your letter to Lee, with pleasure. It was con- ceived in terms which the offense merited ; and if he had any feeling, must have been felt by him. Considering the point- edness and severity of your expressions, his answer was cer- tainly a very modest one, and proved that he had not a vio- lent appetite for so close a tete-a-tete as you seem disposed to insist upon. This evasion, if known to the world, would do him very little honor." "Washington marched first to BrunsAvick, and via Bergen, Paramus and Haverstraw, to the western bank of the Hudson, which he crossed at King's Ferry, whereupon he established his head-quarters at Whiteplains. On this march from Bruns- wick, as there were but few major generals, and almost the whole of the brigadiers were engaged at the court martial against Lee, either as members or as witnesses, Washington appointed Steuben to conduct Lee's division to the North river. The army arrived at Whiteplains on the 20th of July, 1778, whereupon Washington, in the general orders of the 22d, directed Steuben to give up his temporary command " and to resume his ofiice of inspector general." The commander-in-chief changed the order of battle and incorporated Lee's, respec- tively Steuben's, division in his own command. The latter went direct to Washmgton and expressed his entire dissatisfaction. The general-in-chief replied that he was sorry, but that the case was such that all the brigadier generals would throw up their * Steubeu MS. Papers. Sprague. 106 LIFE OF STEUBEN. commission, if Steuben retained his command ; and that during the entire march in Jersey the army had been commanded by foreign generals, De Kalb, Lafayette, and Steuben ; that they believed that Congress only intended his commission to be that of inspector general, giving him the nominal rank of major ■general, and that eight brigadiers having made this declara- tion, he could find no other means of quieting them. Steuben asked his leave to go to Congress, demand an explanation, and get the duties of the inspectorship settled, tlie more so as a Colonel De la Neuville, who had hitherto acted as inspector general of General Gates's army, denied any subordination to Steuben and positively refused to serve under him. He, there- fore, thought it neither satisfactory to himself nor in the in- terest of the army, to take again upon himself the responsi- bilities of the office of inspector general, before it had been positively regulated on fixed principles, and before he knew how far his authority extended. He explained his views in the following letter to the commander-in-chief, written at Wright Mills, on the 24th of July, 1778.* " I beg leave to refer you to my letter of the ISth of June, on the subject of the inspection, and to your kind answer of the 18th, in which you granted me permission to go to York, and desii-ed me to lay before Congress such a plan as would be most likely to obviate all the difficulties I was acquainted with, and comprehend all the essential duties of my office. The final determination of Congress, which appeared to me at that time highly necessary, seems at present indispensable, before I can resume, with satisfliction to myself, and benefit to the army, the functions of my office. I foresee some difficulties in the way, particularly vnth regard to the inspector appomted by Congress to General Gates's army. That gentleman de- clared to me, not long since, that ho was by no means subject to my orders or control in the exercise of his office. Tn short, as I am willing to avoid every difficulty, and to labor unnio- * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xi. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 167 lestof] foi* the good of tlie service, I beg your Excellency to postpone my entering into the office of inspector general until Congress have, after your opinions anil directions about the matter, finally pronounced." It appears, however, that fSteuben expected to be contin- ued in the post which he temporarily filled, and that he threat- ened to give in his resignation if his wishes of an actual com- mand in the line should not be granted. Washington writes, in this respect, to Governeur Morris, on the same day on which he received Steuben's letter :* " Baron Steuben, I now find, is also wanting to quit his inspectorship for a command in the line. This will be pro- ductive of much discontent to the brigadiers. In a Avord, although I think the baron an excellent officer, I do most de- voutly wish that we had not a single foreigner among us, ex- cept the Marquis De Lafayette, who acts upon very different principles from those which govern the rest." The letter of the comraander-in chief to the president of Congress is more explicit than the foregoing. " Baron Steu- ben," says he,f " will also be in Philadelphia in a day or two. The ostensible cause for his going, is to fix more certainly with Congress his duties as inspector general, which is necessary. However, I am disposed to beheve tliat the real one is to ob- tain an actual command in the line as a major general, and he may urge a competition set up by Monsieur Neuville, for the inspector's place on this side of the Hudson, and the denial by him of the baron's authority, as an argument to effect it, and for granting him the post, as a means of satisfying both. I regard and I esteem the baron as an assiduous, intelligent and experienced officer, but you may rely on it, if such is his view, and he should accomplish it, we shall have the whole line of brigadiers in confusion. They have said but little about his rank as major general, as he has not had an actual command over them ; but when we marched from Brunswick, * WasbiDgtoQ"s Writing.-:, vi., 15. '\ Ibidem, p. 19, 108 LIFEOFSTEUBEIf. as there were but few major generals, and almost the whole of the brigadiers were engaged at the court martial, either as members or witnesses, I appointed him, pro tempore, and so expressed it in orders, to conduct a wing to the North rivei*. This measure, though founded in evident necessity, and not designed to produce to the brigadiers the least possible injury, excited great uneasiness and has been the source of complaint. The truth is, we have been very unhappy in a variety of ap- pointments, and our own officers much injured. Their feel- ings, from this cause, have become extremely sensitive, and the most delicate touch gives them' pain. I write as a friend, and therefore with freedom. The baron's services in the line he occupies can be important, and the testimonials he has al- ready received are honorable. It will also be material to have the point of the inspector generalship, now in question be- tween him and Monsieur Neuville, adjusted. The appoint- ment of the latter, it is said, calls him inspector general in the army commanded by General Gates, and under this, as I am informed, he denies any subordination to the baron, and will not know him in his ' official capaciti/.'* There can be but one head." And in another letter, addressed to the president of Con- gress, which bears date of the 26th of July, 1778, Washington refers again to the same object, as follows, viz. :* " Baron Steuben Avill have the honor of delivering you this. I am extremely sorry that this gentleman's situation and views seem to have determined him to quit the service, in which he has been heretofore and is capable still of being extensively useful. Some discontents which arose among the officers, on account of the powers with which the office was at first vested, induced me to arrange the duties of it upon a plan different fi-om that on which it began. Tlie moving state of the army has, for some time past, in a great degree suspended the ex- ercise of the inspectorship. When the troops marched from * Wasbingtoii'a Writings, by Sparks, vi.. p. 20. LIFE OF STEUBEX, 169 BruIlS^\•ick, the scarcity of general officers occasioned my giv- ing the baron a temporary command of a division during the march. On our arrival near our present encampment, I in- tended ha should relinquish this charge and resume his former office, Ibr which purpose a general order was accordingly is- sued. But I find that he is entirely disinclined to the meas- ure, and resolves not to continue iu the service unless he can hold an actual command in the line. " Justice concurring with inclination constrains me to tes- tify that the baron has, in every instance, discharged the sev- ei-al trusts reposed in him with great zeal and ability, so as to give him the fullest title to my esteem as a brave, inde- fatigable, judicious and experienced officer. I regret there should be a necessity that his services should be lost to the army ; at the same time I think it my duty explicitly to obseiwe to Congress that his desire of having an actual and permanent command in the line can not be complied with without wounding the feelings of a number of officers whose rank and merits give them every claim to attention, and that the doing of it would be productive of much dissatisfaction and extensive ill consequences. This does not proceed from any personal objections on the part of those officers against the baron ; on the contrary, most of them whom I heard speak of him, express a high sense of his military worth. It proceeds from motives of another nature, which are too ob- vious to need particular explanation, or may be summed up in this, that they conceive such a step would be injurious to their essential rights and just expectations. That this would be their way of thinking upon the subject I am fully convhiced, from the effiict which the temporary command given him, even under circumstances so peculiar as those I have men- tioned, produced. The strongest symptoms of discontent ap- peared upon the occasion." Alexander Hamilton, in a letter of the 2Gth of July, 1778, to E. Boudinot, says about the same subject : 8 170 LIFE OF STEUBEN. " Baron Steuben yv'ill do me the honor to deliver you this. He waits upon Congress in a temj^er which I very much regret ■ — discontented with his situation and ahnost resolved to quit the service. You know we have all the best opinion of this gentleman's military merit, and shall, of course, consider his leaving the army as a loss to it. Whether any expedient can be adopted to reconcile difficulties and retain him in the ser- vice, at the same tune that no disgust is given to others who ought not to be disgusted, I can not certainly determine. But I should conceive it would not be impossible to find such an expedient. You have no doubt heard, while you were with the army, of the obstacles thrown in his way by many of the general officers, excited to it by Lee and Mifflin, as I believe, in the execution of the inspectorship; and you have, it is equally probable, heard of the arrangement the general was in a manner obliged to adopt to silence the clamors which existed among them, and place the inspectorate upon a footing more conform- able to their ideas. The opposition the baron met with in this case was one cause of dissatisfaction to him. In our march from Brunswick, as the baron was unemployed, and there was a great deficiency of general officers, notwithstanding the ideas of the army are against giving a command in the line to a pei'son vested with an office similar to that held by him, the general ventured to give the temporary command of a division during the march, in consequence of which the com- mand of a wing devolved upon him. This was a source of oftense to many. When we came near the Whiteplains the general thanked him, in general orders, for his services, and requested he would resume the exercise of his former office. To this, on account of the opposition he had already met with, and from the original plan for the inspectorship being mutilated, he discovered very great disinchnation, and ex- pressed a desire to preserve a command in the line, and from some conversation we have had together, I apprehend he means to resign his present appointment if lie can not have a LIFE OF STEUBEN. 171 command siiited to his rank annexed to it. You will see by the general's 'letters what are his sentiments both with respect to the duties of the inspectorship and the baron's holding a command in the line. Far be it from me to wish to contra- vene his views; you may be assured they can not be essentially departed from without very serious inconvenience. But if any thing could be done, consistent with them, to satisfy the baron, it would be extremely desirable. Perhaps the principle on which the general's arrangement is formed may be \n-e- served, and at the same time the objects of the inspectorship enlarged so as to render it a more important employments Perhaps a resolution of Congress giving the baron a right to be employed on detachments might, for the present, compen- sate for the want of a permanent command in the line, and might not be disagreeable to the officers. You can sound him on these heads. I need not caution you that this is a matter of great delicacy and importance, and that every step taken in it ought to be Avell considered."* Just at this period, when Steuben insisted upon a perma- nent commanJ, a great jealousy and animosity existed among the American officers against the promotion of foreigners, who swarmed around Congress and were full of pretensions, and often applied unfair means in order to be appointed and pro- moted. It is to be inferred that Washington lefers to them in the following extract of the above-quoted letter to Gouver- neur Morris: — " They (the foreign officers) may be divided," says ho there, " into three classes, namely, mere adventurers Ayithout 'recommendation or recommended by persons, who do not know how else to dispose of or provide for them ; men of great ambition, who would sacrifice every thing to promote their own jiersonal glory ; or mere spies, who are sent here to obtain a thorough knowledge of our situation and circum- * History of the Republic of the Uuitei States, as traced in the writings of A. Hamilton, by John C. Hamilton, New York, 1857 ; i., 488. 1'72 LIFE OF STEUBEN". Stances, in the execution of which, I am persuacled, some of them are faithfiil emissaries, as I do not believe a single mat- ter escapes unnoticed or unadvised at a foreign court." It is far more reasonable to suppose that the above ex- pressions are the result of momentary irritation on the part oi Washington, perfectly justified perhaps by the immense crowd and the often exaggerated pretensions of the foreigners, than to believe that they are his positive opinions and final judg- ment. We think, however, that the above-quoted remarks of Washington exactly express the opinions which a large portion of the American people entertain on this subject still, at the present time, and we therefore propose in this place to examine more closely the position of the foreign officers in the American army. There is no doubt that the influx of foreign adventurers was productive of considerable inconvenience, and that the nuisance was felt by all officers. But this is not the point which M'e seek to demonstrate. We desire to establish a few leading facts in order to place the relations of the foreign offi- cers to the revolutionary army in their true historical light. In the first place, the fact is generally overlooked in this country that the political spirit of the last century was much more cosmopolitan than national. States and political forms were constructed, not according to the limits or difl:ei-ences which nature intended, but thrown together or torn asunder, according to the will of the conqueror, without the least regard to descent or relationship. The French absolutism which, ever since the peace of Westphalia, had constituted itself the arbiter of the destinies of Europe, was the ruling spirit of the eighteenth century. In the same way that it caused cities and parks to spring out of the desert to prove its power and ascendancy over nature, in the same way did it destroy every individual inclination, every independent char- acter, uniting the most discordant elements in one artificial mass. Politics and litci-aturo, art and fashions, taste and man- LIFE OF STEUBEN. 173 ners, all came from France at that time, and the influence of France throughout Europe was all powerful. The rulers and the ruled, whether voluntarily or the reverse, bowed before her, and by these means lost all national limits and distinc- tions. The natural consequence of this system in political life was the most complete submission to the will of the ])rince. It was imniaterial who obeyed, so long as somebody obeyed. The standing armies, with their officers recruited from the nobility, might, therefore, be composed of as diverse elements as they pleased, so long as they were always willing to fulfill blindly the commands of the prince. The sovereign felt him- self so safe and unrestrained in the fullness of his powei', that he did not observe, much less fear, the variety of the nation- alities of which his army was composed, and thus do we find, in almost every European array of that time, representatives of all the most important nations. The internal arrangement of the armies was almost the same everywhere. The officers had the same code of honor, and had ingeniously cultivated among them the consciousness of that rank which made them feel at home in every country in Europe. Germans served in France, Frenchmen in Germany, Englishmen in Russia, and Italians in Sweden, according as circumstances and inclination led them. Lord Keith, a Scotchman, served successively in Spain and Russia, and was killed at the battle of Hochkirch, a field marshal in the service of Prussia. Loudon, an English- man, and Browne, an Inshman, were Austrian field marshals and commanders of armies. The famous Austrian commander, Prince Eugene of Savoy, offered his services in the first instance to the King of France. Count St. Germain, the French min- ister of war, was for some time a Danish general. Frederick the Great had special agents to find out the officers of distinc- tion who traveled through his dominions, and to induce them to enter his service. They fought for honor, glory and profit, and had precisely the same claim to promotion as the native officers. Nationality was no obstacle to success. When war, 174 LIFEOFSTEITBEN. wLicU was the regular business of the nobility, was at an end in one country, they looked for another where it existed, and it often happened that they found themselves in arms against their native land. When, therefore, at the outbreak of the American Revolu- tion, the European officers applied to Congress, or its agents, to obtain that active employment which they could not find at home in consequence of the comparatively long peace, it was only the application of a practice which had been recog- nized in Europe during more than an entire century. The greater number of them had been trained on the battle-fields of Europe, and were a valuable acquisition for the United States, w^hose officers, at the commencement of the war, were lamentably deficient in military knowledge and experience. Together with these old, experienced officers, came a number of others, it is true, to enter the service of Congress, who were young and inexperienced, for the most part enthusiastic French noblemen, who were anxious to take vengeance on England for her wrongs to France, and to realize their own somewhat confused aspirations. Among these volunteer allies, it is natu- ral to suppose that there were many bad, intriguing, useless, and even suspicicnis individuals ; but on the whole, this influx of foreign strength and talent was in the last degree advan- tageous, nay, indispensable to the cause of the Revolution ; because it not only gained by this means a number of able combatants at home, but support and popularity abroad. It shows a great amount of simplicity to expect that none but superior men ought to have come here, or to have been accepted by Congress. It betrays a complete ignorance of the state of the country at that period, and of the financial helplessness of Congress, to suppose that the expectation of personal profit alone induced the European officers to come over here. It is a gi'oss injustice to make all the foreign offi- cers responsible for the baseness of a Lee, a Conway, or a Neuville. What man of calm judgment would deny the abil- L I F E O F S T E U p. E N . 1 To ity :ind respectability of the Ainorican officers, because au Ar- nold bad risen to eminence among tliem, or because a Stephen was one of their number ? In politics and history, and particularly in times of great crises and revolutions, conflicting contrasts are never strictly classified according to the nations to which they belong. Thus, we do not find here Americans alone on the side of freedom and independence, nor foreigners exclusively on the side of oppression and tyranny. The question of nationalities in the Aiuerican Kevolution was clearly subservient to the principles of the parties. And yet it but too often happened that dis- trust of the foreign officers was readily entertained. Even during the war, a nationality which had no real existence, which was still to be created, was taken as the standard of a man's utility and capability. PeoiDle were envious of that which they did not possess, which did not exist, and for the attainment of which these very foreigners were assisting them to do battle. The inward motive of this envy was not so much the Anglo-Saxon exclusiveness or self-sufficiency ; not so much the ambition of the native officers, as a mistrust of their own capability, which they sought to silence by a great outcry against foreigners. This was a proof that the officers and peo- ple did not feel themselves sufficiently strong to master the foreign element ; it is a tacit admission that they were dis- united among themselves, and strong evidence that they were more convinced of their weakness than of their strength ; nay, that they did not believe in the absolute success of their cause. It is seldom that an army so weak in itself has received such rich and powerful accessions of strength, with so small an expenditure of time and money, as the Continental army ; and seldom have friends in need, like these foreign officers, been made to feel so bitterly the fortuitous circumstances of their descent, or to have had it cast in their faces as a re- proach. Washington, of course, could not change the con- IT6 LIFE OF STEUBEN. dition of affairs. He was obliged to make the best of circum- stances as tbey j^resented themselves, to advance the interests of all. He was obliged, at the worst, to decide against the foreigners, in order to insure the cooperation of his own countrymen. It is nowhere distinctly stated what constituted the pre- cise attributes of the foreigners. It is, however, to he inferred, indirectly, that the Polanders, French and Germans were the " foreigners." At all events, the English do not appear to be counted among them. Gates — Mho was himself a foreigner, as an Englishman — made the reproach to De Kalb, that he, being a foreignei-, did not properly understand the matter, i. 7. "Ill camp or garrison, where there is a parade of the guards, the inspector is to cause his troops to perform two evolutions ; the adjutant general or town major must for that purpose assemble the troops before guard-mounting, and then the inspector orders the exercise. But as soon as the drums beat 'the general,' the inspector leaves the command to the general of the day, in camp, and in a garrison, to the com- mandant of the place. " Such, in my opinion, should be the functions of an in- spector general in America, which I submit to the judgment of the honorable Congress, by whose decisions I shall always glory to abide." But the final ratification of Steuben's plan was again post- poned ; the matter was dropped, and not taken up again until February, 1779. Steuben had only been tv.-o weeks in Philadelphia, when the news arrived that the French fleet, under Count d'Estaing, had been forced to abandon the project against Rhode Island, and that General Sullivan's position there was critical. On the evening of the 28th of August that this intelligence reached Philadelphia, Congress resolved,* " that Baron Steuben be requested forthx^-ith to repair to Bhode Island, and give his advice and assistance to Major General Sullivan and the army under his command." Steuben started before daybreak on the following day. However flattering this resolution of Congress may ap- pear as an acknowledgment of Steuben's military talents, it was, in fact, the best way to get rid of his pressing demands for the present, and to evade a final decision in regard to the inspectorship. At all events, its passage was too late, as, on arriving at "Whitcplains on the third day, General Washing- ton informed Steuben that General Sullivan had already ef fected his retreat, and that he was safe at Providence. Washington approved of Steuben's not going further unless * Journals of Congress, C. Dnnlap's edition, iv., 502. LIFE OF STEUEKX. 187 the enemy should make some enterprise against Sullivan's corps. As this did not happen, Steuben sent the resolution of Congress to General Sullivan, with an account of the reasons which pre- vented liim at this time from being under his orders. In the latter part of September the army retired from Whiteplains to Fredericksburg, and thence to their winter quarters in the Highlands. In pursuance of the desire of the commander-in-chief ho there began to exercise the troops, and directed his sub inspect- ors to maneuver with the brigades upon the principles and regulations he had prescribed. While discharging this duty he waited at head-quarters until Congress should adopt the plan he had drawn for the establishment of the inspection. Some prominent members, and even its president, took a great interest in bringing it forward ; but the general business of Congress, which v.as deemed more pressing and important, caused its consideration to be postponed from day to day. " I think it fortunate for yourself," writes Henry Laurens, president of Congress, on the 17th of September, 1778, to Steuben,'-' " that you did not proceed to Rhode Island ; it would have been on every account a disagreeable embassy. The commander-in-chief having returned to Congress the re- port of the committee on the inspectorate with his Excellen- cy's ]"emarks and observations, the whole is recommitted and will probably be soon reported on ; but the House is so over- charged with business as renders it impossible even to guess at a time when it will be taken under consideration and con- cluded." "I hope to hear of your being" — such are the words of Richard Peters, in a letter to Steuben, dated the 16thof Septem- ber, 17 78f — "more agreeably circumstanced than formerly as to your business at camp. It is an obvious matter that our army are in want of discipline, although their improvements in this respect are amazing ; and as the men are docile and capable, * Steuben ilS. Pap3r3, vol. i. f Ibidem. 188 LIFE OF STEUBEN. it is a pity tbat any obstacles should be thrown in the way of their receiving instruction. While you are here, I could wish to make every use of your willingness to serve this country, therefore, I wish to see the inspection in its full vigor, for the greater our discipline, the sooner we shall discomfit our ene- mies and be at peace, which to me is the most desirable of all objects, except my liberty and the independence of my coun- try. When you have ceased to be serviceable as a soldier, you shall sit down with us and enjoy the pleasing calm whicli will succeed the present tempest. Api'oj^os, we will and must take possession of the Bermudas, and you shall be governor." Lieutenant Colonel Ternant, who, on the 25th of Septem- ber, ha\'ing been appointed inspector of the troops in South Carolina and Georgia, spent the end of that month in Phila- delj^hia, and had daily intercourse with the board of war, posi- tively expected the ultimate approbation and acceptance of Steuben's plan. " Although it has not yet received the sanction of Congress," says he,* " it nevertheless attracts and fixes the attention of that body, and I dare assure you, that in spite of all opposition the final establishment will be carried, the more so as Congress just received the plan revised by Washington." Congress, hoAvever, could not arrive at a resolution, and wasting month after month, referred the whole question to a committee. Steuben made the best of this bad bargain, and on the 4th of October, 1778, wrote from Quakerhill to Pres- ident Reed, chairman of that committee :f " Congress could not have intrusted the plan I have pro- posed, into better hands than those of the committee of ar- rangements, esjiecially when presided over by a gentleman of your merit, and for whom I entertain the highest esteem. It is an unhappy circumstance that this committee being so dispersed causes a delay in an arrangement w^hich I thought very neces- sary for the good of our service, and in wdiich is to be foimd the basis of all the arrangements that are to be made — I mean * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. i. -j- Ibidem, vol. iv. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 189 tlie formation of our regiments to an equal number. When this is neglected, I do not see the possibility of ever establish- ing good order, whether in administration, service, exercise, or maneuvers of the trooj^s. Being of no use at the army, my presence would perhaps be more necessary near the per- sons appointed for the arrangements I wish might be settled ; but as experience teaches me that offered services do not always prove acceptable, I shall wait with a respectful silence for the orders of Congress, which are to regulate all my ac- tions." Notwithstanding, nothing was done during October and November ; and when the army retired into winter quarters, Steuben went himself to Philadelphia. Obliged to give his instructions in an extempore manner, and even to adapt the plan of his operations to the circumstances rather than to his particular system, he proposed to put in order those instruc- tions he had already perfected, to add those which he thought indispensably necessary, and to write, under the direction of the commander-in-chief, a code of military regulations, to in- troduce a thorough uniformity in the service. The general approved of his design, and in order to fiicilitate its execution, ordered him to repair to Philadelphia, where he might be at hand to have the necessary information from the board of war. Steuben endeavored at the same time to get his office finally arranged upon a more definite and permanent footing. He let no opportunity pass to call the attention of Congress to this — as it justly appeared to him — indispensable business, and to the importance of its settlement. It is not difficult to guess at the motives which predominated in that body and pre- vented them from deciding upon a satisfactory solution of the question, Steuben partly touches on them in the following letter which, on the 28th of November, 1778, he addressed to the president of Congress :* « * * * ^1; ^}je same time, I lay before them the plan I * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xi. 190 LIFE OF STEUDEN. propose to follow in my operations relative to the department they have been pleased to confide to me, and which, if ap- proved by them, I shall execute with the greatest exactness. Your Excellency will risk nothing in answering for me, that on ray side I shall surmount every obstacle I meet Avith. Those which may aflect my sanity, rank, authority, command, or any other distinction, will be the last saciifice I shall make to the good of the service. I am, sir, prepared to experience the fate of foreigners; in every state, in every army, already have I experienced it. Envy raised its standard in the mo- ment when our troops were beginning to make some progress; the interruption it gave to my projects, was the only chagrin it caused me. To their criticisms and remarks I paid not the least attention ; it is much easier to criticise than to execute, and their remarks were beneath my notice. "IwilUngly allow, that what few things I have hitherto shown, the essentials are so simple that each major could perhaps have introduced them. Notwithstanding the num- ber of foreign officers of merit who arrived long before me, I found it left for me. Be it as it may, whatever military talents I may possess, they are dedicated to the service of this coun- try, to which I join a zeal for w^hich I can answer, and I be- lieve I can offer no more." The letter which Steuben at this time wrote to Washing- ton, shows, on the one hand, his uncertainty, and the very slender hopes he entertained in regard to the final regulation of the inspectorship, and proves, on the other hand, the inde- cision of Congress in the matter, " On my arrival in this city," says he, dated Philadelphia on the 6th of December 1778,* " I delivered your Excellency's let- ter to 31r, President Laurens, accompanied with one from . . . acquainting Congress in what manner I intended to proceed in the business. I afterwards, in another letter, requested to know to whom I was to apply for the necessary information on * Steubeu MS. Papers, vol. xi. ^ LIFEOFSTEUr.EN. 191 the subject. To these letters I have had no other reply than a resolve, directing the board of war to furnish me with every information I may want on the subject. I have not hitherto been able to get a sight of the plan proposed by a former committee, and to which your Excellency subjoined your re- marks, nor can I get the least information in whose hands that plan is. All I can learn from Mr. President Reed, who pre- sided in that committee, is, that that plan, though founded on the one I proposed, differed from it materially, and that the authority of the inspector general was therein much more ex- tended than I proposed, and when I can procure the other I shall see wherein we have differed. However it may be, I re- peat that I shall, without the least deviation, conform to any remarks your Excellency has been pleased to make. I shall endeavor to convince your Excellency and the whole army, that nothing but the good of the service, and not any personal views, shall direct my actions. The American soldier under my orders is, at the same time, a member of the republic I serve. If every officer and soldier would consider me in the same light, it seems to me many obstacles would be avoided. With respect to your Excellency, I again beg you to consider me as an instrument in your hands for the good of the army which has the honor to serve under your orders." "I had the honoi'," answered Washington, on the 19th of December,'^ I'Z'/S, "of receiving, a few days since, your letter of the 6th instant. I am much obliged to you for the polite as- surances you give; and, in my turn, I beg you will believe that when the institution, at the head of M'hich you have been placed, can once be established on a footing mutually agree- able to you and to the army, to which end all the measures I have taken in it have been directed, I shall be happy to give you every support in my power, to facilitate your opei"a- tions. In doing this, I shall equally consult the personal con- sideration I have for you, and the improvement and benefit of * Washington's Writings, vi., 14t. 192 LIFE OF STEUBEN". tlie army, which, I am persuaded, will be greatly promoted by a full exertion of the talents, experience, and activity of which you have already given the most satisfactory proof" " I am sorry," adds Alexander Hamilton, "Washington's aid-de-camp,* " that your business does not seem to make so speedy a progress as we all wish, but I hope it will soon come to a satisfactory termination. I wish you to be in a situation to employ yourself usefully and agreeably, and to contribute to giving our military constitution that order and perfection it certainly wants." All the good wishes of Washington, Hamilton, Laurens, and others, were, however, ineffectual, and the greater part of the winter passed before Congress adopted Steuben's plan and views. On the 18th of February, 1779, it took into con- sideration the reports of the committee, consisting of Mr, M. Smith, Mr. Ellery, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Paca, and Mr. T. Ad- ams, appointed to confer with the commander-in-chief; and, thereupon, agreed to the following plan for the department of inspector general :f '''- liesolved, That there be an inspector general to the ar- mies of the United States, with the rank of major general, who, in all future appointments, shall be taken from the line of major generals : "That the duty of the inspector general shall principally consist in forming a system of regulations for the exercise of the troops in the manual eVolutions and maneuvers, for the service of guards and detachments, and for camp and garrison duty : "That the inspector general, and his assistants, shall review tlie troops at such times and places, and receive such retums for that purpose, as the commander-in-chief, or commanding officer in a detachment, shall direct ; at which re^-iews, he or they shall inspect the number and condition of the men, their discipline and exercise, the state of their arms, accoutei-ments * Alexander Hamilton's Works, i., T2. f Journals of Congress, v., 56-58. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 193 and clothes ; observing what of these articles have been lost or spoiled since the last review, and, as nearly as possible, by what means ; reporting the same, with the deficiencies and neg- lects, to the commander-in-chief, or the commanding officer of a detachment, and to the board of war : "That all ncAV maneuvers shall be introduced by the in- spector general, and all old ones performed according to the established principles, under his superintendency ; but he shall not introduce or practice any regulations relative to the ob- jects of his department, save such as are made and estab- lished in manner following : all regulations whatsoever to be finally approved and established by Congress. But the exi- gence of the seiwice requiring it, temporary ones may, from time to time, be introduced by the inspector general, with the approbation of the commander-in-chief. These regulations to be commnnicated to the array through the adjutant general, and to be transmitted to the board of war with all convenient dispatch, that, being examined and reported by them to Con- gress, they may be rejected, altered, amended, or confirmed, as Congress shall deem proper : "That there be as many sub-inspectors as the commander- in-chief, or commanding officer in a detachment, shall, on con- sideration of the strength and situation of the army, from time to time deem necessary, to be taken from the line of lieu- tenant colonels, and to receive their instructions relative to the department from the inspector general : "That there be one brigade inspector to each brigade, who shall be one of the majors in the brigade, and that the office of brigade inspector shall in future be annexed to that of major of brigade. He shall accordingly keep a roster of the battalions of his brigade, regulate the details, and take care of the formation and march of all guards, detachments, etc., from the brigade. He is to receive the general orders and communicate them to the commanding officers of the brigade and regiments, and through the adjutants to all the 9 194 LIFE OF STEUBEN. officers of the biigade. He is, so far as concerns his bi'igade, to inspect the police of the camp, the discipline and order of the service. In time of action he is to assist in executing the necessary maneuvers of the brigade, according to the orders of the brigadier or officer commanding. He is to do no duty in the line : " That all the officers of the inspectorship, hailing appoint- ments in the line, shall retain their rights of command, suc- cession, and promotion, in the same manner as if they had not assumed the office. But as the duties of this department are sufficient to employ their whole time, they are to suspend the exercise of their respective commands, except on particular occasions, when the commander-in-chief, or commanding of- ficer in a detachment may deem it necessary to invest them with command. They are to be exemjDted from all common camp and garrison duty, that they may attend the more carefully to those of the inspector, and in time of action they are to be employed in assisting in the execution of the field maneuvers : "That the insj^ector general, so fiir as relates to the in- spection of the army, be subject to the orders of Congress, the board of war, and the commander-in-chief only ; but the sub-inspectors shall also be subject to the officers commanding the divisions and brigades to which they are attached on the principles herein established : " That there be allowed to the inspector general, in con- sideration of the extraordinary expenses Avhich attend the exe- cution of his office, eighty-four dollars per month, in addition to the pay and rations of a major general, heretofore provided."* At the session of the 29th of March, 1779, "a letter of the 25th, from Baron Steuben, was read, accompanied with a system of regulations for the infantry of the United States ; also a letter fi-om the board of wai-, representing that Baron Steuben, inspector general, has formed a system of exer- * Journals of Congress, session of the 18th of February, 1779. LIFE OF STEUBEN-. 195 cise and discipline for the infantry of the United States; that the same has been submitted to the inspection of the commander-in-chief, and his remarks thereon and amend- ments incorporated in the work; that it has been examined with attention by the board, and is highly approved, as being calculated to produce important advantages to the States, and therefore praying ' that it may receive the sanction of Con- gress and be committed to the press ;' whereupon, " Congress jtassed the following order, to be prefixed to the said regulations for the order and discipline of the troops of the United States : — " Congress judging it of the greatest importance to pre- scribe some invariable rules for the order and discipline of the troops, especially for the purpose of introducing a uniformity in their formation and maneuvers, and in the service of the camp : " Ordered, That the following regulations be observed by all the troops of the United States, and that all general and other officers cause tlie same to be executed with all possible exactness. " Ordered, That the board of war cause as many copies thereof to be printed, as they shall deem requisite for the use of the trooj^s." Before we pass from the consideration of the events of the year 1778, it may not be amiss to give Steuben's opinion con- cerning the result of the last campaign, as detailed by him in an interesting letter, which he wrote at the end of that year, to James Lowell, chairman of the Committee of foreign af- fairs.* "If I have not answered the two letters which I had the honor to receive from you, it was in order not to trouble you with a correspondence less interesting than the affairs with which you are charged. All that I can say, dear sir, in regard to the inspection, is that I shall respectfully wait for the de- * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xiii. 196 LIFE OF STEUBEN. cision of Congress in this matter. "When I made application for various arrangements which I thought necessary for the good of the army, I have fulfilled a self-imposed duty. Should the said arrangements not be carried out, then I have eased my mind, and shall be justified in the eyes of every military man. Let us, however, leave this matter, and look for a moment on the actual situation of our war operations. " We have very fortunately escaped a serious dangei' at Rhode Island. The enemy can not boast of having gained the least advantage over the allied fleet, nor over our army. A change in the wind has favored him and caused the iiiilure of our plan. As it is but fair to render justice even to our enemies, we ought to admit that the English and the wind have made us miss two highly important strokes — that on the Delaware because the French fleet did not arrive a little earUer, and that on Rhode Island. If, when I made war under the King of Prussia, we had escaped two such strokes in one campaign, we should have called that a successful cam- paign. Here we are now on the defensive, a species of war- fare extremely diflicult and oftentimes dangerous. We have two objects to attain equally important — to retain possession of the North river, and to bring our main force close to Boston. "In case the enemy should undertake any oj^eration, these two objects are very far distant from one another. Our land force, such as it is, must be ready to resist, at the right or the left, wherever the enemy thinks proper to attack us. Now what will become of that unhappy province, the Jerseys, which is actually menaced with devastation and fire by the enemy ? Lord Cornwallis has entered it with a body of prob- ably six thousand men. Will Lord Stirling be able to oppose such a force with his three brigades, the number of which I will not mention, so as not to annoy you ? Perhaps you will say, 'The militia of New Jersey.' But is the militia still an- imated by the same spirit as it was when America had no regular army? Now, allowing for the said three brigades, I LIFEOFSTEUBEX. 19'J and two more at Providence, look at this side of the river and tell me what other forces have we there? Do not be deluded, sir, by the rolls of our regiments or brigades ; de- duct therefrom, unhesitatingly, one third for those who, either for the want of clothing or shoes, are unable to make a single march in the present season of the year, when the nights are already cold and wet. I am not afraid to tell you the truth, disagreeable as it is ; no, on the contrary, I consider it my duty to show you the actual situation of our army. I beg you rather, sir, to examine attentively the land forces which the enemy possesses on this continent ; look at their number, their nourishment, clothing, arms, order and discipline ; see how much we are inferior, in all these respects, to them, and then answer me if our game is not a very hazardous one ? " How long will our country continue to stake her fortune upon the issue of one day ? How many more millions has the devastation of the Jerseys devoured than it would have taken for the States to have completed the regiments upon the plan adopted by Congress, in which case we should have had an army of forty thousand men ? Had we had this force, nay. had we had only thirty thousand, would the enemy ever have dax'ed to put a foot out of Xew York island ? " Too numerous an army is expensive, but too small an army is dangerous. In IIIQ General Washington had the glory to maintain himself at the head of an army of eighteen thousand man. I sincerely hope that he may not have that glory a second time. If too much backwardness had not been exhibited in this matter, the war would probably have been already at an end. In order to secure peace on a solid and honorable basis, it is prudent to redouble every preparation for canying on the war. " This is the system which I think is adapted to our pres- ent situation, besides which, if our regiments are not com- pleted and put upon an equal and uniform footing, numerically speaking, it is out of the question to introduce order or uni- 198 LIFE OF STEUBEN. formity in the administration or discipline of the army, . . . * a regiment of cavalry which we have lost by surprise. In ion- sequence of the bad discipline, the service of the picket guards of patrols is entirely neglected in our army. Our cavalry is without a leader — not a single officer of that arm understands the duty. They are brave, I have no doubt, but bravery alone does not constitute an officer. " Is that not a long jeremiade upon the condition of our army ? If, however, I had described the things as they really are, the trutli would surpass all probability. Be persuaded, sir, that it is only to you that I venture to make these confi- dential communications. I know very well that under the present circumstances it is necessary to look cheerfully when one feels most sadly. I most sincerely wish the welfare of this country, and that alone is the motive of my solicitude." * Illegible in the original. CHAPTEH X. Btetben's Stay at Philadelphia. — He composes the " Regulations for the Ordee AND Discipline of the Troops of the United States." — Basis of his Syste.m. — Ills Assistants. — The Contents of thf. Book. — Review of its twenty-five Chapters. — Appendix, containing the Instructions for Officers, Sergeants, AND Soldiers. — Tin: Way in which tub Book was finished. — Washington's ac- knowledging Lf.tter. — Steuben's Answer. — Congres.s adopts uis Work for the Bent.fit of the Ar.my. — Resolution of the 29Tn of March, 1779. — Delay in peinting the Book. — Steuben's Impatience. — Letters of Pickering and Peters. — Want of Wokkingmen and Materials in Philadelphia. — Resolutions op Congress of the 5tu of April, 1779. — Letter of William Livingston. — Let- tee of the French Ambassador. — Steuben prepares to join the Army. — Re- wards TO HIS Assistants. — Comic Proposition of Me, Root of Connecticct. — He goes to Head-Quarters at Middlebeook. WE ha,ve seen in the preceding cha])ter, tliat one of the principal objects of Steuben's stay at Philadelphia during the winter of 1778-1779, was to compose a book of regula- tions for the American army. He selected for that purpose Colonel Fleury and Captain Walker as his assistants, Captaui De I'Enfant to draw the plans, and Mr. Duponceau as his secretary. He began his work with the infantry regulations. The rules which he laid down for himself were — not to be influenced by any predilection for any European work on the subject, and to extract the good and leave the bad and the useless of them all; to be as short and explicit as pos- sible, and only to treat the most essential matters; to di- vide his book into four parts — 1st, the service of the in- fantry in the field ; 2d, service in garrison and on parade ; 3d, service of the cavali'y, and 4th, the service of light troops. He only intended to finish the first part during the winter ; in fact the others have never been finished since for want of time and means, although that part relating to the cavalry was in manusci'ipt ready to be printed. 200 LIFE OF STEUBEX. These *' Regulations for the Order and Discipline of the Troops of the United States^'' contain twenty-live chapters, the first of which speaks of the arras and accoutennents of the officers, non-coramissioned officers and soldiers (they .should be uniform throughout) ; the second details the objects with which the officers and uon-commissoned officers should be ac- quainted. The officers and Ron-commissioned officers of each regiment are to be perfectly acquainted with the manual exercise, marchings and firings, tliat they may be able to instruct their soldiers when necessary ; they must also be acquainted with the dress, discipline, and police of the troops, and with every tiling that relates to the service. The command- ing officer of each regiment is to be answerable for the general instruc- tion of the regiment, and is to exercise, or cause to be exercised, the officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers, whenever he thinks proper. The third chapter treats of the formation of a company. To be formed in two ranks, at one pace distance, with the tallest men in the rear, and both ranks sized with the shortest men of eacli in the center. The fourth chapter relates to the formation of a regiment. A regiment is to consist of eight companies, which are to be posted in the following order from right to left. First, captains, colonels ; fourth, captaLos, majors ; third, captains, lieutenant colonels ; fifth, cap- tains ; second, captains. For the greater facility in maneuvering, each regiment consisting of more than one hundred and sixty files, is to be formed in two battalions, with an interval of twenty paces between them, and one color posted in the center of each battalion. When a regmient is reduced to one hundred and sixty files, it is to be filed in one battalion, with both colors in the center. Every battaUon, whether it compose the whole or only half of a regiment, is to be divided into four di^-isions and eight platoons, no platoon to consist of less than ten files, so that a regiment consisting of less than eighty files can not form a battalion, but must be incorporated with some other, or employed on detachment. When the Ught company is with the regiment it must be formed twenty paces on the right, on the parade, but must not inter- fere with the exercise of the battalion, but exercise by itself; and when the light infantry are embodied, every four (-ompanies will form a bat- talion, and exercise in the same manner as the battaUon in the line. LIFE OF STEUBEN, 201 Tlie fifth chapter teaches the instruction of recruits. The commauding olEcer of each company is charged with the in- struction of his recruits, and as that is a service that requires not only experience, but a patience and temper not met with in every officer, he is to make choice of an officer, sergeant, and one or two corporals of his companj^, who, being approved of by the colonel, are to attend particularly to that business; but in case of tlie arrival of a gi-eat num- ber of recruits, every officer, without distinction, is to be employed on that service The recruits must be taken singly, and first taught to put on their accouterment,s, and carry themselves properly. It then prescribes the position of the soldier, 1st, without arms; 2(1, under arms, and lastly, the manual exercise. When the recruits have practiced the foregoing exercises till they are sufficiently expert, they must be sent to exercise with their com- pany. Tlie sixth chapter gives the exercise of a compnny. It is divided into five articles. The first treats of opening the i-anks ; the second, of tlie firings ; the third, of the march ; the fourth, of wheeling; and the fifth, of breaking oft' and forming by the oblique step. Two or more companies may be joined to perform the company ex- ercise when they have been suffioiently exercised by single companies, but not till then ; the inattention of the soldiers, and difficulty of in- structing them, increasing in proportion with the numbers. The seventh chapter treats of the exercise of a battalion ; the eighth, of the points of view ; the ninth enters into the details of the formation and displaying of columns, with the method of changing front, and consists of ten articles, the last of which " of changing the front of a line," concludes as fol- lows : If it be necessary to change the front of a line consisting of more than a brigade, the simplest and surest method is to form close columns, either by brigades or battalions, march them to the direction required, and display. The tenth chapter speaks, in five articles, of tlie march of columns. We insert here the first two : 9* 202 LIFE OF STEUBEN. The march of columns is an oijeration so often repeated, and of so much consequence, that it must be considered as an essential article in the instruction of both officers and men. Article I. The March of an Open Column. — Column ! March ! The whole column must always begin to march, and halt, at the same time, and only by order of the commanding officer. After the first twenty paces, he should command — Support — Arms ! when the men may march more at their ease, but keeping their files close. Before the column halt?, he should command — Carry arms! Column I Halt! Dress to the right ! When marching in open column, the officer commanding will open from battalion, by wheeling to the right or left, in order to see if the officers have preserved the proper distances between the platoons. Article II. Columns changing the Direction of their March. — When a column is obliged to change the. direction of its march, the front platoon must not wheel around on its flank, but advance in a direction more or less circular, according to the depth of the column, tliat the other platoons may follow. An open column changes the direction of its march by wheehng the front platoon, the others following; in doing which the officers commanding the platoons must be particularly careful that their platoons wheel on the same ground with the front platoon, for which purpose a sergeant should be left to mark the pivot on which they are to wheel. Article three of this cliapter treats of tlie passage of a defile by a column ; article four, of a column crossing a plain, liable to be attacked by cavalry ; and article five, of a column march- ing by its flank. The eleventh chapter — Of the 3Iarch in Line — is divided into nine articles, the first three of which are the most impor- tant. Article I. — Tlie March to the Front. — Battalion! Forward! At this caution, the ensign, with the colors, advances six paces ; the ser- geant who covered him taking his place. The whole are to dress by the colors. The commandant of the battalion will be posted two paces in front of the colors, and will give the ensign an object to serve as a direction for him to march straight forward — -March ! The ensign who carries the colors will be careful to march straight to the object given him by the colonel ; to do wliich he must fix on some intermediate ob- ject. If many battalions are in the line, the ensign must dress by the ensign in the center ; if only two, they will dress by each other. They OhUqiiely-to^j^^ ■ LIFE OP STEUBEN. 203 must be very careful not to advance beyond the battalion they are to dress by, it being much easier to advance than to fall back. Should a battaUon by any cause be hindered from advancing in Ime with the rest, the ensign of that battalion must drop his colors as a signal to the other battalions (who might otherwise stop to dress by them) not to conform to their movements ; tlie colors to be raised again when the battalion has advanced to its post in the Une. The commanding officer of each battahon must be careful that his men dress and keep their files close, and to preserve the proper distances between his own battalion and those on his flanks ; and when he finds that he is too near the one or the other, must command — 5 Right! Left. when the battalion will march by tlie obhque step, as ordered, till they have recovered their distance, and receive the command — Forward t upon which the battaUon will march forward, and the ensign take a new object to march to. If the distance is augmented or diminished only two or three paces, the commanding officer will order the colors to incline a httle, and thus march forward, the latter line conforming to their movement. The officers commanding platoons will continually have an eye over them, immediately remedying any defect, carefidly di-essing with the center, and keeping step with the colors. The offi- cers in the rear must take care of the second rank, remedying any de- fect, in a low voice, and with as little noise as possible. The soldier must not advance out of the rank the shoulder opposite the side he dresses to ; he must not crowd his right or left hand man, but give way to the pressure of the center, and resist that of the wings. He must have his eye continually fixed on the colors, turning his head more or less, in proportion to his distance from them. Battalion ! Halt ! The whole stop short on the feet thus advanced. Dress to the right ! Tlie men dress to the right, and the colors fall back into the ranks. Article II. — Of the Charge with Bayonets. — The line marching, the commanding officer, on approaching the enemy, comands, March ! March ! — on which the whole advance by the quick step. Charge — layonets ! The hne charge their bayonets, and quicken their step ; the drums beat the long roll, and the officers and men must take care to dress to the center, and not crowd or open their files. Battalion ! — Slow step ! — The battahon fall into the slow step, and carry their arras. Halt ! — Dress to the right! The battalion halts, and dresses to the right. Article III. — Method of passing any Obstacle in Front of a Line. — When an obstacle presents itself before any division, platoon, or number 204 LIFE OF STEUBEN. of files, the officer commanding the platoons, etc., commands, Break off! — on which the files obstructed face outwards from their center, and follow by files the platoons on their right and left ; if the platoons on the wings are obstructed, they will face inwards, and follow in the same manner. In proportion as the ground permits, the files will mar. li up to their places in front, dress, and take step with colors. Article IV. — Passage of a Defile in Front hy Phtoans. Article V. — Passage of a Defile in Front by Files. Article VI. — Of the March in Retreat. AwiCLE VII. — Passage of a Defile in Retreat hy Platoons. Article VIII. — Passage of a Defile in Retreat hy Files. Article IX. — Method of passing the Front Line to the Rear. The twelfth chapter — Of the Disposition of the Field- pieces attached to the Brigades-^we give in full : The field-pieces attached to the different brigades must always re- main with them, encamping on their right, unless the quarter-master general thinks proper to place them on any advantageous piece of ground in front. When the army marches by the right, the field-pieces must march at the head of their respective brigades ; when it marches by the left., they follow in the rear, unless circumstances determine the general to order otherwise ; but, whether they march in front, center, or rear of their brigades, they must always march between the bat- talions, and never between the platoons. In maneuvering, they must also follow their brigades, performing the maneuvers and evolutions with them, obser\ang that when the close column is formed they must always proceed to the flank of the column opposed to that side their brigade is to display to ; and, on the column's displaying, they follow the first division of their brigade, and, when that halts and forms, the field-pieces immediately take their post on its right. The thirteenth chapter — Of the Firings — begins as fol- lows : When the troops are to exercise with powder, the officers must carefully inspect the arms and cartridge-boxes, and take away all the cartridges with ball. The first part of the general will be the signal for all firing to cease, on the beating of which the officers and non-commis- sioned officers must see that their platoons cease firing, load and shoul- der as quick as possible. The commanding officer will continue the signal till he sees that the men have loaded and shouldered. And then treats, in four articles — LIFE OF STEUBE2T. 205 1. Of Firing hy Battalion. 2. Of Firing hy Divisions and Platoons. 3. Of Firing Advancing ; and 4. Of Firing Retreating. The chapters fourteen to eighteen prescribe the rules for the mai-ch of an army or corps, for the baggage on the march, the manner of laying out a camp, with the order of encampment ; the manner of entering a camp, and the necessary regulations for preserving order and cleanliness in the camp. "We insert here the fourteenth chapter — Of the MarcJb of an Army or Corps — in full, in order to show the minuteness with which the small- est details of the service are alluded to : The greatest attention on the part of the officers is necessary at all times, but more particularly on a march. The soldiers being then per- mitted to march at their ease, with the ranks and files open, without the greatest care, these get confounded one with another ; and, if sud- denly attacked, instead of being able to form immediately in order of battle, the whole line is thrown into the utmost confusion. The order for the march of an army being given, the adjutant general will appoint the field officers for the advanced and rear guards, and issue orders to the brigade majors to have ready their respective quotas of other offi- cers and men for the advanced guard, which will consist of the number necessary for the guards of the new camp. These, together with a pio- neer of each company, and a sergeant from the regiment to conduct them, must be warned the evening before. At the beating of the general, the troops are immediately to strike their tents and load the wagons, which must then fall into the Une of march for the baggage. At this signal, also, all general and stafi" officers' guards, and those of the commissaries, must return to their respective regiments. At the beating of the as- semb\y, the troops will assemble, and be formed in battalion on their respective parades. The guards ordered must then be conducted by the brigade majors or adjutants of the day, to the rendezvous appointed for the advanced guard, where the field officers warned for that duty will form them in battalions or other corps, according to their strength, and divide them reg-ularly into divisions and platoons. The officer command- inc the advanced guard must take care to have a guide with him, and to get every necessary information of the road. The camp guards must, at the same time, retire to the rendezvous appointed for the rear guard, where they must be formed in the same manner. At the same time, also, the quarter-masters and pioneers of each b;it.ta]ion must as- 20G LIFE OF STEUBEN. semble on the ground appointed by the advanced guard, where one ot the deputies of the quarter-master general must form them in platoons, in the same order as their respective battalions march in the column. Each detachment will be conducted by its quarter-master, who must be answerable that it marches in the order prescribed ; and the quarter- masters of brigades will conduct those of their respective brigades, and be answerable for their behavior. The signal for marching being given, the whole will wheel by pla- toons or sections, as shall be ordered, and begin the march. The advanced guard will march at a distance from the main body proportioned to its strength, having a patrol advanced ; and must never enter any defile, wood, etc., without having first examined it, to avoid falling into an ambuscade. The pioneers are to march beliiud the advanced guard, and must rejJair the roads, that the column may be obliged to file off as little as possible. The advanced guard, besides its patrols in front, must have a flank guard, composed of a file from each platoon, and commanded by an offi- cer, or non-commissioned officer, to march at the distance of one hun- dred paces on the flank, and keep up with the head of the advanced guard. If it be necessary to have a flank guard on each side, a file must be sent from the other flank of each j^latoon to compose it ; and, as this service is fatiguing, the men should be relieved every hour. The like flank guards are to be detached from each battalion in the column. For the greater convenience of the soldiers, the ranks must be opened to half distance during the march. When the column meets with a defile, or any obstacle, the com- manding officer must stop till the column has passed it, taking care that they pass in as great order and as quick as possible ; and when one has marched through, he must command the front to halt, till the whole have passed and formed, when he will continue the march. When a column crosses a road that leads to the enemy, the patrols or guards on the flanks of the first battalion must form on the road, and halt till the patrols of the next battalion come up, which must do the same; the others proceed in the same manner till the whole have When the commanding officer thinks proper to halt on the march, immediately on the column's halting, the advanced flank and rear guards must form a chain of sentinels, to prevent the soldiers from stragghng; and all necessaries, as wood, water, etc., must be fetched by detiicliments, as in camp. LIFE OF STEUBEN". 207 On the beating of the long roll, the whole are to form and continue the march. On the march no orders are to be communicated by calling out, but must be sent by the adjutants from regiment to regiment. The signals for halting, marching slower and quicker, must be given by beat of drum. (See chapter xxi.) The commanding officer of the advanced guard being informed by the quarter-master general, or his deputy, of the grounds the troops are to encamp on, Avill go ahead and reconnoiter it ; and immediately en the arrival of the advanced guard, post his guards and sentinels, as di- rected in chapter xxii. March by Sections of Four. — The roads being very often too narrow to admit the front of a platoon, and the troops being, therefore, con- tinually obliged to break off, which fatigues the men ; to prevent this, when the road is not sufficiently large throughout, the battalions may be divided into sections in the following manner : Each platoon is to be told off into sections of four files ; if there remain tliree files, they form a section; if two files or less, they form one rank. At the word By sections of four/ To the right — wheel! March I they wheel by fours and march, the second rank of each section taking two paces distance from the front rank. The officers command- ing platoons take post on the left of tlieir first section ; but on the right, if the sections wheel to the left. The fiJe-closers fall in on the flanks. The officers must take great care that the distance of two paces, and no more, is kept between the ranks. At the word Halt ! the front rank of each section stops short, and the second rank closes up, which gives the proper distance between the sections ; and by wheeling to the right or left, the line is formed : or, if the commanding officer chooses, he may form platoons by the obhque step. If a column be already on the march by platoons, and the road be- comes too narrow and inconvenient to continue in that order, it may be formed into sections of four, in the following manner : Caution by the commanding officers ; Take care to break off by sections of four / Upon which the officers commanding platoons tell them off as before, but without halting. At the word Sections of four ! Break off! the sections on the right of each platoon incline by the oblique step to the left ; and those on the left of each platoon following the former, inchne to the right, till they all cover ; when they march forward, opening the ranks as before directed. If the number of sections in a platoon be uneven, tliat in the center is to march straight forward ; the section on the right inclining on the left and covering it in front ; and those on the left inclining to the right, and covering it in the rear. 208 LIFE OF STEUBEK. Chapter nineteen speaks of Roll Galls. Chapter twenty treats Of the Insjyection of the 3fen., their Dress^ Necessaries., Arms, Accouterments and Ammuni- tion. The oftener the soldiers are under the inspection of their officers the better; for which reason, every morning, at troop-beating, they must inspect the dress of their men ; see that their clothes are whole and put on properly ; their hands and faces washed clean ; their hair combed ; their accouterments properly fixed, and every article about them in the greatest order. Those who are guilty of repeated neglects in these particulars, are to be confined and punished. The field officers must pay attention to this object, taking proper notice of those compa- nies where a ^dsibIe neglect appears, and pubhcly applauding those who are remarkable for their good appearance. Every day the commanding officers of companies must examine their men's arms and ammunition, and see that they are clean and in good order. (See further, chapter xxiii.) That the men may always appear clean on the parade, and as a means of preserving their health, the non-commissioned officers are to see that they wash their hands and faces every day, and oftener when necessary. And when any river is nigh, and the season favorable, the men shall bathe themselves as frequently as possible, the commanding officers of each battalion sending them by small detachments succes- sively, under the care of a non-commissioned officer ; but on no account must the men be permitted to bathe when just come off a march, at least till they have reposed long enough to get cool. Every Saturday morning the captains are to make a general inspec- tion of their companies, and examine into the state of the men's neces- saries, observing that they agree in quantity with what is specified in the company book ; and that every article is the man's who shows it. For which purpose, and to discover theft, every man's things should be marked ; if any thing is deficient, strict inquiry must be made into the cause of it ; and should it appear to be lost, pledged, sold or exchanged, the ofiender must be severely punished. That the men may not be improperly burdened and fatigued, the captains are not to suffer them to carry any thing which is either use- less or unnecessary. Chapter twenty-one prescribes The Different Beats of the Drum. Chapter twenty-two enters into the details of The Ser- vice of the GriiardSy and contains si.x: articles: 1. Of the dif- LIFE OF STEUBEX. 209 ferent gnards, with their use ; 2. Of the grand parade ; 3. Of relieving guards and sentinels ; 4. Instruction to officers on guard ; 5. Method of going and receiving the grand rounds ; 6. Honors due from guards to general officers and others. Chapter twenty-three treats Of tlie Arms and'AtJimic- nition, tcith the Methods of Presei'ving them^ which was es- pecially, in the revolutionary army, of the highest importance. We quote it in full : The preservation of the arms and ammunition is an object that re- quires the greatest attention. Commanding officers of regiments must be answerable for those of their regiments, and captains for their re- spective companies. An officer of a company must, every morning, at roll-call, inspect minutely the state of the men's arms, accouterments and ammuni- tion ; and if it shall appear that a soldier has sold, or, tlirough care- lessness, lost or damaged any part of them, he must be confined and punished, and stoppages made of his payment as hereafter mentioned : For which purpose such officers shall certify to the commanding officer of the regiment the names of the delinquents, and the losses or dam- ages which shall appear of their arms, ammunition and accouterments ; and the commanding officer, after due examination, shall order stoppa- ges to be made for whatever shall appear to have been sold, lost or dam- aged, as aforesaid. The stoppages to be as follows : Por a firelock, sixteen dollars ; a bayonet, two dollars ; a ram-rod, one dollar ; a cartridge-box, one dollar ; a bayonet-belt, one dollar ; a scabbard, two thirds of a dollar; a cartridge, one sixth of a dollar; a flint, one twentieth of a dollar ; a gun-worm, one fourth of a dollar ; a screw-driver, ono twelfth of a dollar; and for arms, accouterments and ammunition damaged, such sums as the repairs shall cost the States, to be estimated by the brigade conductor, or, when a corps is detached, by such person as its commanding officer shall appoint for that purpose ; provided that such stoppages do not exceed one half the delinquent's pay monthly. It is highly essential to the service that the ammunition should be at all times kept complete ; for which purpose, as often as is necessary, a return is to be made by each company of the number of cartridges deficient, to the quarter-master, that he may make out a general one for the regiment, to be signed by tlie commanding officers of the regiment and brigade, and no time lost in supplying the deficiency. The like care is to be taken that all deficiencies of arms and accouterments are supplied without loss of time. 210 LIFE OP STEUBEX. All arras, accouterments and ammunition unfit for service, are to be carefull_y preserved and sent by tlie commanding officer of each com- pany to the regimental quarter-master, who shall deliver the same to the brigade conductor, they respectively giving receipts for what they receive. The arms, accouterments and ammunition of the sick and others, when delivered up,' are to be taken care of in the same manner. Before the cartridge-boxes are put in the arm-chests, the cartridges must be taken out, to prevent any loss or accident. A conductor shall be appointed to each brigade, who shall have under his immediate care and direction a traveling forge and five or six armorers, an ammunition wagon, and a wagon with an arm chest for each battalion, each chest to hold twenty-five arms, to receive the arms and accouterments wanting repair, or of the men sick or absent ; and when the arms delivered in by a battalion shall exceed the above number, the surplus shall be sent to the commissary of military stores. The brigade conductor shall issue no ammunition but by order of the commanding officer of the brigade ; but may receive and deliver the arms and accouterments of each battalion, by order of its command- ing officer. The ammunition wagon shall contain twenty thousand cartridges ; and in order to keep the same complete, the conductor shall, as defi- ciencies arise, apply to the field commissary, or one of his deputies, for a supply, or otherwise for the necessary materials of cartridges, and to the major of brigade for men to make them up under the direction of the conductor; and for this purpose the brigade major shall order out a party of the most careful soldiers. The non-commissioned officers of each company will be provided with gun-worms ; and every day, at the noon roll-call of the company, those men who have returned from duty are to bring their arms and have their charges drawn ; the first sergeant to receive the powder and ball, and dehver the same to the quarter-master. The twenty-fourth chapter is devoted to the Treatment of the Sick. The twenty-fifth and last chapter speaks Of He- views in two articles, viz., of Hevieivs of -Parade and He- views of Inspection. The first one commences as follows : When a battalion is to be reviewed, it must be drawn up in the following manner : The ranks at four paces distance from each other ; the colors ad- vanced four paces from the center ; the colonel twelve paces before the colors ; the Heutenant colonel four paces behind the colonel ; the major on the right of the battahou in the fine of officers ; the adjutant behind the center; the officers commanding platoons eight paces before their LIFE OF STEUBE]sr. 211 intervals ; and the other officers on the same line, equally divided in front of their respective platoons ; the sergeants who covered officers take their places in the front rank of their platoons ; the other non- commissioned officers who were in the rear, remain there, falling back four paces behind the rear rank; and the drummers and fifers are equally divided on the wings of the battahon, dressing with the front rank. Appended to these regulations are tbe instructions for the different commissioned and non-commissioned oflScers and sol- diers, viz., the commandant of a regiment, the major, the adju- tant, the quarter-master, the captain, the lieutenant, the en- sign, the sergeant major, the quarter-master sergeant, the first sergeant of a company, the sergeants and corporals, and the private soldier. To show the spirit in which these instructions were given, we reprint here those for the captain and the pri- vate soldier : A captain can not be too careful of the company the State has committed to his charge. He must pay the greatest attention to the health of his men, their disciphne, arms, accouterments, ammunition, clothes and necessaries. His first object should be to gain the love of his men, by treating them with every possible kindness and humanity, inquiring into their complaints, and when well founded, seeing them redressed. He should know every man of his company by name and character. He should often visit those who are sick, speak tenderly to them, see that the pub- lic jjrovision, whether of medicine or diet, is duly administered, and pro- cure them, besides, such comforts and conveniences as are in his power. The attachment that arises from this kind of attention to the sick and wounded, is almost inconceivable ; it will, moreover, be the means of preserving the lives of many valuable men. He must divide his company into four squads, placing each under the particular care of a non-commissioned officer, who is to be answer- able for the dress and behavior of the men of his squad. He must be very particular in the daily and weekly inspections of his men, causing all deficiencies to be immediately suppUed ; and when he discovers any irregularity in the dress or conduct of any soldier, he must not only punish him, but the non-commissioned officer to whose squad he belongs. He must keep a strict eye over the conduct of the non-commis- sioned officers ; oblige them to do their duty with the greatest exact- ness ; and use every possible means to keep up a propei subordination 212 LIFE OF STEUBEN. betwe^on them and the soldiers ; for -which reason he must never rudely reprimand them in presence of the men, but at aU times treat them with proper respect. He must pay the utmost attention to every tiling which contrib- utes to the health of the men, and oblige them to keep themselves and every thing belonging to them in the greatest cleanhness and order. He must never suffer a man who has any infectious disorder to remain in the company, but send him immediately to the hospital, or other place provided for the reception of such patients, to prevent the spread- ing of the infection. And when any man is sick, or otherwise unfit for duty, or absent, he must see that his arms and accouterments are prop- erly taken care of, agreeably to the regulations prescribed. He must keep a book, in which must be entered the name and description of every non-commissioned officer and soldier in his com- pany ; his trade or occupation ; the place of his birth and usual resi- dence ; where, when and for what' term he enhsted ; discharges, fur- loughs, copies of all returns, and every casualty that happens in the company. He must also keep an account of all arms, accouterments, ammunition, clothing, necessaries and camp equipage dehvered his com- pany, that on inspecting it he may be able to discover any deficiencies. When a company arrive at their quarters after a march, he must not dismiss them till the guards are ordered out, and, if cantoned, the billets distributed, which must be as near together as possible ; and he must strictly prohibit his men from vexing the inhabitants, and cause to be punished any that offend in that respect. He must acquaint tliem with the hours of roll-call and going for provisions, with their alarm post, and the hour of marching in the morn- ing. If the company make any staj"- in a place, he must, previous to their marching, inspect their condition, examine their knapsacks, and see that tliey carry nothing but what is allowed, it being a material object to prevent the soldier loading himself with unnecessary baggage. ^ * * * ;(: * The recruit having received his necessaries, should in the first place learn to dress himself with a soldier-hke air ; to place his effects prop- erly in his knapsack, so as to carry them with ease and convenience ; how to salute his officers when he meets them; to clean his arms, wash his linen and cook his provisions. He should early accustom himself to dress in the night ; and for that purpose always have his effects in his knapsack, and that placed where he can put his hand on it in a mo- ment, that in case of alarm he may repair with the greatest alertness to the parade. When learning to march, he must take the greatest pains to ac- quire a firm step and a proper balance, practicing himself at all his LIFE OF STEUBEN. 213 Icianro hour;?. He must accustom himself to the greatest steadiness under arms, to pay attention to the commands of his officers, and ex- ercise himself continually with his firelock, in order to acquire vivacity in his motions. He must acquaint himself with the usual beats and signals of the drum, and instantly obey them. When in the ranks, he must always learn the names of his right and left hand men and file leader, that he may be able to find his place readily in case of separation. He must cover his file leader and dress well in his rank, which he may be assured of doing when he can just perceive the breast of the third man from him. Having joined his com- pany, he must no longer consider himself as a recruit, but as a soldier ; and whenever he is ordered under arms, must appear well dressed, with Ills arms and accouterments clean and in good order, and his knapsack, blanket, etc., ready to throw on his back in case he should be ordered to take them. When warned for guard, he must appear as neat as possible, carry all his effects with him, and even when on sentry must have them at his back. He must receive the orders from the sentry he relieves ; and when placed before the guard-house, he must inform the corporal of all that approach, and suffer no one to enter until examined ; if he is posted at a distance from the guard, he will march there in order, have the orders well explained to him by the corporal, learn which is the nearest post between him and the guard, in case he should be obliged to retu-e, or have any thing to communicate, and what he is to do in case of alarm ; or if in a town, in case of fire and any disturbance. He will never go more than twenty paces from his post ; and if in a retired place, or in the night, suffer no one to approach within ten paces of him. . A sentinel must never rest upon his arms, but keep walking on his post. He must never suffer himself to be relieved but by his cor- poral ; challenge briskly in the night, and stop those who have not the countersign ; and if any will not answer to the third challenge, or hav- ing been stopped should attempt to escape, he may fire on them. When on a patrol, he must observe the strictest silence, nor make the least noise with his arms or accouterments. In action he will pay the greatest attention to the commands of his officers, level well, and not throw away his fire; take particular care to keep his rank and file, incline to that side he dresses to, and en- courage his comrades to do their duty. When ordered to march, he must not cliarge himself with any un- necessary baggage ; he will march at his ease, without, however, leav- ing his ranlc or file ; he should drink as seldom as possible, and never stop but when necessity obliges him ; in which case he must ask leave of the commanding officer of the platoon. 214 LIFE OF STEUBEN. When arrived at camp or quarters, he must clean his arms, prepare his bed, and go for necessaries, taking nothing without leave, nor com- mitting any kind of excess. He must always have a stopper for the muzzle of his gun in case of rain, and when on a march ; at which times he will unfix his bayonet. Seldom was a work cooiposed in such a manner as this. Every chapter was first roughly written in German, then translated into bad French, then put in good French by Fleury, translated again into bad English by Duponceau, afterwards written in good English by Captain "Walker; and when all this was completed, Steuben did not understand a word of it himself, from his ignorance of the English language. His confidence in his assistants, however, which was well merited, caused him to proceed successfully amid all these troubles. " The difficulties he encountered in carrying out that work — relates North — were indeed great. The book-stores were not then filled with military authors and compilers. All he set down was drawn from his own recollections of the Prussian code and service ; these to be arranged in order in which they were written, to be translated into English, and by those not conversant with military evolutions, scarcely witli military phrase. To sketch, re-sketch the plates, and fit them for the engraver — the engraver, the paj^er, the types and printer, with difficulty to be found. None but those who lived in those dark days of poverty and dearth of every thing, can think a thousandth part of all the penury with which we were sur- rounded. The JBlne JBooJc at last ajDpeared, and was studied, and, except the Bible, was held in the highest estimation." When the work was completed, De I'Enfant drew the plans, and the manuscript was sent to the commander-in-chief. " Enclosed I transmit to you," Avrites Washington, on the 26th of February, 1779,* " my remarks on the first part of your manuscript. The remainder shall follow as soon as * Wasliington's Writings, vi., 176. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 215 Other affairs of equal importance will permit. I very much approve of the conciseness of the work, founded on your gen- eral principle of rejecting every thing superfluous, though, per- haps, it would not be amiss, in a work of instruction, to be more minute and particular in some parts." And on the 11th of March, when he returned the continu- ation of the book, accompanied by a few notes, Washington wrote to Steuben :* "It gives rae great pleasure to learn that the first part is in such forwardness for the i:)ress. With respect to the title, I think 'Regulations for the Infantry of the United States' will be sufficient. In a letter to Congress I have signified my approbation of the work. It remains for them to give it a final sanction, and preface it with such order as they may judge proper. As the fine season is advancing, you will, I flatter myself, shortly have the satisfoction, so rarely enjoyed by authors, of seeing your precepts reduced to practice ; and I hope your success will be equal to the merit of your work," To these letters Steuben replied on the 17th of 3Iarch, 1779, as follows, viz, :f " Your Excellency's aj^probation of the regulations I had the honor of presenting, gives rae the greatest hopes that they will be easily reduced to practice, and prove agreeable to the army. Encouraged by this hope, I shall immediately present them to Congress for their sanction, " As I am convinced of the necessity of the regulations taking place as soon as possible, your Excellency may dei)end I shall do every thing in my power for that purpose. The engraving of the plates, and correcting the press, will, I am afraid, detain me till the middle of April, and, as before that time the season will permit the troops to exercise, I think it would be necessary they should be exercised in detail on the principles laid down. If your Excellency approves it, I will * Washington's "Writings, vi., 193. f Wasiiingtoa MS. State Papers, vol. xxx., p. 301. 216 LIFE OF STEUBEN ^ send Colonel Fleury, who has assisted me in composing the regulations, to receive your orders on the subject. He may carry with him a copy of that part of the regulations which is necessary, and each adjutant may take a copy, that the troops may begin to put them in practice. I shall have the honor to forward to your Excellency a model of the several tools men- tioned in the regulations, and which I think are necessary, if circumstances will allow to procure them." Congress approved Steuben's work without delay or alter- ation, and ordered three tliousand copies to be printed, as ap- pears from the resolutions of the 29th of March, 1779.*' "A letter of the 25th, from Baron Steuben, was read, ac- companied with a system of regulations for theinfantry of the United States ; also a letter fi'om the board of war, represent- ing that Baron Steuben, inspector general, has formed a sys- tem of exercise and discipline for the infantry of the United States ; that the same has been submitted to the inspection of the commander-in-chief, and his remarks thereon, and amend- ments, incorporated in the work ; and is highly appro\ed as being calculated to produce important advantages to the States, and, therefore, praying ' that it may receive the sanc- tion of Congress, and be committed to the press ;' whereupon, " Congress jxassed the following order, to be prefixed to the said regiilation for the order and discipline of the troops of - the United States : — " Congress judging it of the greatest importance to pre- scribe some invariable rules for the order and discipline of the troops, especially for the purpose of introducing a uniformity in their formation and maneuvers, and in the service of the camp : " Ordered., That the following regulations be observed by all the troops of the United States, and that all general and other officers cause the same to be executed with all possible exactness. " Ordered., That the board of war cause as many copies * Journals of Congress, v., 122. LIFEOFSTEUBEX. 21Y thereof to be printed as they shall deem requisite for the use of the troops." In consequence, however, of unforeseen difficulties, the printing of the book was retarded for some months, and it was only in June that all the materials were collected, and the books distributed. The embarrassments which the board of war met in getting the Regulations completed, were very great, and put Steuben's patience to a hard test. Timothy Pickering and Richard Peters, however, rebuked him mildly. Their letters contain, at the same time, so many interesting- materials about the scarcity of labor in Philadelphia, that we can not refrain from quoting some passages. "We expected," writes Pickeiing, on the 19th of June, 1779, to Steuben,* "to send you more copies of the Regula- tions, of which the bookbinder gave us encouragement, but his workmen failed him. It is not so easy to get work executed in America as in Europe. Here, under the present scarcity of hands, you can place no dependence on your Avorkmen — to day they are with you, and to-morrow on board of a priva- teer, with hopes of making their fortunes. I have, indeed, had much trouble about the Regulations, but I went through it with pleasure, because I judged they would prove highly use- ful to my country. " I regret exceedingly that the publication is so tardy, but it has really been difficult to get the work executed with the dispatch we wished for. The plates were at fii-st but indiffer- ently engraved, and being badly worked off by Xormann, there were many of them intolerable. Besides, so many errors and imperfections remained uncorrected, that we wore obliged to throw away above six hundred prints The only copper-plate printer we could find after Xormnnn, was one who was working for the Treasury at the same time. He is an excellent hand, and works off the plates as well as the en- graving will admit Though we have employed but one * Steulicn MS. Papers, vol. i. 10 218 LIFE OF STEUBEN. bookVjinder, he is tlie most capital hand in town, and will bind the hooks as fast as we can get the plans for them I now persuade myself that you will not think the board of war so inattentive as your late letter supposed, " Should I again discover marks of extreme impatience, and even asperity, in the inspector general, I will impute them to his anxiety to introduce a perfect order and discipline in the army, and to his zeal in securing the safety and independence of America." Peters's letter, of the same date, m the most jovial manner ridicules Steuben's bad humor, and, in a jesting way, admin- isters a veiy well mented rei^rimand : " I have been favored with your letters," says Peters,* " and I am sorry to perceive that the air and exercise you have had since your leaving Philadelphia, which, in general, are sup- posed of the greatest efficacy in bilious complaints, have not removed those nausea and exacerbation with which you were affected while in this city. " I have the strongest hopes, however, that time, with its lenient hand, will administer some drug which will conquer the irritability of your system. When this hapjjy day arrives, I am clear that the little feverish flight which has induced you to censure where no blame was merited, will no longer disturb your rest, or hurt the sensibility of your friends. Colonel Pickering tells me he will explain to you the difficulty we have labored under in procuring the books ; and let me be serious for a moment, while I beg of you not to impute to studied neglect any seeming inattention to you or your officers. " We should violate our private feelings if we personally disregai'ded you, and we should, in my opinion, our public trust, did we not, by every means in our power, assist you in the important business of your department. Real embarrass- ments have occasioned our not complying with our, as well as your wishes, and however trifling the rubs thrown in our way * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. i. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 219 may seem to one used to countrieg full of needy artificers, and stored with materials for work, yet to us they are not unim. portant, or, wliat is worse, uncommon. These difficulties will continue during the present war, and as we can not conquer, we must endeavor to bear them. " There is an actual coui-age which distinguishes the soldier in the field, and there is also a patient fortitude which we, at a distance from immediate personal danger, have often occasion to exercise. "I am sorry that carpenters, tailors, smiths, wheelwrights, and what has now stirred your wrath — a d d bookbinder, who is not, by-the-by, so much to blame — should call forth the exercise of a virtue which ought not to be thrown forth but upon great occasions. " I can not but smile at your mention of leaving Duponceau, a good natured man and stranger, to deal with such surly, knowing, and great men as our tradesmen ; and as to stimu- lating the vrovk7)2an (for workmen we could not get), he is of no more use than if you had left hini to observe an eclipse without a telescope. You tell me to make a distinction be- tween the Baron Steuben and the inspector general. I will make another distinction : I will distinguish between the Baron Steuben uninformed and the Baron Steuben acquainted with facts and difficulties. A third difference I will observe, and that is between the Baron Steuben in good humor and the same gentleman (zoonically) angry and fretted. You see bow readily I observe your injunctions." As an evidence of the absolute want of the necessary ma- terials in a city like Philadelphia, it may be mentioned here, that two copies of the Regulations, which Steuben had ordered to be superbly bound for General Washington and the French minister, could not be finished because the bookbinder, after searching the whole city over, had not been able to procure iny gold leaf for gilding the books. Congress, ou the 5th of April, 1779, acknowledged Steu 220 LIFE OF STEUBEN. ben's -work"^ by resolving "that Baron Steuben, inspector general, be informed by the president that Congress enter- tain a high sense of his merit, disj^layed in a variety of in- stances, but especially in the system of military order and disciphne formed and presented by him to Congress." The governors of the different States, and presidents of Assemblies also, to whom Steuben had sent copies of his Regu- lations for their adoption by the several militias, most cheer- fully declared that a great want was supplied by his book. We quote only one of these letters, which is of more general interest, " I acknowledge myself under great obligations to you," writes Governor "William Livingston, of New Jersey, from Trenton, on the 22d of jMay, I779,f "for your generous offer of introducing your military regulations among our militia. The advantages that will result from carrying your proposal into execution must be evident on the least reflection. Our militia is composed of materials cajjable of being fonued into as good soldiers as any part of the world can produce, and disciplined upon your plan, would certainly constitute the best and most natural defense of a republican State against all hos- tile invasion. It will, however, be attended with some diffi- culty to prevail on a people subsisting by agriculture, to devote a proj^er portion of their time to this purpose. But as the State is about raising and incorporating a corps of militia for its own defense, the discij)line proposed may be easily introduced among those troops ; and their officers being made masters of it, will by degrees diffuse it through the whole State. Whenever, therefore, this body is raised, I shall take the liberty to apply to you to request the commander-in- chief to send me an officer capable of teaching your rules, and giving the necessary explanations. From a certain passage in your letter, sir, I should be led to conclude that you had ac- * Journals of Congress, v., 137. f Steubc!! MS. Papers, vol. L LIFE OF STEUBEN. 221 companied it with n copy of your Regulations, but if you did I have not had the pleasure of receiving it. "Tlie eminent advantages whicli our army has derived from your skill and industry in improving their discipline will, I doubt not, be gratefully acknowledged by every true Amer- ican, and by none with more sensibility and ardor than by me." The French ambassador, Mr. Gerard, to whom Steuben bad sent cojjies of the Regulations for the Prince De Mont- barey and Count Vergenues, on the 16th of July, 1779, answered,* that with the books he would inform those per- sonages of Steuben's success, of which he had already given them most flattering accounts. During his stay at Philadel]>hia Steuben, besides writing out his regulations for the army, was often consulted in mat- ters pertaining to his department. Thus Joseph Reed, pres- ident of Congress, invited him to assist in the survey of the neighborhood of Philadelphia, in order to establish better de- fenses of the city. "The season and weather growing flivorable," writes Reed, on the 21st of February, I779,f "to attend to the defense of the river and city, I shall take it as a particular favor if you would accompany me on this service this week. " It is proposed to cross, with our horses, at Gloucester Point on Tuesday morning, if the weather will admit, and to proceed thence to Redbank and Billingsport, crossing over thence to Mudisland and the Pennsylvania shore, so as to complete the whole survey before we return to town again. "As your good judgment and experience may suggest remedies for former defects, and perhajos some new measures for the greater security of this important city, I hope you will not fmd any inconvenience in devoting two or three days to so valuable a purpose." Steuben, after having finished his work, prepared to join the main array, which was then in winter quarters at Bound- * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. i. f Ibidem. Sjirague. 222 LIFE OF STEUBEK. brook and MidJlebrook. Before leaving Philadelphia he pro- jjosed an hidemnification for the officers who had assisted him 'in his work, and asked a thousand dollars for Colonel Flemy, eight hundred dollars for Captain Walker, six hundred dollars for Captain De I'Enfant, and four hundred dollars for Mr. Duponceau, all of' which were granted. He addressed this application to the board of war, at that time composed of Messrs. Peters and Pickering. "I can not refrain," says Steuben,* "from relating an anecdote in this place, which has since caused me as much mirth as it at first irritated and annoyed me. Although the board of war was only composed of Peters and Pickering, there was always a member of Congress who took part in their deliberations. At this time it was Mr, Root, of Connec- ticut, who filled this office. I came one day to the war office, probably at the time when they were deliberating how they should reimburse me for the expense I had been at while em- ployed prejparing my work. Mr. Root asked me how many copies of it had been printed ? I said three thousand. ' How many,' he replied, ' shall you require for the officers of the army ?' 'About eighteen hundred,' was my answer. 'Thei'e will therefore be twelve hundred left over,' said Mr. Root ; ' the book will sell well.' He then made a calculation in an under tone, and resumed — 'But you could sell the remaining copies, and that would pay your expenses while in town.' If I had not remarked that Mr. Peters bent his head and blushed at hearing this proposal, I should certainly have told them my mind in pretty strong language. For a long time I did not utter a word ; at last I rose and said to Mr. Root that I was the more astounded at his proposition as I had not asked for any reimbursement of my expenses out of the public money." On the 26th of March, 1*779, Steuben hastened to join the array in New Jersey. * Steuben MS. Papera Sprague. CHAPTER XI. Steuben puts nis Tuf.ory in Practice. — He eeyiews the Teoops and forms the Battalions on a fixed Standabd — He creates Ligut Infantry. — Its Im- portance IN THE War and its Adoption in Europe.— Dr. Thaciier's Descrip- tion OF Steuben's Eeviews, and North's Remarks about the Inspection. — Movements of the Army. — Storming and Capture of Stony Point. — Attack with the Bayonet.— The Army begins to undef^stand the Value of the Bayonet. — Wayne's Monument. — Letter of Ex-President Pierce. — Steuben's Opinion about the Situation of the American Army after the Capture op Stony Point.— Correspondence between Gerard and Steuben.— Their men Opinion of the Gallantry of Wayne and Fleury. — Steuben accompanies the Erench Ambassador into the Camp. — IIe acts here, as on later Occasions, AS Master of Cerk.monies. — Hamilton's Letter. — Steuben in West Point. — Ilis OFFICIAL Duties ofsscRiBEO by Duponceau.— His Popularity among the 60LDIERS.—II1S Letter to Franklin.— The American Soldiers take the middle Ground hetwkkn the Pope's Troops and the Prussians, i. e., the worst and the best of the Time. — Winter Quarters at Morristown. — Steuben enjoys the entire CONFIDICXCK OF OfFICEM AND SoLDIERS. — TuE Ar.MY CONVINCED OF THE NeCES.- peared, Steuben was surrounded by all his young soldiers, and they unanimously assured him that they would take care for the future not to lose their bayonets, nor roast beefsteaks with them, as they used to do. Steuben availed himself of this moment of enthusiasm for the bayonet to obtain an ordei" from the com- mander-in-chief, that henceforth the bayonet should be con- tinually fixed to the muskets on all occasions. He took away the belts and sheaths from the men, and had them returned to the store, with orders to the commissary not to serve out any more. By this arrangement he not only saved the expense of LIFE OF STEUBEN. 229 belts aud scabbards — very considerable in itself — but he also saved about four thousand bayonets per annum, in an army of twelve thousand men. Suice then, the drill for fixing and un- fixing bayonets has been abolished, and the bayonet is con- sidered as essential a part of the musket as the lock. It may be stated in this connection that, on the 16th day of July, 1857, at the very place where the old fort once stood, the corner-stone of a monument was laid, in honor of General Wayne. On this occasion patriotic orations and toasts were deUvered by dozens, and all the revolutionary generals and officers praised in the highest Fourth of July style, but in all these oi-ations we can not find Steuben's name mentioned. Mr. Ex-President Pierce says, in his letter to the committee, that "there was nothing in the Peninsular war, in which such striking advantages were occasionally gained by fixed bay- onets and locks without flints, more complete in its plan, dar- ing, and success, than the storming of Stony Point It is difficult to determine which is most worthy of admiration — the dashing intrepidity of the commanding general as he en- tered the works, wounded and bleeding, or the coolness and quick military perception which, Washington says, improved upon the plan which he had recommended." It would seem that Mr. Pierce did not know that it was Steuben who taught the American soldier to make use of the bayonet, and that Steuben's sub-inspector, Floury, shared with Wayne the glory of this grand exploit. Wayne really does not lose by giving to others their due. If there be any thing that shows Steuben's noble and modest character in its proper light, it is the fact, that he was the first who unreservedly ad- mired the bravery of Wayne aud Fleury — that he was happy at the briUiant achievement, and that, even in the "private intercourse with his friends, he did not allude to his indirect participation in the success of the enterprise. Thus wo find in the "Steuben Papers" a very interest- ing letter, addressed to him by the French .'iiiibassailor, Mr. 230 LIFE OF STEUBEN. Gerard. As all that relates to that glorious exploit deserves to be preserved, we translate it here, the more readily as it shows, at the same time, Steuben's sentiments with regard to it. "Nothing is iu my opinion more just, my dear baron," writes Gerard, from Philadel^^hia, on the 27th of July 1779, " than the eulogy which you bestow upon the expedition against Stony Point. Plan, execution, courage, discipline, address and energy, in short, the most rare qualities were found united there, and I am convinced that this action will as much elevate the ideas of Europe about the military qualities of the Ameri- cans, as tne success ... * had devoted the talent of our illus- trious and amiable general. I have sent an express to Balti- more to look out for a vessel which might immediately cany the news of this triumph to France. Although I am not as fond as you are of all the individuals here, the success of this country touches me as much as that of our own arms. As to General Wayne, I believe that we both entertain the same sentiments. (Steuben's letter of the 21st of July, to which this passage refers, is lost : but Greene writes, on the same day to his wife, that Steuben thought this gallant action would fix the character of the commanding officer in any part of the world.) When you see him, jjlease tell him that nobody re- gards with more pleasure than I the glory which he is going to acquire. The honor which our brave and noble Fleury Avon on this occasion touches me equally, and I expect with pleas- ure the flattering recomjjense which he is destined to receive. I consider this briUiant success as a new inducement for him to stay in America; he at least can not leave us in the course * Mr. Gerard's hand^\Titing is so excessively difficult to decipher, that we could not read two words, which are marked with periods. It took us more than three hours to make out the hieroglyphics of this short letter. It is a characteristic trait of the French noblemen of that day, to write in a man- ner that was exceedingly diCQcult to read. This forms a striking contrast to the clear, legible and bold handwriting of their American cotempora- rics. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 231 of this campaign. T am going to write to my court, that it may grant bim such rewards as prove the interest which it takes in the success of America. " Colonel Pickering has sent me a copy of your Regulations and promised me six more. Courage, my dear baron ; those talents, which know how to do good without giving umbrage and causing jealousy, are always sure to triumph ultimately over all obstacles. Your success can not increase the attach- ment of your friends ; but they will be happy if they are cer- tain that you are as happy as you deserve to be." Mr'. Gerard, two months after having written this letter, left the country and was relieved by Mr. De la Luzerne, who arrived at Boston toward the end of August, 1779. Steuben was at that time just reviewing the corps of General Gates in Providence, and was requested by the chevalier to join him on his route to head-quarters. After having finished his inspec- tion, he went to Hartford, where he met the French minister, and whence they proceeded together by Wethersfield, Xew Haven, Fairfield and Danbury to Fishkill, where General Washingtun had arrived to receive Mr. De la Luzerne. "I had not the honor of knowing him before," says Steu- ben in one of his memorials ; * " and although he received me with the utmost politeness, I saw that he knew nothing of me, and that the French ministry had not informed him how it happened that I had come to this country. This convinced me that they had sent me adrift and that I was to manage for myself as well as I could. I took good care not to allow Mr. De la Luzerne to perceive what I thought, and mentioned only incidentally my acquaintances at Versailles and the way I came to America, and determined to play the part of an American officer who had no other protection or support." At head-quai'ters they did not know the etiquette to be observed to receive the French minister. Steuben was there- fore appealed to as the person most likely to know how to * Steuben MS. Papers. Spraguo. -'o- LIFE OF STEUBEN. make tlie iiGcessary arrangements. He liad thus an opportu- nity of using his old experience as court marshal, and was afterward constantly applied to both by the government and the foreign ministers to be, as it were, the master of ceremo- nies in their mutual relations. " Will you have the goodness," writes Alexander Hamilton, then adjutant general, On the 5th of September, 1779, to Steuben,* "to send on an express to the general, informing him of the daily stages which it is pro- posed to make and the time of your intended arrival at camp ? If the general should meet Mr, De la Luzerne at Fishkill, as a private gentleman, will he think the compliment amiss ? This is entre nous : I see no impropriety in it ; but I shall be obliged to you to favor me with your opinion on this, and on any other point that may occur to you, avec franchise. At his Excellency's debarkation at head-quarters, Major Gibbs has a violent inclination to make a little flourish at the head of his men. Will this be an infringement on your plan ?" When he had seen a part of the army and the works at West Point, the Chevalier De la Luzerne left to pay his re- spects to Congress at Philadelphia. We found among the Steuben papers an opinion of Steu- ben, which, written at West Point on the 27th day of July, 1779, by order of General Washington, describes the situa- tion of the American army after the capture of Stony Point, and sheds an interesting light on the condition of affliirs. It reads in the translation as follows : " Our present situation is about the same as it was at the commencement of this campaign. The enemy is still numer- ically superior. Their troops are better provided than ours. They are better able to carry out their plans, and on account of their ships, they are masters of the coast, and of the mouth of the North river. " The taking of Stony Point was a great advantage for our side. It has not only encouraged the army but the people. * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. i. LIFE OF STEU'BEX. 233 It has shown the enemy that oiu' generals know how to make a plan, and that oui- officers and soldiers know how to carry it out with boldness and precision. It has delayed the field op- erations of the enemy, but it has not altogether defeated their plans. " Let us examine what those plans probably are. The great preparation which the enemy have made to protect themselves on both sides of the river at King's Ferry ; the time, labor and exjjense they have employed in fortifying this point — can they have any other object than the burning and plundering of the coast of Connecticut ? "Would they have fortified Stony and Verplanck's Points to terminate their con- quests there for this campaign ? Neither supposition is at all probable. Their plans must be more comprehensive. Hav- ing fortified these two points, and leaving a sufficient garrison in them, they are at liberty to take the rest of their forces wherever they think proper, and in case of a reverse these two points are a supjiort for their troops, and a harbor for their vessels. "They will then invade the country, with a view to encour- aging us to follow them by detachments, or with our full force, while they will be ready at any moment to make an attack on West Point, with three or four thousand men, and the vessels necessary for their transport. If, on the other hand, we do not allow ourselves to be drawn from our present position by their invasions, it is possible that they may send a corps of five or six thousand men, on either side of the river, to seem to threaten our flanks, and to try to maneuver in our rear, so as to attack West Point. This, however, seems to me very dit- ficult, particularly on the side of the fort. "Whatever means they may employ, I am positive tliat their operations are directed exclusively to getting possession of this post, and of the river as far as Albany. If this is not their plan they have not got one which is worth the expense of a cam- paign. On their success depends — the fate of America. The con- 234 LIFE OP STEUBEN. sequeuce is, therefore, that there is nothing of greater impor- tance to us than to avert this blow. Let them burn whatever they have not burned ah-eady, and this campaign will add to their shame but not to their success. Were West Point strongly fortified, supplied with sufficient artillery, ammuni- tion and provisions, and a garrison of two thousand men, we ought not to be induced to take our forces more than a day's march from it. To have the means of relieving it, I go further, and say, that our army should be destroyed or taken, before we allow them to commence an attack on West Point. "Our position is good, on both sides of the river, for an army inferior in point of numerical strength. The enemy can not easily turn it. It is favorable with regard to our maga- zines and the river transports. If this ground has any disad- vantage, it is that one post can not readily succor another. Each brigade is obliged to defend itself; and for this reason it is absolutely necessary, not only that the generals, but all the oflicers should reconnoiter the ground and all the roads and accessible paths. The right wing, which extends to Suf- ferns, is very advantageously placed. Nevertheless, were it possible to place a brigade or two somewhere between Suflerns and Fort Montgomery, the enemy would be compelled to keep more men and ships near Stony Point, and although I do not think it advisable to risk a second enterprise against the same point, I should wish the enemy to apprehend it. The more of their forces that we keep in check from this side, the less they will have to operate elsewhere. Small vidette de- tachments along this side of the river to Newark, and on the other side of the Croton river as far as Norwalk, with relays of horses, will be able to give us timely notice of all the enemy's movements, and Avarn the militia to take arms. The harvest is nearly over, and the people are therefore better able to take arms in case of need. But, in my opinion, neither Jersey nor Connecticut ought to rely much on the detach- ments of these troops. Let us defend the North river and LIFE OF STEUBEIi. 235 hold West Point, and the end of our campaign will be glo- rious. " P. S. — The above is my opinion upon the present con- dition of aiFalrs. The arrival of our ally's fleet on tlie coast would matei-ially change our plan of operations," The army remained inactive at West Point, and the En- glish equally so at New York. " Our troops," relates Du- pouceau,* " during this bloodless campaign frequently, shifted their quarters, and Ave of course followed. My labor during that time was any thing but pleasant. The reports of the different corps and de})artments of the army, which were called returns, containing the number of men, the quantity of provisions, clothing, arms, ammunition, etc., were all sent to Baron Steuben, as inspector general of the army. From those documents we had to make extracts, and to frame out of them general returns to be laid before the commander-in- chief. That was a tedious business. A more agreeable duty was that of attending the baron on horseback when he went to inspect the troops. lie was much beloved by the soldiers, though he was a strict disciplinarian, and passionate withal. But there was in him a fund of goodness, which disjilayed itself on many occasions, and which could even be read in his severe countenance, so that he was extremely popular. He never did an act of injustice but he repaired it, as soon as dis- covered, by the most public acknowledgment. Of this I have seen several instances. The Marquis Do Lafayette and the Baron De Steuben were great favorites with the army, and Avere called by no other names. A woman went once to the latter to ask his j^ermission to call her child after him. 'ITow will you call him ?' said Steuben. ' Why, to be sure,' replied she, ' I '11 call him Baron.' "His fits of passion never offended the soldier. When some movement or maneuver was not performed to his mind, * Duponceau'a MS. Letters. No. ix., dated Philadelphia, August 31, 1837. 236 LIFE OF STEUBEN. he began to swear iu German, then in French, and then in both languages together. When he had exhausted his artil- lery of foreign oaths he would call to his aids, 'My dear Walker, or my dear Duponceau, come and swear for me in English — these fellows will not do what I bid them.' A good- natured smile then went through the ranks, and at last the maneuver or the movement was perfectly performed," From West Point, on the 28th of September, ] 779, Steuben wrote the following letter to Benjamin Franklin, then in Paris :* "I take the liberty of transmitting you a few copies of the Regulations published last winter for the service of the injan- try. As this work has been .under my direction, I must let you know that circumstances have obliged me to deviate from principles adopted in the European armies, such as the forma- tion iu tv/o ranks, the weakness of our battalions, etc. Young as we are, we have already our prejudices as the most ancient nations. The prepossession iu favor of the British service has obliged me to comply with many things which are against ray principles. However, we have now fixed regulations, which will at least produce a uniformity in the service ; and our sys- tem, though imperfect, is for preferable to having none. " I leave it to your other correspondents to give you an account of the present state of our array. If they tell you that our order and discipline equal that of the French and Prussian armies, do not believe them ; but do not believe them, either, if they compare our troops to those of the pope ; and take a just medium between those two extremes. Though we are so young that M'e scarcely begin to walk, we can take already Stony Point and Paulus Hook with the point of the bayonet, without firing a single shot. This is very premature, yet we still have many weaknesses which bespeak our infancy. We want, above all, the true meaning of the words libertf/, independence^ etc., that the child may not make use of thera against his flither, or the soldier against his officer. * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. si LIFE or STEUBEN 237 " I will say nothing of our political affairs — these do not fall within my province. All I can assure you of is that the English will not beat us, if we don't beat ourselves." In Xovember, 1779, the general-in-chief left a sufficient force at West Point and the environs, and the rest of the army took up winter quarters in the vicinity of Morristown, in Xew Jersey, where head-quarters were established, and Steuben continued to perform his duties in inspecting and re- viewing the troops. Officers and soldiers placed the utmost confidence in him, and strictly obeyed his orders. The briga- diers no longer protested against his command, and the cabals against him were at an end. Two of the major generals who had made the first difficulty no longer belonged to the army (Lee and Mifflin); and the third (Lafayette) was absent. Steuben had succeeded in convincing the army of the absolute necessity of his reforms, and from his indefatigable zeal they now readily perceived that it was the good of the army, and not personal ambition, that prompted him in his endeavors for the firm es- tablishment of the inspectoi'ship. lie had made some progress in the English language, so that he could express himself more intelfigibly. Prospects became brighter, and an ultimate suc- cess certain.* Steuben was, however, very badly off in a financial point of view. lie did not receive any pay more than the rest of the army, and was often obliged to buy forage for his horses and food for his sei-vants. His own funds were exhausted, and ver)- often he was in want of the greatest necessaries. Washington, to remedy this injustice, as early as the 17th of August, 1779, had laid the matter before Congress in the following letter :f " Inclosed is also," he says, " a memorandum of the money for which I have given warrants to Baron Steuben in the course of the present year. It amounts to a considerable sum * Steuben 3tIS. Papers. Sprague. f Washington's Writings, \i., 325. 238 LIFE OF STEUBEN. more than his pay established by Congress ($2000 per year). This is a subject which embarrasses me. It is reasonable that a man devoting his time and services to the pubHc, and by general consent a very useful one, should at least have his expenses borne. His established pay is certainly altogether inadequate to this. A large nominal sum goes but a little way. But while there is a sum fixed by Congress, I am cer- tainly not at liberty to exceed it ; and though I have hitherto complied, from the indelicacy of a refusal to a foreigner, to a man of high rank, to one who is rendering the most indefati- gable and Ijeneficial services, yet I shall be under the necessity of discontinuing the practice. Neither could I recommend that a sufficient allowance should be formally determined ; for though there may be less reason to expect foreigners than na- tives to make pecuniary sacrifices to this country, and though some of them may have no private resources, so remote from home, for their support, yet it would be difficult to reconcile our own officers to a measure which would make so great and palpable a difference in the compensation for the respective services. " It is true, the baron, from the nature of his office, will often have to travel from one part of the army to another, which will occasion extra expense, and wnll justify an extra allowance. It is upon this principle that my last warrant was granted, as he was just setting out on a journey to Providence. But perhaps the best mode to enable the baron, and others in his situation, to defray their necessary expenses in the ser- vice, may be to invest the board of war with a discretionary power to grant such sums, from time to time, as they shall judge reasonable, and proportioned to the circumstances of the persons." Congress, however, for more than six months, did not act agreeably to these suggestions, and things became the worse for Steuben, as Washington could not continue issuing war- rants for him. Another great inconvenience was, that while LIFE OF STEUBEN. 239 the officers belonging to particular States sometimes received small sums from their respective States, those who were not so situated, got nothing. Steuben was not the only person who was treated in this way. We find an interesting and significant instance of the mode in which foreign officers were treated, and in which Baron De Kalb was even subjected to insult by a subordinate officer.* De Kalb commanded the army of Maryland, in which General SmaUwood was brigadier. The State sent a leather chest, contauiing coffee, brandy, etc., for the use of the officers. Brigadier Smalhvood put a guard on the chest, with orders not to give out the smallest thing to General De Kalb, or to his order — the same De Kalb who was soon afterward killed for the benefit of the State of Maryland, as well as the other States. Steuben's situation was similar to that of Mr. De Kalb and all the foreign officers. They belonged to the continent at large, which was the same as belonging to nobody. When Steuben entered his whiter quarters at Morristown, he re- ceived neither rations for his servants nor forage for his horses. He could not even get a payment on account in paper money. Without funds or credit, his situation was extremely disagree- able, and if Mr. Boudinot, formerly member of Congress, had not had the kindness to lend him a proportionally small sum, he would, in fact, have been reduced to starvation. To put an end to this misery, Steuben asked fi'om Congress either an increase of his pay, adequate to meet his expenses while on duty, or his dismissal. On the 7th of March, 1780, Congress allowed him two hundred and fifty louisdors for reimburse- ment of his expenses in coming to America, but took no meas- ures to comply definitely with his wishes. f These two hun- dred and fifty louisdors (a §3.83) were paid to him in bills of exchange, which he negotiated at a discount of forty per cent. * Steuben MS. Papers. Sprague. \ Resolutions, Acts and Orders of Congress, vol. vi., p. 39. C. Dunlap's edition. 6 240 LIFE OF STEUBEN". " Your intention of quitting us," writes Colonel Benjamin Walker, on the 10th of March, 1780, to Steuben,* " can not but give me much concern, both as an individual and as a member of the commonwealth, convinced as I am of the ne- cessity of your presence to the existence of order and disci- pline in the army. I can not but dread the moment when such event shall take place, for much am I afraid we should again fall into that state of absolute negligence and disorder from which you have in some measure drawn us. However, I hope Congress will so far see the interest of the country as to make your stay among us consistent with your regard to your- self" Although by the above act Steuben's absolute wants were provided for, there was no definite provision made for the extra expenses of his peculiar office, nor was there any fixed arrangement by which he could guide himself for the future. He nevertheless remained convinced that the faithful and dili- gent performance of his duty would suggest to Congress the absolute justice of performing theirs. * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. i. CHAPTER XII. Stecbes, by order of Washixgtox, goes to Philadelphia, to peopose to Con- gress THE ADOPTIOX of NEW LaWS FOE THE Ke-FORMATIOX OF THE ArMY. — CoK- RESPONDESCE -niTH THE GeXERAL-1N-CuIEF, THE BOARD OF WaR, AND CONGRESS, FROM January to April, 17S0. — Vert impoktant Results arrived at. — Ee- formation of the Army. — Steuben's Proposals finally adopted.— A Commit- tee OF Three appointed to go to IIead-Ql-arters. — Eefok.ms introduced in Sf.ptembek and October, 1730. — Steuken" accompanies the Feexch Ambassador to Camp.— Maneuver in Honor of the Latter.— Wasiiington's Obdee op the Day. TOWARD the end of January, 1V80, when it became neces- sary to prepare for the next camjjaign, Washington or- dered Steuben to Philadelphia, to propose to Congress the adoption of certain laws for the formation of the army on a more permanent and efficient basis. This mission involved the vital question of the real existence of the army, Avhich, on ac- count of the insufficient recruiting system, and the expiration of the tei-m of a large portion of the soldiers, was about to lose almost one third of its strength, when not even one man could be spared on the eve of a new campaign. The tran.sactions which Steuben had on the one hand with Washington, and on the other with the board of Avar and Con- gress, form an interesting chapter in the history of the war, and have never before been completely published. Having access to all the important letters which refer to this mission, we think it best to communicate them here, unabridged and in their original form. They give the entire narrative of the pro- ceedings and require neither comment nor additions.* * We found Steuben's draft and copying-book for 1780 among the "VTalker Papers, in the possession of Charles A. Mann, Esq., in Utica, who has since presented all that relates to Steuben to the New York Historical Society, 11 242 LIFE OF S T E U B K N . " Having arrived here," reports Steuben to Washington, from Philadelphia, the 26th of January, 1780, "on the night of the 22d instant, I deHvered, next day, early in the morning, your Excellency's letter to the president of Congress, and I am informed but to day that the board of war is charged to confer with me on the present state of the army. I do not know as yet what this conference will tend to. There is a talk of a committee being to repair to camp, in order to give a new formation to our army. It is spoken likewise of incorporat- ing forty-one regiments, but I really believe that nothing is yet determined upon this subject. " The minister of France has communicated to me that he is on the point of asking Congress what means they intend to employ for the oj^erations of the next campaign, that he may give notice to his court, and to the chiefs of squadrons to make their arrangements. lie has given me certain assurances that we may reckon on the arrival of a French fleet upon our coast, in case we are able to cooperate on our side. He has told me he has sent his opinion to your Excellency on the subject of the cartel proposed by the enemy. " Wednesday, the 26th itistant. — I have just received an order from the board, of war to attend at their oflice to- morrow at six o'clock, p. m. " Some gentlemen in Congress, and especially the east- ern members, appear extremely well disposed to reinforce the army for the next campaign, and to do all in their power to promote vigorous operations. There are indeed different where it can now be found. We are under more than ordinary obligations to tliis gentleman for his kind permission to peruse and use these papers. Tliey were chiefly dictated by Steuben, and corrected by Xorth and Fairlie. That tliey were correctly copied from the original drafts, is proved by the letter of the 2Sth of March. 1780, which is published by Sparks, in volume ii. of the Revolutionary Correspondence, and by two or three others, which we found and compared, in the Washington State Department. Here we were unable to compare them all, as we were suddenly interrupted in the perusal of the State Papers, further access to them being forbidden to us by the Assistant Secretary of State. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 243 schemes projjosed, but I shall not contradict any, provided we have an army. " Thursday, the 27th instant. — I have delivered to the board of war the returas of the infantry, and, as far as I could, I have acquainted them with the state of our army. I am desired to give without delay my opinions of the preparations that are to be made for the next campaign." The memorial itself which Steuben delivered to the board of war, on the 28th of January, 1V80, reads as follows, viz. : " The incomplete state and extreme inequality of our reg- iments of infontry against all good order and regular foi'ma- tion, induced me last cam])aign to present to his Excellency, the commander-in-chief, a plan of formation for an order of battle, in which I joined two and three regiments together, in order to form a single battalion according to the regulations. In consequence of this formation, the army, under General Washington, was divided into thirty-five battalions, and eight battalions of light infantry. " Although such an arrangement was very necessary, yet it was very difficult to bring the commanding officers of reg- iments to agi-ee to it. The one insisted on the strength of his corps, the other on the older date of his commission, and both claimed the coraraandment-in-chief of the battalion. Hence several representations, on the part of the officers, were pro- duced, which were accommodated but with the greatest diffi- culty by the commander-in-chief and myself. " The formation of eight battalions of light infantry met with no less obstacles, and excited no fewer clamors. Some regiments complained of furnishing too much, others of not furnishing enough. This arrangement was, however, finally adopted ; the eight battalions of light infantry were formed, and when under arms the regiments were formed into battal- ions. " Although this formation was extremely defective, yet it was the only one which we could adopt. The arrival of the 244 T. IFE OP STEUBEN. nine months' recruits from 'New England brought disorder into it, in the midst of the campaign. But now it is totally- subverted by the diminution of about five thousand men, whose enlistment expires before the beginning of next cam- paign. Some regiments will be so diminished that it wUl be necessary to join four or five together to form a battalion, others will be ahnost reduced to nothing ; few are strong- enough to form a battalion for themselves. Hence there will be very weak battalions with twelve field officers at their head, whilst others, of the same strength, will perhaps have but one. To remedy this evil I know of but two means : that of re- ducing the officers and incorporating the regiments, and that of completing them. The first will be dangerous and impol- itic, and the latter impossible. If we reduce the numbei- of regiments in the midst of the war, we shall show the enemy that we are not able to maintain our army on the present foot- ing. " The re-formed officers, even in preserving their appoint- ment and rank, will be disgusted at the seiwice, and I fear we shall lose thereby a number of good and brave officers. " li' we preserve their rank to restore them to their com- mands in case of vacancies, we shall justly offend those who wUl remain, for, supposing that a regiment loses several offi- cers in action, it would be hard for those who have run all the dangers to be superseded by those who have been all the wliile enjoying their rank and aj)pointments in the midst of then- families and connections. I dare say that the only pro- posal of an incorporation will disgust most of our oflicers, and I apprehend produce the most fatal consequences. To complete the regiments is an enterprise impossible to the United States ; and supposing even that we might find a sufficient number of re- cruits, we would then have so disproportionate an array that it would be out of the power of the States to maintain it. The regiments of infantry alone would amount, accord- ing to the establishment, to near forty-two thousand, rank LIFE OF STEUBEX. 245 and file ; add to this three thousand cavalry, two thousand artillery, and at least — for the proportion of such an army — six thousand men for the train of the army, artificers, etc., and then the array will amount to fifty-three thousand privates, without including the officers, whose number must amount to between five and six thousand, which will make about fifty- eight thousand men. And even supposing the States should not have all the necessary means to form an array, it would be ridiculous to keep up a force so superior to that we have to oppose. Thus it appears to me, that speaking of complet- ing the regiments, is speaking of an absolutely ill calculated scheme.- If I am asked what means I would then propose, I will answer, that I think we must form our army on a number proportionable to the abilities of the States and the operations we have to undertake. The first object requires an exact cal- culation on the part of our legislators, who are best acquainted with the abilities of the different States. In this calculation it is not only necessary to determine the number of men that can be assembled, but like'W'ise the means of arming, paying, clothing and otherwise supporting them. " The next is to determme whether we intend to act with vigor in an offensive campaign, or if we mean to protract the war by acting defensively and waiting for the issue of events. In both cases our army must be reinforced, more or less, for such as it is it can not anyhow stand another campaign. Be- sides, we must determine on a regular formation, and adopt some particular system. " In order to oppose our enemies in the Xorth and in the South, and act offensively against them, our army ought to be considerably augmented, and sufficiently provided v.-ith all the necessaries for next campaign. In order to know to what number the army ought to amount to serve that object, the general who commands it and directs its operations ought to determine. " I will, hovrever, venture to give here my opinions which I 240 LIFE OF STEUBEN. submit to the cxaiuinatiou of the commander-in-chief and tlie approbation of Congress, "Before I enter upou my calculations, I will observe that among the number of men I include only the fighting men iu rank and file, without including even the ofiicers, sergeants, drummers, etc., and still less the men employed as wagoners, artificers or servants, who are returned as soldiers and are not such in reahty. " Supposing, then, that our army is to be put on a footing to resist the efforts of the enemy in Georgia and Carolina, and not only to oppose their progress, but to dispossess them of what they have already conquered : " That we wish to be able to keep thorn close at the north- ward, and be ready at every instant to cooperate with a fleet of our allies, and strike a powerful blow wherever we shall think proper : that we wish to be able to fill our garrisons on the frontiers and reinforce them in case of need : " Methinks the following numbers Vv'ill be necessary for this purpose : Infantry, 23,G1G Cavalry, 1000 Artillery and artificers, 2000 Train of artillery, . 400 Train of the army, 2,952 Including commissaries, quarter-masters, ) 29~968 forage masters, etc., ) ' ' ' ' This force might be divided in the following manner : THE ARMY UNDER WASHINGTON. Infantry, 16,000 , Cavalry, GOO Artillery and artificers, 1200 Train of artillery, 300 Ketainers, etc., 2000 THE ARilY rXDER GENERAL LEN'COLN. Infantry, GOOO Cavalry, ......... 400 ArtiUery, GOO Train of artillery, 100 Staff, etc., 952 LIFi; OV STKUBEN. 247 IN GAURISOXS. Infantry, 1G16 Ai-tiUery, etc., 200 " To bring up our army to these numbers it is neither neces- sary to complete the regiments according to the estabhshment nor to re-form or incorporate tliera. " Each State should only level their regiments — each to consist of three hundred and twenty-four men. They ought then to divide each regiment into eight companies, and one of light infoiitry. Each compnny should consist of thirty-six men, out of whom four should be drawn to be put under the quarter-master general's orders, who might employ them as wagoners, etc., and thereby save the enormous expense to which we are subjected, by the considerable pay those wag- oners receive, whicli it is known is no less than that of a cap- tain of infantry. "The regiments of tlie different States being once put on this footing it would be necessary to level the additional regi- ments, among Avhich, that of Colonel Livingston almost re- duced to nothing and without officers, might be incorporated to level the others. When these are so leveled they should be joined to the State regiments, either by lot or any other arrangement, and comj^leted to the number of three hundred and twenty-four by the States to Avhich they shall be allotted, who ought then to make them enjoy the same emoluments as their other regiments. " With regard to the rank and advancement of the officers of the additional regiments, it would be proper to jireserve the advancement among themselves, and to confirm to the commander-in-chief the authority Avhich Congress has granted him of disposing of the advancement of the officers, and fill- ing up the vacancies of the Continental regiments, in which there are a number of excellent officers. " The cavalry ought to be completed and remounted in pro- lK)rtion that the whole may not exceed one thousand horses. 248 LIFE OF STEUBEN. '•'■ With regard to the artillery, General Kuox ought to be consulted whether the number I have projoosed will be propor- tioned to his oj^erations. I have dra^vn this proportion from the armies in Europe, and the returns of that corps will deter- mine how many men will be necessary to recruit it. '■• It is the same Avith regard to the civil departments of the staiF of the army. The chief of each department ought to specify the number of men he has employed, and how many lie thinks he shall want for his operations next campaign. These returns ought to be examined by the board of war and the commander-in-chief, and such persons as Congress shall appoint finally to determine upon it. " The numbers of these corps and departments being deter- mined for the next campaign, the wants of the army may be easily calculated. With regard to provisions and forage, it is necessary to reckon on a third more than the totality of the army, in order not to be in want. Besides those magazines proper for the immediate subsistence of the army, we should reckon on two more well supplied. " The first for a body of militia of twenty thousand men, w^ho will join us in case of an expedition, and this magazine oiight to be furnished for three full months ; the other for a fleet which our alhes may send us, and which should likewise be furnished with provisions, and for three months. Besides, the eastern States ought to establish, in time, considerable spare magazines, especially of hard bread and salt provisions. The general of the artillery must, without delay, furnish a return of what he thinks he shall want for the next campaign, and the necessary preparations for a siege and bombardment ought to be made with the greatest celerity. " The general of the engineers shall furnish a return of all lie wants, utensils, etc., for the same purpose. "With regard to the clothing of the army, it is to be wished each State would send their recruits ready clothed, no matter of what color, for next campaign, and that whatever clothing LIFE OF STEUBEN, 249 the States shall collect or receive from France, should be all stored up, not to be delivered till when the campaign is over. " But the most essential matter is to provide ourselves with at least ten thousand stand of arms against the beginning of May next, without reckoning on those which ai'e expected from France. It is the least number Ave may want in case the army is formed agreeably to the present plan. " The more difficult it is to make the above-mentioned regu- lations, the more the moments are precious, and the more ne- cessary it is to do our utmost eiForts to effect them. We are already at the end of January. If the recruits have not joined the regiments by the 1st of April, the expense and trouble of assembling them shall avail nothing. " If the magazines are not suppUed for seven months against the hai-vest, the army is lost. If we can not have at least ten thousand stand of arms before the recruits join, the men will become useless. " I make no doubt of a vigorous campaign being carried on in Europe. I doubt still less of our allies assisting us effica- ciously on this continent. It would be unhappy if we could do nothing on our side at such favorable instants. " Our late disappointment at the southward should strike us: two thousand men more under the orders of General Lin- coln would have insured us the defeat of the enemy in Geor- gia, and we would now have no fatal consequences to appre- hend on that side. "I can not forbear of observing here that most of the indi- viduals of this continent are tired with the present war. I wish this consideration may induce us to do our utmost to biing it to a happy termination in one glorious campaign." Steuben informed Washington of the delivery of the me- morial on the 29th of January, 1780, in the following note : " 1 delivered yesterday to the board of war, the annexed memorial. It is only a general calculation, which requires a more exact examination. The Hon. Mr. Livingston, a mem« 11* 250 LIFE OP STEUBEN. ber of Congi-ess, was deputed, on their part, to the board. He communicated the answer of your Excellency on the scheme of incorporating the regiments. " If any thing should induce me to advise an incorporation, it would be the vacancies of officers, which I know not how to fill. I fear, however, it will produce a great deal of discon- tent and other ill consequences. " Mr. Peters proposed to put off all airangement, and to consider in this moment only the number of men which the respective States are to funiiish for the next campaign. The number of infantry which I proposed in my memorial was ad- mitted. I represented, however, that it would be necessary to add forty men more to each regiment, on account of the di- minution which may happen from this time to the beginning of next campaign. ]Mr. Livingston objected to the number of cavalry which I proposed, on account of the impossibility of mounting it. This consideration was, however, suspended, not to defer the simple calculation of the men. "Sunday, 30.— I have received an order from the board of war to procure, without any delay, the retm-ns, the list of which is here inclosed. I beg, sir, you will interj)Ose your authority, that these returns may be tran!>mitted immediately. " It appears indispensably necessary to prohibit the distri- bution of the arms, cartridges, etc., until tlie quantity now in the regiments and magazines is well known and ascertained. " I beg, dear general, you will let me know your opinion of the proportion for an army, which you will find in my me- morial, as I wish to act solely by your Excellency's direction. Be pleased, sir, to honor me v,^ith yom- confidence, and be sure that ray zeal for the service can only be equaled by the pro- found respect with which I am, etc." Washington acknowledged the receipt of Steuben's let- ters and memorial in the follovring letter, dated Morristown, the Sth of February IVSO :* * Wasliingtoii's Writing's, vi., 464. LIFE OF STEITBEN. 251 " I have received your letter, with the papers annexed, and have carefully considered the contents, on which I shall give you my sentiments with freedom and confidence. The princi- pal point on which your memorial to Congress tums, is the force requisite for the next campaign. To determine tliis on good grounds, we ought first to settle the following questions: Will it be in our power to make an ofiTensive, or must we con- tent ourselves vdth a defensive campaign ? "It is not possible to decide this question without a more intimate knowledge of our resources of finance than I at pres- ent possess, and without ascertaining whether our allies can aflbrd a squadron for an effectual cooperation on this continent. I think, with vigorous exei-tions, we may raise a sufticient number of men for offensive operations, if we were able to maintain them ; but fi'om the view I have of our affairs, I do not believe the state of our treasury will admit this without assistance from abroad. Whether this is to be obtained, Con- gress alone can judge. On the other hand, from the particu- lar situation of the enemy's posts in this quarter, I should not advise you to calculate measures on the principle of expelling them, unless we had certain assurances that an adequate na- val force will be ready to cooperate ^vith us through all con- tingencies. If a foreign aid of money, aiid a fieet, are to be depended upon, I should then recommend that all our dispo- sitions sliould have reference to an offensive and decisive cam- paign ; and m this case I should ask at least one third more men tlian you estimate, to be immediately raised by a genoi-al draft. "But as I doubt whether these two preliminaries can be placed upon such a footing of certainty as to justify our act- ing in consequence, I imagine we must of necessity adopt the principle of a defensive campaign, and pursue a system of the most absolute economy. On this principle, however, if I un- derstand your estimate, I do not think it will be more than suflicient. When the deductions for unavoidable casualticf^i are made, this number will give ns less than twenty thousand 252 LIFE OF STEUBEN". for our efficient operating force. This is as little us ^ve can well have to contain the enemy within bounds, and prevent their making any farther progress. Including the detachment which lately sailed from New York, they have near twenty thousand men fit for actual service in these States ; to say noth- ing of the recruits they will probably send over to complete; their battalions, which will be an augmentation of force. For these reasons I approve the estimate you have proposed, as best suited to our present circumstances. " The number of cavalry you propose is in good proportion, and in a military sense necessary. Cavaliy, if there is an act- ive scene to the southward, will be particularly useful there ; but the question of expense is a very serious one, and, like the rest, must be referred to those who are acquainted with our tnoney resources. Another point is, whether the regiments had better be incorporated with each other and completed to such a standard as will give the number of men required. A committee of Congress, as you have been informed, sent me a proposal, which has been referred to their consideration, for reducing the number of battalions, and asked my opinion upon it. Though I Mas fully sensible of the inconveniences which will infalUbly attend a reduction, I did not dissuade from it, principally on two accounts ; one, a conviction that the em- barrassments m our finances require every expedient for sav- ing expense ; the other, the incompetency of the present num- ber of officers to the present number of corps. But though I do not disapprove, I am far from being much attached to this plan. Congress can best balance the advantages and disadvan- tages, and determine which preponderate. " I sincerely wish that what you recommend with respect to magazmes, could be carried into execution, but I fear it will be impracticable in the present exigency. Every thing, how ever, that is possible ought to be attempted. There is no dan- ger of the magazines exceeding our wants ; and we have been imder dreadful embarrassments, through the whole course of LIFE OF STEUBEN. 253 the war, fi-ora temporary and precarious supplies. ITie arms ought, at all events, to be j)rovicleci. I have issued an order requiring the returns demanded by the board of war to be made out with all dispatch. They will be forwarded as fast as they are collected. There are some points of inferior im- portance iu your memorial which I aj)prove, but do not require a particular enumeration." In the meantime the negotiations with the board of war went on, as appears from the following letters : " When Congress," writes Steuben, on the 5th of Febru- ary, 1780, "shall have determined on the number of recruits each State is to furnish, I believe it will be necessary for the States to appoint one place of rendezvous in each State, where their respective recruits will assemble, and the commander-in- chief should at the same time order a field ofticer of each State, and a captain, two subalterns and four sergeants of each regi- ment, to repair to their respective places of rendezvous. " In proportion as the recruits arrive, they ought to be pre- sented to the field officers who, in presence of a deputy from his State and a skillful surgeon, must examine particularly each man and determine whether he is fit or unfit for service. These officers ought to be strictly charged not to receive any man above fifty or under eighteen years of age. " The suigcon ought to examine whether they are not crip- pled or maimed, hunch-backed, lame, blind, or otherwise de- formed, whether they have no rupture or fiesh wounds, or any foul disorder. All such men ought to be absolutely refused. " Xo prisoner of war, whether taken on sea or land, is to be accepted. As soon as one hundred recruits are accepted, the field officer will command one captain, two subalterns, and four sergeants to conduct them to the army, where they will be delivered to the inspector of the division or brigade to which they shall belong, who will distribute them among the several regiments of their State. The field officer shall con- duct, himself, the last recruits. 254 LIFE OF STEUBEX. " If you think this arrangement proper, gentlemen, I be- lieve it must be communicated immediately to the commander- in-chief and the generals of the several States." And on the 6th of February, 1780, Steuben continues: " Our cavalry not being armed vnih carabines, nor exei-- cised for the service on foot, as the dragoons in Europe, this inconvenience results, that they are ill-guarded both in camp and quarters. When it is somewhat too far in the front of the infantry, it is exposed to be surprised, so that instead of form- ing a chain to cover the army in front, the army is obliged to form a chain for the security of the cavalry. Being thereby at too great a distance from the enemy, our cavalry officers can seldom surprise the advanced posts and patrols. When they want to strike a blow of partizan, they must make a march that tires the horses out before they are brought into action. " If our cavalry had (as the legions have now in Prussia and had lately in France) a certain number of chasseurs or light infantry with them, to guard them in their camps or quarters upon the lines, to secure their marches, support their enterprises and cover their retreat, in case of need, I am persuaded our officers would strike hardy blows and harass the enemy considerably. These chasseurs ought to be com- manded by intelligent officers, and be imder the immediate order of the commandant of the legion. Detachments taken from the line will not so well answer the purpose as troops already trained to those maneuveis, and known to the com- manding officer of the corps. " These reasons, among several others, induce me to pro- pose that the corps of Major Lee, already partly formed on this footing, should be carried to a better proportion, i. e., that his infantry, w^hich now consists of eighty men, should be carried up to the number of his cavalry, which consists of one huiiilred and fifty. This infuitry might then be divided into throe comjjanies, each of whicih would be attached to a squad- LIFE OF STEUBEN. 255 ron of cavalry. The reputation this officer has ah'eauy ac- quired supplies him with the meaus of enlisting the number of men he may want. "I find this little augmentation so necessary for the good of the service, that I must recommend it to your considera- tion, and request you to order Major Lee to recruit his corps to tlie above-mentioned number." Congress, liowever, did not adopt Steuben's proposition for this time ; it resolved only on the 9th of February 1780,* "That, for the ensuing campaign, the States be respective- ly required to furnish, by draughts or otherwise, on or before the 1st day of April next, their respective deficiency of the number of thirty-five thousand two hundred and eleven men, exclusive of commissioned officers, which Congress deem ne- cessary for the service of the present year. " That the quotas of the several States be as follows : New Hampshire, 1,215; Massachusetts Bay, 6,070; Rhode Island, 810; Connecticut, 3,-238; New York, 1,G20; New Jersey, 1,G20; Pennsylvania, 4,855; Delaware, 405; Mary- land, 3,238 ; Virginia, G,070 ; North Carolina, 3,640 ; South Carolina, 2,430; exclusive of blacks. "That all the men, whose times of service do not ex- pire before the last day of September next, be counted to- wards the quotas of the States to which they respectively be- long, whether they compose the battalions in the line of the several States, those of the additional corps, including the guards, the artillery, and horse, or the regimented artificers in the departments of the quarter-master general and commis- sary general of military stores, who, being credited to the States respectiA^ely, should be provided for, deemed and treat- ed in the same manner with the men in the several State lines ; and it is recommended to the several States to make like provision for the officers and men of the artillery, horse, additional corps, including the guards and regimented aitifi- * Resolutions, Acts, and Orders of Congress, vol. vi., 1780, p. 26. 256 LIFE OF STEUBEN. cevs, as may be made in pursuance of any resolution of Con- gress, for the officers and men of their respective battalions, with such exceptions respecting the regimented artificers as have been made by Congress in their acts concerning them. " That the commander-in-chief be forthvfith directed to transmit to the several States accurate retm-ns of the troops now in service belonging or credited to their respective quotas, to the intent that immediate measures be taken by the govern- ments of the States to bring the men to be raised into the field with certainty and expedition." The following letters comprise all the details extant, with reference to the foregoing subject : STEUBEK TO ■WASniJfGTOX. " PmLADKLPHiA, February 14, 1180. " The day before I had the honor to receive your Excel- lency's letter of the 8th instant, I had sent you a copy of the resolution of Congress, which regulated the number of men which each State has to furnish for next campaign. If, as I hope, the officers are not included, and if the number of men to be employed out of the line of battalions does not exceed the proportion, our army will be considerably stronger than it was at the beginning of last camj^aign. "It would be very difficult, my dear general, to judge, with any degree of certainty, of our money resources, and, consequently, the question whether we shall act offensively or defensively must remain yet some time undecided. In either case, however, we must have an army, and that army, more or less strong, must be armed and provided for. My representa- tion to Congress has been luuited to these two objects. The season being so far advanced, I was frightened to see that be- fore my arrival the States had not yet been called upon for theii* quotas of men, and it was not without great importuni- ties Congress were brought to pass the resolves which I have sent to your Excellencv. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 257 " I ciin not yet answer that the States will all send their full numbers; but they ^\•ill at least, I believe, begin to recruit immediately. '"But, supposing we shall have all the men, is it not to be feared we shall want the arms? We can not much rely on a supi^ly from France ; the disaster which has retarded the voyage of Mr. Gerard leaves us almost no hopes to receive any thing before June or July next. " The board of war told me that there are only about five hundred stand of arms in the military stores on which we may rely. I will, however, make the most exact researches upon this subject; wherefore I expect, with the greatest impatience, the returns of the arms of the army and those of General Knox. With regard to the provisions and necessaries, I hear thex-e is a commission appointed to regulate that branch. "]\[r. De la Luzerne has not yet fixed the day of his de- parture, but it will be, I believe, towards the en^ of this month, and I shall give you notice beforehand. He wished much to be better acquainted with the means on which Con- gress may rely with some degree of certainty, before he should speak on that point to your Excellency." " PniLADELPmA, February 23, 1780. "The delay which must result from collecting the returns of all the dispersed corps which you mentioned in your letter of the 18th inst., is a difficulty which I apprehended as soon as I saw the resolutions of Congress. Besides that, it will be almost impossible to make out those returns with the neces- sary exactness. We shall certainly lose two months at a tinio when we ought not to lose two days. " I think that if each State had carried their regiments of infantry to a certain fixed number, in adding to each company eight men as sujieinumerarics, which would make seventy-two men per regiment ; out of these supernumeraries the artillery, artificers' and stati:" departments might have been recruited. 258 LIFE OF STEUBEX. As it is impossible to make such calculations very exact, a margin large enough is generally left to set down the unfore- seen accidents. "An indisposition which has kept me several days at home, and much more the absence of Mr, Chancellor Livingston, has prevented me from knowing the intentions of Congress with regard to the additional regiments, the cavalry and the inde- pendent corps. If our finances had permitted us, I should have wished that at the same time the States recruit their own regiments by draught, those might have been recruited by enlistment. " The number of men we can have next campaign in rank and file, ought to determine the quantity of arms, ammunition, etc., we shall want ; but the uncertainty of the former throws obscurity over all the rest. As we, however, are to make general calculations, I have conceived the number of ten thousand stand of arms more than we actually have, absolutely indispensable in the army. " I have visited the manufactories of arms and the maga- zines in this town, where I have found thirty-two hundred stands ready and in good order. Besides the board of war have shown me a return of two thousand at Albany, and as many at Carlisle, which are likewise ready and in order, so that the number w^hich I thought necessary will be together towards the beginning of April. I have found, besides, in the magazines, four thousand large muskets without bayonets, and too heavy to serve in a campaign, but very proper to serve in a fortified place. If your Excellency thinks proper, I have a mind to cause two thousand to be cleaned and sent to the forts at West Point, where they will be of more service than in our magazines. I have also found two thousand now car- tridge boxes, which miglit now be sent to the army. I saw, yesterday, a letter from Dr. Franklin, just arrived from France, in which he says he has informed the king, in Sep- tember last, of the demand which Congress lias made of arms, LIFE OF STEUBEX. 259 amrauuition, and clothing for our army. Though he has as yet no certainty, yet he appears to have no doubt of the suc- cess. Thus we may hope to receive assistance from that side by tlie first vessel that shall arrive, and to want neither arms nor ammunition to oppose the obstinacy of the King of Great Britain, who, by his last speech, appeais to be very intent in carrying on the war with spirit and vigor. I should likewise be happy if I could assure you that we shall also be able to pay and provide for our army. Congress are now endeavoring to settle these matters, God grant that they may succeed according to their wishes and mine. Count D'Estaing's fleet has suflered another storm on the coasts of Europe." " Philadelpuia, J/arcA 15, 1780. "Since the departure of the last letter which I had the honor to write you, I have not in the least advanced in the aflliirs which I had proposed to see brought to a conclusion. Before it is known Avhether the number of regiments is to bo preserved, or whether an incorporation is to take jjlace, it is impossible to make any calculations for the formation. "I have exerted all the means in my power to persuade Congress to determine that important question, and to adopt any system whatever, that your Excellency and the chiefs of the several departments might make their arrangements in consequence; but it seems that the ill state of our finances has stopped all the wheels of the whole machine. " The board of war have made a report, in Avhich the in- corporation of a fourth part is proposed. This report con- tains, I believe, the same plan Avhich Chancellor Livingston has imparted to your Excellency. Several motions have been made to consider and determine upon this subject, but hitherto the decision has been deferred. The month of March is more than half spent, and I shudder, my dear general, when I think of the many important arrangements that are still to be made between this time and the opening of the campaign. There 260 LIFE OF STEUBEK. is not a day but I apply from one to the other to represent to them the necessity of determining the present business. The day before yesterday I went to Chancellor Livingston and told him that I was ready to set off for the army, perceiving that my presence here was of no use. He requested me to defer my departure and to communicate to the board of war my opinion of the formation of the army for the next cam- paign. "As this object has already engaged my attention for some time, and as I calculated and balanced the good and evil that might result from an incorporation, and being entirely per- suaded that such an operation in the present crisis, and at the beginning of a campaign for which we are in general so ill prepared, would be attended with danger, I did not hesitate a moment to give my opinion in writing, such as I have the honor to transmit it to your Excellency. The board of war will send, to-morrow, that paper to Congress, and I am anx- ious to learn the effect it will produce. " You know, my dear general, that I have always wished to see our regiments stronger, but I believe it will be prudent to make use in the present crisis of the simplest means, which is that of leaving the corps such as they are, and reinforcing them as well as we can. Any incorporation whatever will be a general alteration in the body of the army, at the very mo- ment, perhaps, when it should act. Besides, as our array will have in this campaign such a great number of recruits, we must be able to rely on our officers for maintaining good order among the troops ; and the less is the mass of an undisciplined body, the easier it is for him who has its dii'ection to make it act, and to restore it to order in case of confusion. " The vacancies of subalterns in several regiments appear to be one of the motives which might the most strongly en- gage us to an incorporation ; but I think that the nomination might better be suspended till the end of the campaign, and as our companies are not very strong, I believe that two officers LIFE OF STEUBEN. 2G1 for oach will suffice, provided that the brigadiers take care lo send no officers on furlough during the campaign, so that none arc improperly employed out of the regiments ; that the field officers company shall have two subalterns, and the other com- panies one, when the captain is present, and two when he is absent. The officers employed as quarter-masters and pay- masters might even keep the administration of their compa- nies, and only be dispensed from the service of the line. By these means, the number of eighteen or nineteen captains and subalterns would suffice to do the service of a regiment, and each regiment might keep five or six vacancies. Besides tlie numberless inconveniences wnich I fear from an incorpora- tion or reduction of the regiments, I find that the proportion which is wished to be incorporated is the most difficult thing to determine. If we leave that proportion to the choice of the several States, we shall have regiments of six hundred men, while others shall consist only of one hundred and fifty, wliich diftcrence I consider as the source of all disorders in an army. " The proportion being fixed — suppose it to be the fourth part — this question results : How many I'cgiments has each State to i"e-furm ? Xow, for instance, Massachusetts has fif- teen regiments ; Pennyslvania, eleven ; New Jersey, three ; Delaware, one. With such a disproportion, I do not see how a fourth part can be re-formed without great difficulty and confusion. Such an alteration requires such extensive calcula- tions, and such mature deliberations, that we have not time to undertake either at such an advanced period. "I have yesterday received the honor of your letter of the Gth instant. It is with the greatest satisfaction that I see you have collected the returns of the deficiencies of men. I feared the difficulty of this collection the more as I knew the neglect and want of exactness of several officers on the important ob- iect of returns; and it is with the greatest sorrow that I must observe to your Excellency that the board of war have not 202 LIFE OF STEUBEK. yet received the general return of January last, and that that of December, as well as several of the preceding months, is extremely imperfect. " A necessary calculation made us lately ask for a return of General Poor's brigade at the War office, and that brigade has not been carried into any of the general returns ever since last spring, when it joined General Sullivan's corps. " This object, and several others which I shall submit to your Excellency's consideration, will engage me to join the army as soon as possible. " PEOPOSALS FOR THE FOEMATIOX OF OUR ARMY FOR THE XEXT CAilPAIGX. "The distribution of the number of men which each State is to furnish for the next campaign, permits us to complete our regiments of infmtry in the line to a number, indeed, below the establishment, but which puts it in our power to form each regiment into a battalion without changing the principles of formation already established in the regulations. " If we put each regiment on the footing of three hundred and seventeen fighting men, exclusive of the commissioned officers, drummers and fifers, and divide each into nine com- panies ; then each company will consist of thirty-five men under arms, including the sergeant-major and quarter-master sergeant, and a brigade of four regiments will be composed of one thousand two hundred and sixty-eight fighting men, and the fifteen brigades now at the grand army will make a body of infantry of eighteen thousand seven hundred and three men under arms. " According to this calculation we shall have about three thousand inflmtry raoi*e than we had the last campaign, though we had then the brigades of Virginia and ^orth Carolina, which are now at the southward. We have nothing to do, then, but to collect our recruits as quick as possible, to make the regiments equal, to exercise the troops, and to fill, ia some LIFE OF STEUBEN. 263 regiments, some vacancies of siroalterns, in order to have the numljer of officers necessary for the service. " We shall thus avoid every kind of reform and incorpo- ration, which would unavoidably occasion a great deal of dis- content among a number of officers, who, on account of their personal merit and the effectual services they have rendered their country, ought not to be exposed to their disagreements. Besides, every incorporation requires necessarily a new forma- tion, which could not be arranged without employing a vast deal of time ; it is, one might say, a new creation, rendered more difficult by the dispute about rank and seniority, to which such arrangements are always subjected. " When I examine scru{)ulously the motives which can induce us to lessen the number of our regiments, I find none strong enough to balance the inconveniences which will neces- sarily result from it. The season is already so far advanced that we scarcely have time enough to collect our recruits, to exercise them, and to form our companies and battalions for the next campaign. " At a time when a thousand important objects take up the attention of Congress and the commander-in-chief, they will be incessantly troubled with endless representations, if an incorporation should take place. Several other difficulties, which I could specify, will unavoidably arise. If, instead of this, we leave, for the present campaign, the army on the an- cient footing, we shall have time enough to make a better cal- culated plan to lessen the number of regiments, and render them more formidable, which plan might be put in execution at the end of the campaign. "With regard to the additional regiments, I think that in granting them leave and money to recruit about three hundred men, they might be preserved on the same footing as those belonging to particular States. Colonel Gist's regiment is joined to the Virginia division ; it wants for its completion about one hundred and sixty-four recruits, who might be en- 264 LIFE OF STEUBEN. listed in that State. Those of Colonels Webb, Shevborn and Spencer want in all two hundred and eighty-nine recruits to be on the footing of the others ; they might be levied in Mary- land, Pennsylvania, New York and New England. " Colonel Jackson's regiment had, at last review, the com- plete number of three hundred and seventeen, and does not want to be recruited. The only difficulty lies with Colonel Hazen's regiment, who insists on a particular agreement made w^ith Congress, whereby his regiment is to consist of twenty companies, of Avhich he has, however, given up two, so that his regiment, composed of eighteen companies, would make exactly a double one. He is, in consequence of this formation, provided with field officers, and even with captains — but he wants subalterns and privates. His regiment is partly composed of Canadians, as well officers as soldiers. These have a right to claim the protection of the United States, however difficult it may be to satisfy all their pretensions. What I might pro- pose on this object, would be to incorporate Colonel Living- ston's regiment as the weakest, and mostly composed of Cana- dians, with that of Colonel Hazen. Colonel Hazen returns his regiment at four hundred men, and Colonel Livingston his regiment at one hundred and three — five hundred and thi"ee in all. Colonel Hazen should then be ordered to divide his regiment into eighteen companies — each of twenty-eight men — which would make the number of five hundred and four men, and to form it into two battalions. " With regard to the cavalry, my opinion is, that, as in the present circumstances, it is impossible to put those regiments on tlie footing of the first establishment, it is, however, neces- sary to determine their number and formation. I propose, then, the same means as for the formation of the infantry, i. e., without incorporating or re-forming regiments, or even changmg the ancient formation, but only lessening the num- ber of men and hoi'ses in each regiment, that the totality of our cavalry may not exceed the number of one thousand horses. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 265 " The corps of cavaliy which we have at present are four regiments of horse, the corps of Hght horse under Major Lee, and the marechausscje. "Each regiment should then be comjileted to two hundi'ed and four men, well mounted, including the non-commissioned officers and trumpeters. Each regiment might be divided into three squadrons, each squadron to consist of sixty-eight horse. Each squadron should then be divided into two com- panies, each company to consist of thirty-four men, including non-commissioned officers and trumpeters. Each company might have six supernumeraries on foot ; consequently each regiment should consist of two hundred and four horse and two hundred and forty men, thirty-six of whom are on foot. Major Lee's should still consist of one hundred and fifty horse, and his infontry should only be completed. The marechaussce ought to remain on the first establishment of forty liorse. With regard to Colonel Armaud's legion, it ought to be left to the direction of General Lincoln to put it on the footing he shall think most conducive to the good of the service. "Thus the cavalry, without the above-mentioned legion, will not exceed the number of one thousand and six horse in the northern and southern armies. I can not, however, for- bear observing that as long as our cavalry have no carabines to guard themselves in their quarters, I wish each regiment should be joined by one hundred and fifty foot, otherwise it will never be in our power to employ our cavalry on the line, and we shall be obhged to j^lace them behind our camps, where they will be always of very little service." STEUBEX TO WASHI2^GT0X. " Philadelphia, 3Iarch 28, 1780* " The propositions I made to Congress respecting the form- ation of the army, of which I had the honor of transmitting * This letter may also be found in the Correspondence of the Revolution, by J. Sparks, ii., 420. 12 266 LIFE OF STEUBEX. your Excellency a copy, remain yet on tlieir table without any decision thereon. They have, however, set aside the report of the board of war on a motion for reducing the battalions, as you will perceive by the resolve annexed, eo that all reduction or incorporation is out of the question ; and for next cam- paign the regiments in the line will be augmented more or less by the respective States. What is to be done with the additional regiments and the cavalry ? Congress can not or will not decide, though I am rather led to believe their delay in this rantter proceeds from the grand cause of all our misfor- tunes— the bad state of our finances, which will not allow the recruiting of men or j^urchasihg of horses. " I observed to you, my dear general, in my last, that every wheel of the machine seemed stopped. Of the truth of this observation I become move and more convinced, and must confess that to me our situation appears very critical. The late resolves respecting the money, though attended with all the success that can be wished, can not make any immediate alteration for the better. Some months must elapse before their good effects will be felt ; and during this time we are disabled from doing any thing, while, at this very moment, the greatest exertions are necessary. " My anxiety for our southern affiiirs, I can not help say- ing, is considerably increased by the last accounts, which seem to announce a determination of General Lincoln to defend Charleston with all his force. This to me ap2>ears to be i)lay- ing a hard game. " Another danger which threatens us, and which is much to be dreaded, is the declared division between Virginia and Pennsylvania, the latter State having actually passed a law for the raising fifteen hundred men to defend their pretended rights. All these things offer but a dull prospect, rendered still more dull by the cabals and factions which reign among us. The civil departments of the army, at a time when thcu- whole attention should be taken uj) in providing for the ap- LIFE OF STEUBEX. 267 proacbing campaign, arc in such a state of dissatisfaction and confusion, that I am very apprehensive they will make things still worse than they are. " You will perhaps think, ray dear general, that I am in anxiety for things which are out of ray sphere ; but when you consider that all my happiness depends on our success, you will not blame me for the interest I take in the cause. The same motives make me apprehensive that the necessary arrange- ments will never bo firmly established without your personal assistance ; and I submit to you, my dear general, whether your j)resence is not absolutely necessary at Congress, in the present critical situation of our affairs. Your right to the con- fidence both of Congress and the people is too well founded not to command the greatest attention to every thing you propose. The time is precious, and the prospect before us is threatening. Your presence will animate our councils as it does our armies. My attachment to the cause, and the re- spectful confidence I have in your person, induce me to ex- press, in the strongest terms, the desire I have to see you here." "WASHINGTON TO STEUBEN. "MORRISTOWX, April 2, 1780.* " The propositions made by you to Congress, for the ar- rangement of the array this campaign, appear to me, upon the whole, best adapted to our circumstances, and especially since so niuch of the season has elapsed without entering upon it. I am glad the proposed incorporation has been suspended. I doubt, however, the practicability, at this time, of augmenting the cavalry or recruiting the additional men, from the circum- stance you mentioned, the extreme distress of the Treasury, which seems to be totally exhausted, and without snflicient re- sources for the current demands of the service. The present crisis is indeed perplexing beyond description, and it is infinite- ly difiicult to prescribe a remedy. * Wa.shiD2;loii's WritiDcrs, vii., 9. 2G8 LIFE OF steube:s^. "When I approve your plan for tbe additional regiments, it is with one condition — that Congress can find means to pro- vide for the officers, so as to put them upon an equal footing with tlie other parts of the army. If this can not be done, they can not continue in the service. I have incessant appli- cations to this effect, and have just written again to Congress on the subject. If the situation of the officers can not be made more tolerable, it will be jjreferable to dissolve those corj3s, incorporate the men with the State lines, and let the officers retire, to be entitled to pay, subsistence, and the emol- uments decreed at the end of the war. This will be a very bad expedient if it can not be avoided ; but it is better than to leave the officei's in such a state that they must be miserable while they stay in the army, obliged, in a little time, the greater part of them to quit, while the corps, for want of care, will rapidly decline, and a number of good men be lost to the ser\ice. " Your anxiety on the score of southern affairs can not exceed mine. The measure of collecting the whole force for the defenie of Charleston ought, no doubt, to have been well considered before it was determined. It is putting much to hazard ; but, at this distance, we can form a very imperfect judgment of its propriety or necessity. I have the greatest reliance on General Lincoln's prudence, but I can not forbear dreading the event. Ill as we can afford a diminution oi our force here, and notwithstanding the danger we run from the facihty with wliich the enemy can concentrate their force at our weak points, besides other inconveniences, I have recom- mended to Congress to detach the Maryland division to rein- force the southern States. Though this detachment can not, in all probability, arrive in season to be of any service to Charleston, it may assist to arrest the progress of the enemy, and save the Carolinas. " My sentiments concerning public affairs correspond too much with yours. The prospect, my dear baron, is LIFE OF STEUBEN. 269 gloomy, and the storm threatens. Xot to have the anxieties you express, at the present juncture, would be not to feel that zeal and interest in our cause by which all your conduct shows you to be actuated. But I hope we shall extricate ourselves, and bring every thing to a prosperous issue. I have been so inured to difficulties in the course of this contest, that I have learned to look upon tliena with more tranquillity than former- ly. Those which now present themselves, no doubt, require vigorous exertions to overcome them, and I am far from de- spairing of doing it I am very sensible, my dear baron, to the obliging assurances of your regard, and I entreat you to believe there is a perfect reciprocity of senti- ments, and that I am, with great consideration and the truest esteem," etc., etc. STEUBEN TO WASHINGTON. " Philadelphia, ^1;»77 6, 1780. "I had tlie pleasure of receiving your favor of the 2d in- stant yesterday. The necessity there was of having something done for the additional reghnents induced me to write the board of war a letter, pressing their immediate attention to those corps, but, though some days have since elapsed, and the necessity of coming to an immediate decision in this affiiir is acknowledged, yet through the absence of Mr. Livingston and Mr. Pickering, no report has yet been made to Congress. Under such circumstances of delay, there appeared to me but one way of having any thing done for the army in any season ; this was the appointment of a committee, with full powers, in concert with your Excellency, to make every arrangement necessai'y for the next campaign ; to determine the formation, and every other thing necessary to be done for the additional corps, as well cavalry as infi^ntry ; to devise the means of put- ting the officers on a footing with the other parts of the army, and, in fact, to do every thing necessary to be done to put the army in a proper condition for the ensuing campaign. 270 LIFE OP STEUBEN. " Tliis proposition has been debated in Congress these two days. Yesterday Mr. Lowell gave me hopes it would take place, and I have since been informed a committee is actually named to draw up instructions for the committee before men- tioned. So soon as I hear the members are actually named, I shall lose no time in putting myself more immediately under your Excellency's orders. " From every observation I have made, I can not perceive that the State of Pennsylvania have taken the least step toward recruiting their regiments for the next campaig-n. What this delay can be owing to, I can, not say; but I should imagine a hint from your Excellency to the president might have some effect." The letter to the board of war, above referred to, reads as follows : "Philadelphia, March 29, 1780. " I observe that Congress have, by a resolution of the 25th instant, deferred the consideration of any new arrangement of the army till the 1st of December next. The regiments in the line of the different States will, therefore, remain on their jjres- ent footing, being completed more or less by their respect- ive States ; but what is to be done with the several addi- tional regiments and corps remains yet to be decided. " These regiments being in general too much reduced to remain on their present footing, and the only means of com- pleting them by recruits being at this time impracticable, I would propose that power be given to General Washington to draw together such of those corps as are not at the south- ward, and by incorporating the regiments, or otherwise, as he may judge proper, to form them in such a manner as may appear to him most conducive to the public service. "I would by no means be understood to incorporate them into the regiments of the different States ; on the contrary, I am of opinion such a measure would have a very bad effect, es- LIFE OF STFUBEX. 271 cially at this juncture, as tlie greatest part of the officers must in that case be disbanded. " I can not help taking this opportunity to represent to the board, that a general dissatisfaction prevails in these coi-ps on account of the disadvantages they have hitherto labored under, compared with the troops of the several States, for though by a resolution of Congress the several States have credit for the men serving with these corps, yet they have never re- ceived any benefit from that resolve, either in receiving re- cruits or supplies of any nature whatsoever. " The only means to remedy this is, in my opinion, to ap- point a commissary to supply them with clothing, and such other aiticles as are furnished by the diflerent States to their troops, the extra prices of which should be charged to the several States which have credit for the men as part of their quota in the field ; the supplies furnished to the Canadians, and others to no particular State, to be charged to the Conti- nent. Some means should also be found for supplying the ar- tillery, cavalry, and others, who are in the same disadvanta- geous situation. " With respect to the keeping up the additional regiments, the onl\' means that occurs, is to give them liberty and furnish them with money to recruit; the promotion of the officers should take place in that line in the same manner as in the line of the diflerent States. " The little time we have before the opening of the cam- paign, will, no doubt, induce the honorable board to lay these matters before Congress as soon as possible." Washington sharing Steuben's apprehensions, in a letter of the 3d of April, 1780, laid the alarming state and condition of the army before the president of Congress, which, on the 6th of April, appointed a committee of three* to confer witli the commander-in-chief on the subject of his letter, together with * Resolutions of Congress. Dunlap's edition, vi., 52. 272 LIFE OF STEUBEN. tlie report of the board of war and the letter from Baron Steuben. They weie instructed to proceed to head-quarters, and, in conjunction with the conimauder-in-chief, to effect such reforms and changes in all the departments of the army as its present condition required. They were authorized, with the advice of General Washington, "to reduce, incorporate or unite to State lines the several additional corps," to inquire into and regulate the clothier's, quarter-master's, commissary's and medical departments, to visit the different posts and see that such regulations as they should adopt were carried into execution, "to abolish unnecessary posts, to erect others, to discharge useless officers, to stop rations improperly issued, and to exercise every power requisite to effect a reformation of abuses, and the general arrangement of those departments which were in any wise committed to their charge," and to inform Congress from time to time of the measures they had taken. The committee was chosen by ballot and consisted of Schuyler, Matthews, and Peabody.f They Avent at once to head-quarters, and it is due to the reports which they made in the course of the summer that the reforms in September and October, 1780, were adopted by Congress. The com- mittee was discharged on the 11th of August, 1780. Steuben had thus reached the object which he had in view while in Philadelphia, and in the middle of April re- turned with the committee to heatl-quarters. He accompanied at the same time the French minister. Chevalier De la Lu- zerne, who now i^aid his long-intended visit to the commander- in-chief. They arrived at Morristown on or about the 20th of April, 1780. AVashington ordered Steuben to perform some maneuvers in honor of their distinguished foreign guest. He did so first on the 24th of April, with four battalions, where- upon in general orders, on the 25th of April, the commander- in-chief, at the request of the ambassador of France, "had the \ J. Sparks, in Washington's Writings, viL, 14 and 15. i LIFE OF STEUBEN. 273 pleasure to inform Major General Baron De Steuben and tlie officers and men of the four battalions, that the appearance and maneuvers of the troops yesterday met his entire appro- bation and afforded him the highest satisfaction,"* On the following day a grand review was held and highly commended by Mr. De la Luzerne and the commander-in- chief, as will appear from the following general order of the 26th of April :t " His Excellency, the minister of France, was pleased to express, in the warmest terms, his approbation of the troops in the review of yesterday. Applause so honorable can not but prove a new motive to the emulous exertions of the army. The general has seen, with peculiar satisfaction, the zeal of all ranks to manifest their respectful attachment to a gentleman who, to a title of being the representative of the illustrious friend and ally of these States, adds that of having given distinguishing proofs, during his residence among us, of the sincerest disposition to advance their interest," * General Orders. Steubea MS. Papers. f General Orders, copied in Steuben's Order Book. Steuben MS. Papers. 12* CHAPTER XIII. Walker represents Steuben at Head-Quarters during nis Absence. — He is only PARTLY Successful. — His Letters to Steuben. — Steuben returns to Head- quarters IN April, 1780. — His special Keviews. — Commencement of Hostili- ties IN New Jersey.— Steuben at Connecticut Farms.— Hls Dispositions for THE advanced TrOOPS AND THE MiLITIA OF NeW JeRSEY. — StEUBEN GOES TO West Point to assist General 'Howe. — He exercises and maneuvers the Troops, instructs the Recruits, and controls the Arms. — His Plan for the rOR.MATION OF A LiGHT INFANTRY APPROVED BY WASHINGTON. — ScA.MMEL'S RE- PORT ABOUT THE NEW COMPANIES. — StEUBEN'S MEMORIAL CONCERNING THE Sa.ME TO THE GeNERAL-IN-CuIEF. — AlL ]1IS PROPOSITIONS APPROVED. — StEUBEN's LETTER OF THE 28Tn OP July.— General Distp.ess.— E.xhaustion of the Public Credit. — Steuben's Poverty. — Hk can not buy a Tent. — Interesting Letter op General Greene. — Bad State of Paterson's Brigade. — The Su.mmer is passed IN Inactivity. — Lowell's Letter complaining of the Apathy of the Peoplf,. —The Arms expected fro.w France do not arrive. — Steuben collects as MANY Arms and Bayonets as possible. — The French Auxiliary Corps of EOCHAMBEAU ARRIVES.— WASHINGTON KE.MOVES HIS HeAD-QuARTERS TO TaPPAN.— Arnold's Treason. — Steuben Member of the Court Martial against Andre. — He pities the Latter and despises the Former. — Jonathan Arnold changes nis Name into that op Jonathan Steuben. — His Petition to the Asse.mblt op Connecticut. WHILE Steuben was in Philadelphia, Benjamin Walker, his aid-de-canip, leprescnted liim at head-quarters in all the business regarding the inspectorship. He made in Steuben's and his own name repeated representations for the introduction of a better order in camp, and by the attention that was paid to them produced a very salutary effect in the army, which this winter, for want of provisions, credit and money, and on account of the extreme cold, suffered at Morristown as much as during the encampment at Valley Forge. Steuben tried especially to get reliable reports about the nuniber and the state of the -troops, as Avell as about the quantity and quality of arras, which he had to lay before Congress as the basis for the approaching campaign. The LIFE OF STEUBEN. _ 275 punctual delivery of these returns was the more difficult as the army, in consequence of the inactivity during the .vinter and of the absence of Steuben, relaxed in its discipline. It was scattered over a very largely extended area of country, and thus the connection between the different corps was con- siderably weakened. As far as cii-cumstances allowed, Walker succeeded in re- modeling the form of the returns of aims and getting them made out with more correctness. lie was instrumental that the general-iu-chief issued orders for the introduction of better order into the camp, and that on the 31st of January, 1780, he wrote a severe letter to the commanding officers of each brigade, in which Washington pointed out the several abuses existing in their brigades, and ordered the necessary remedies to be immediately applied, and reprimanded them for the little attention that had been paid to the regulations established, and for their want of order in every respect. "I now inclose you," says Walker in a letter of the 24th of February, 1780, to Steuben,* "some extracts from general orders ; they have tlie appearance of a desire of introducing some order, and I can not help thinking the general has it at heart, but, my dear baron, he is in a difficult station, and rendered more difficult by our unhappy circumstances ; and the introduction of order into such an ill provided army is nearly impossible. Is there any prospect of our being better supjiUed ?" Walker, at the same time, undertook the arduous task to collect all the returns which Steuben wanted in Philadelphia for proving to Congress the exact strength of the army for the ensuing campaign ; but all his other efforts for promoting tlie ends of his general were ineffectual, and thwarted by the more pressing troubles to get food and supplies for the almost starving soldiers. "I am not negligent," writes he, on the 11th of March, 1780, to SteulK'n,! "in my attendance at head^ * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. ii. f Iliirtcm. 276 T, IFEOFSTEUBEN. quarters, though to Httle pur^jose. You who know with what reserve the general conducts himself with those in much higher stations than myself, will hardly suppose he enters into conversation with me, excej)t at table. His inquiries are con- fined to, ' When did you hear from the baron ?' " " Xotwithstanding," says he, in another letter, on the 13tli of February, 1780, "I did every thing in my power to con- vince the majors of brigade of the necessity of your having the returns called for, as soon as possible, only those of six; brigades are yet come in ; those of Hand's, the second Penn- sylvania and tlie two Conaccticut brigades are yet wanting. In examining those returns which have come in, I find they have returned the men on furlough and recruiting, among those who can not appear under arms ; but as I imagine your intention Avas to know what number of men will be actually effective at the opening of the campaign, and as those men will doubtless return before that time, I shall deduct them in making out the general returns. " Instead of the regimental returns being digested into brigade returns, they have sent in all the regimental returns. This, and the many different forms in which they are made out, makes it difficult to get them into any order. In general returns, however, I shall do it in such a manner as will explain every thing you want to know, and I have no doubt you will be satisfied with them. I observe, also, that in their returns of arras and accouterments they have confined themselves to those articles, excluding the ammunition, drums and fifes, though I have no doubt you meant they should be included ; but on a retrospection to the list you have sent, you say a re- turn of the arms and accouterments^ and they have been care- ful to put down no more than was ordered." When Steuben, in April, joined the army, he resumed his old duties. He made a critical inspection of the arms of all brigades, in order to have an estimation of the number of arms wanting for the seiwicc of the ensuing campaign, exercised the LIFE OF STEUBEN. 211 troops and cianeuvcrcfl "with tliem on a large scale. Tims the troops "were well prepared, when, in the beginning of June, the State of Xew Jersey was harassed by the invasions of Knyphausen. It is certain, that on the 6th of June, Steuben took part in the affairs of Connecticut Farms and Springfield, and it is stated by eye witnesses, as for instance, Ashbel Green,* that he reconnoitered the American posts on this occasion; but it does not appear th.at Steuben hold a command in the army. It rather seems that he acted as the chief of Wash- ington's staff". We found at least two documents in the Steu- ben Papers, which i-efer to this kind of participation in the events of that period. One of tliem, bearing date the 11th of June, IT SO, con- tains a disposition for the advanced troops. " All reports from the advanced posts," it orders, "are to be sent in the first in- stance to the baron's quarters, and all deserters, prisoners, and every kind of intelligence from the enemy are to be forwarded to the same place. General Maxwell," it continues, " will com- mand tlie right wing of the advanced troops, consisting of the first and second Jersey, and Spencer's Continental regiments, and Tily's, Frelinghuysen's and Webster's regiments of militia, and the detachment under 3Iajor Bryan. General Hand will command tlie left, consisting of the third Jersey regiment, the corps under Major Gibbs, and Courtland's and Stark's regiments of militia. In case the enemy should advance, the general has no doubt the troops will defend their respective posts with that courage and determination which has so often distinguished them ; but should the superior force of tlieir enemy oblige them to give way, they will retreat in the fol- lowing order," etc. The other paper is a plan drawn by Steuben', for the alarm posts and plans of rendezvous of the militia of Xew Jersey, during Knyphausen's invasion ; but happily the inactivity of * The Life of Ashbel Green, by James it Jones, New York, 18-14, p. 109. 278 LIFE OF STEUBEN. the enemy had given time to the American anny to make dis- positions which rendered the calUag out of the miUtia unne- cessary, and consequently the whole was countermanded.* The commander in-chief apprehended at that time, that while Knyphausen engaged the main army near Morristowu, CUnton meditated an attack on "West Point, the key to the Highlands. Major General Howe was in command of that important post ; but by some was not considered competent for the task. Washington, therefore, not to hurt the feelings of that deserved officer, resolved to send a general of approved bravery, experience and military judgment, to the assistance of Howe, and paid Steuben t"he comiDliment to order him, just in this critical moment, to West Point. It was about the mid- dle of June when Steuben left the army, which, as late as the 21st of June, moved from Morristowm toward Pompton and further on to the Highlands. " The enemy, the day before yesterday," writes Alexander Hamilton, dated Whippany, the 25th of June, 1780,1 "made a forward movement to Springfield, which they burned, and retired to Elizabethtown Point. The same evening they crossed over to Staten Island, and there are a great many con- curring circumstances which make it probable we shall next hear of them on the ISforth river. As you are at West Point the general wishes you to remain there until the present ap- pearances come to some result. He has confidence in your judgment, and wishes you to give your advice and assistance to the commanding officer. As you have no command in the post, you can only do this in a private, friendly way : but I dare say General Howe will be happy to consult you. Yen will consider this as a private letter in which I rather convey you the general's wishes than his commands." Steuben remained in West Point, and the posts under its control to the beginning of August, when Arnold was ap- pointed to the corainaiid. His principal business during that * Alexander Hamiltaii'.s Works, vol. ii., 'p. 42. f Ibidem, vol. i., p. 142. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 2V9 time consisted in making the necessary arrangements for an offensive campaign, for which purpose he especially exercised the troops, formed the light infantry companies and procured arms for the northern array. There were in its eight brigades about three thousand old soldiers, allowing five hundred for the duty of the guards and pickets, and five hundred for mak- ing fascines, gabions and other necessary works for fortifica- tion. About two thirds of the old soldiers and all the recruits were daily at exercise. To render the recruits as serviceable as the short time allowed, Steuben agreed with General Howe that none of them were to be employed on guard or fiitigue, and directed the particular attention of the inspectors to their instruction. They were exercised twice a day, one hour and a half in the morning at the reveille beating, and one hour and a half in the evening before sunset ; the first six days without arms and wholly employed in learning to carry themselves well, to march and to dress. At this exercise the command- ing officers of regiments had to attend, and they were answer- able for the attendance of the officers of their respective regi- ments, and that no recruit was on any account exercised by a non-commissioned officer. "With respect to the arms, each colonel had to give a re- turn of the arms and accouterments in the possession of his regiment, with which he was charged in an account kept by the inspector for that purpose, and the colonel on his part had to charge the captains, and take receipts for those in possession of their companies. When more arms were wanted the return was to be signed by the colonel and to be countersigned by the inspector, and a receipt taken by the inspector for the arms, etc., delivered in return and charged to the regiment. When it had arras to return it was directed to deliver them to the conductor and take his receipt for thera, which recei]jt they had to change with the inspector for his receipt. Another object to which Steuben devoted much care was the number of men absent, or improperly employed out of the 280 LIFE OF STEUBEN. regiment. All those on furlough were immediately recalled, and those who came inider the latter description called in and exercised. Standing guards which, notwithstanding the many orders to the contrary, were still in existence, were at once relieved ; the wagoners, masters, and others, who were old soldiers, so far as possible changed for recruits, and, as much as circumstances permitted, discipline and improvements intro- duced in the corps of General Howe, which in this respect was utterly neglected. On the 14th of July, IVSO, Steuben laid the following plan for the formation of the light inlantry before the com- mander-in-chief for his approbation : " Each regiment to furnish one captain, one lieutenant, three sergeants, one drum, one fife, and forty-two rank and file. The colonels to be answerable that there are in each com- pany twenty-five old soldiers, who have been w^ell exercised, the other seventeen to be chosen amongst the most robust and active recruits. As soon as a regiment is augmented to two hundred and ninety efiective rank and file, the light in- fantry company to be augmented to fifty. Four companies of light infantry to form a battalion, to be commanded by a Ueu- tenant colonel or a major appointed by the commander-in- chief Two battalions of light infantry to form a regiment, to be commanded by a colonel appointed by the commander-in- chief Four or six battalions to form a brigade, commanded by a brigadier — the whole to form a division commanded by a major general. " Each regiment will be obliged to keep its light infantry company complete during the campaign ; each brigade in the line that furnishes a battalion of light infantry is, besides those belonging to the companies, to furnish two subalterns, one as an adjutant, the other as quarter-master and pay-master, one sergeant-major, the other quarter-master sergeant. " Each regiment of light infantry to be furnished in the following manner ; LIFE OF STEUBEX. 281 FIRST BRIGADE. 1st Pennsylvania brigade to furnish 4 companies, -n-hich form 1 battalion, 200 2d " " •' 4 " " " " 200* Jersey brigade, with Spencer's, to ftimish 4 companies, which form 1 bat- talion, ........... 200 New York brigade to furnish 4 companies, which form 1 battalion, . 200 SECOND BRIGADE. 1st Connecticut brigade to furnish 4 companies, which form 1 battalion, 200 2d " " " 4 " " '' 1 " 200 1st Massachusetts " " 4 " " " 1 " 200 2d " " " 4 " " " 1 " 200 THIRD BRIGADE. 3d Massachusetts brigade to furnish 4 companies, which form 1 battalion, 200 4th " " " 4 " " " 1 " 200 N. Hamp. 3 and R. Isl. regt. 1, in all 4 " " " 1 " 200 Stark's regt. 2 and Hand's regt. 2, " 4 " " " 1 " 200 Total , . . .48 , . . .12 . 2,400 Companies. Battalions. Rank &, File. As early as the IGth of July, Washington issued an order founded on Steuben's plan, and directing that one captain, one subaltern, three sergeants, and twenty rank and file, each from five feet eight inches to five feet ten inches in height, were to be drafted from each regiment of the first brigade, and partic- ularly of the old soldiers, as light infantry. " On the 20th of July," reports A. Scammel to Steuben,* "I finished inspecting seventeen companies of the strength above mentioned. The officers made a genteel, ofiicer-like appearance — the non-commissioned ofiicers appeared to be well chosen. The men were well fitted to the field, firm, and well built; their arms in general good and in fine order, and nothing but the want of clothes prevented their making a com- plete military appearance — all old soldiers, and the greater part of them were in the light infimtry last year. When they marched from the parade they appeared equal to the storming of another Stony Point." * Steuben MS. Papers, voL iL 282 LIFE OF STEUBEX. In consequence of Washington's directions, Steuben, on the 25th of July, commenced drafting from the second brigade the light inflmtry in West Point, Fishkill and environs. For this purpose he ordered from each regiment thirty men with six sergeants, out of which number he chose twenty men and three sergeants to form a company. On the 22d of July, 1780, he wrote from West Point, as follows, to General Wash- ington : " To avoid all disorder, which results from drawing by separate corps, I proposed, in my last letter to your Excel- lency, that the light infautiy should draw nothing as a sepa- rate corps, except their rations, which are to be distributed by a commissary, the forage by a forage master, the ammuni- tion by a conductor, who are to be appointed particularly for the light infantry. " The arms, accouterments, camp equipage, clothing, and even the pay, Avill be furnished by each regiment to which the company belongs. For this purpose, the quarter-master of each battalion of light infantry will keep his books and ac- counts with the quarter-masters and pay-masters of the regi- m.ents to which the company belongs. The first regiment of Pennsylvania, for instance, furnishes one company to the first battalion of light infantry. Tlien this regiment furnishes for this company one horseman's tent for the ofiicers, eight com- mon tents for the non-commissioned officers and privates, eight camp kettles, and the other equij^age in proportion, and the same with respect to clothing, etc. I submit to your Excellency, if it will not be necessary to publish this arrangement in gen- eral orders before the battalions are formed, in order that the chiefs of the departments may become acquainted therewith. " Another object, before the formation of this corps, is to determine in what order the battalions are to be formed in order of battle, to avoid all disputes concerning rank and posts of honor. By the inclosed arrangement, the geograph- ical order adopted in the army will be nearly complied with, LIFE OF STEUBEX. 283 except that three companies of Xew Hampshire are to be in- corporated in a battahon with those of Xew York. Thus the order will be as follows : 8 Companies, Penn- sylvania. 2. 4 Companies, New Jersey; 2, lland; 2, Stark. 8 Companies, Ne>v^ Hampshire; I, Rhodo Island; 4, N. York. 8 Companies, Con- necticut. 8 Companies, Massa- chusetts. 1 Companies, Massa- cijusetts. " If you approve of this arrangement, the first and second battalions will be composed out of those five brigades which are with your Excellency, and the other four will be formed out of the eight brigades here imder General Howe. I have no doubt that the first battalion of light infantry, furnished by the two Pennsylvania biigades, can and will be properly com- posed. The second, furnished by the brigades of Jei'sey, Stark and Hand, may be equally so, and as for the four battalions here, I will take all the pains in my power to form them in such a manner as to meet with your Excellency's approbation. " If it was possible, my dear general, that our whole in- fantry could be uniformly clothed in linen hunting shirts and overalls, with small round hats, cocked up one side, and good shoes, it would be the most convenient uniform for the season. These we can easily procure for them. I will give orders here that all the light infantry shall be j^rovidcd with bayonets, and would be much obliged to your Excellency to have the same orders issued for those with you." On the 23d of July, 1780, iUexander Hamilton, Washing- ton's aid-de-camp, answered from head-quarters :* " On the formation of the light infantry the general has al- ready written to you. I presume it will be ultimately nearly as you have proposed. . . . Entre nous^ it is not easy to find good majors for this corps in the Massachusetts line, and as it * Alexander Hamilton's Works, vol. ii., 42. 284 LIFE OF STEUBEN. will act a good deal with the French troops, we wish it, for this additional reason, to be well officered, Prescott will an- swer the purpose, but he is not yet to know that he is in con- templation. We shall not long continue in our present posi- tion. The distinctions of departments are an old story, which now do not exist, except with respect to South Carohna. You are with a detachment of the main army. I dare say all you are doing will be found right." " I have made," reports Steuben, from Fishkill, on the 28th of July, 1780, to Washington, "the necessaiy arrangements for the light infantry, and'shall be happy if they meet your Excellency's approbation. The companies are formed agree- ably to your Excellency's orders. I have myself chosen the non-commissioned officers and soldiers, and even the arms, and I dare flatter myself that the corps will be the admiration of our allies as much as the terror of our enemies. There is hardly a man under twenty or above thirty years of age ; they are all robust and well made, and have indeed a military ap- pearance, and as many of the recruits have served before, nearly two thirds of every company will be old soldiers. I have chosen from each regiment, besides three sergeants, two drummers and fifers, and forty-two, rank and file, as a re- serve. They are to remain "with their companies and be ready to reinforce or fill up any vacancy that may happen in the light companies." An extremely great evil still prevailing in the northern army, and arising from the v>'ant of discipUiie, was the scarcity of arms and provisions, vv^hich again led the soldiers to muti- nies, marauding and disobedience. Public credit was totally exhausted ; the pay of the soldiers amounted to nothing, as it was made in entirely worthless Continental money, without allowance for depreciation. The jjeople at large, especially in the summer of 1780, were tired of the war, or expected all aid, and their deliverance from the British, from their French aUies. A large French fleet and army were expected, LIFE OF STEUBEX. 285 and mostly on this account individual exertions were thought superfluous. To illustrate this ruinous state of things we need not to quote hundreds of letters and complaints which we found in the MS. Steuben Papers. It is more than evident from Washington's letters and other documents with which the public are already familiar. With respect to the person of Steuben it may suflice to state, that notwithstanding re- peated applications, he sufiered as much as any other oflicer, and that he was even unable to get a tent for his own use. " I am exceedingly mortified" — writes Xathaniel Greene, then quarter- master general, to Steuben, from Preakness, on the 18th of July^ — " that you meet with so much trouble in getting a few horses and a marquee to cover you. Will any man at a future day believe that a people, contending for the first rights of human nature, would leave those employed upon this important business so badly supplied with the sinews of war that the common conveniences requisite for a soldier's comfort can not be had ? Tell it not in Dan ! publish it not in Askalon ! But so it is ; and how can I help it ? " I have no marquees here. There are ten coming from Boston, and I have given Colonel Hay directions at all events to reserve one for you. The saddles may be had at Morris's. What shall we do this campaign ? We are most like a brok- en merchant, too poor to undertake any thing great, and too proud to attempt what is within our power. Ambition hurries us beyond our abilities, and I wish it may not expose our pov- erty in more disagreeable colors than we at present imagine. It is noble to attempt, but will it not be ruinous to fail ?" If officers of the highest rank were thus exposed to suf- fering and hardship, it was nothing but a natural consequence of this culpable neglect that not the least attention was paid to the wants of the private soldier. " I esteem it ray duty," writes General John Paterson, on the loth of September, 1780, to Stcnben,f "to represent to you the disagreeable and * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. ii. f Ibidem. 286 LIFE OF STEUBEN. distressing circumstances of the brigade under my command, for the want of provisions. Had this been new or accidental, I should not have taken notice of it, but for a number of weeks we have not had an allowance of meat more than half the time ; particularly in this month we have had but seven rations and a half. Should this continue, I am fearful of the consequences. The officers, already fretted by the treatment they have met with from the country, are, I believe, in general determined to quit the service at the close of the campaign, and unless times have a better aspect, I fear the others will follow their examjDle. Those in my brigade are really in distress, and depend solely on the ration they receive for their support, not one to twenty being able to purchase a din'ner. It has also a very bad effect upon the soldiery ; they, from being moi-al and peaceable, I find, are giving way to those vices which are the peculiar attendants of an army without provi- sion. " You may depend, sir, this representation does not pro- ceed from a feverish, complaining disposition, but the contrary. ]\Iy wish is to see the army well supplied, which I think will effectually prevent all those evils we fear. Resignations, ma- tiny and marauding, would in a great degree, if not totally, be prevented, and a spirit of obedience take place in their stead." But there v/as no money to j^rovide for the necessary sup- plies and the most indispensable articles of the troops, and the whole summer of 1 780 passed away under deliberations whether the army should be confined to the defensive or take the offen- sive. When Washington himself ceased to hope for any im- provement, was it, then, to be wondered at that other promi- nent men, like James Lovell, for instance, gave up all hopes that the people would awake from their apathy ? " What course is to be pursued," he asked Steuben, in a letter of the loth of July, IVSO, " when the French fleet arrives ? An angel from heaven, warlike as the best of Milton's, could not noAV tell. He would bo, as we are, obliged to go into the dis- LIFE OF STEUBEN. 287 tracting field of ifs, and ands, and buts, suppositions and con- jc'ctures. Above all, he would be obliged to say, ' It' there is any true spirit remaining in the people at large, we may hope to ruin the enemy.' " It was a severe blow to the army that just now, when the arms were most wanted for the light infantry and the army in general, the expected supplies from France did not arrive. Steuben endeavored to procure them from other sources, and in concert with Generals Knox and Howe did his utmost to get as many arms as possible, and to meet the immediate emergency. " Previous to the reception of your last favors," he writes, from Fishkill, the 28th of July, 1780, to Washington, " I had been informed of our disappointment in regard to the arms expected from France. Mr. Izard made no secret of this de- tention. The distress I foresaw this disappointment would bring upon us, determined me on a measure for which, if disap- proved by your Excellency, I must be accountable. I engaged General Howe to write to Connecticut and Massachusetts. I wrote myself, and engaged also Generals Huntington and Pat- erson to write to them, to lend us fifteen hundred stand of arms each, and to send them on immediately, and I have made myself answerable for their return whenever our arms arrive ii-om France ; these three thousand, and what we shall be able to collect from our stores, Avill, I hope, sufiice. "I have disarmed all the wagoners, general and staff officers' waiters, and indeed every man who will not be present, in rank and file, in action. This will add a con- siderable number of arms. With regard to the recovery of arms carried off, it will, I fear, be difficult, if not impossible ; it would even be difficult to discover to whom to attribute such negligence. The field officers were absent and the regi- ments commanded somstiraes by a captain, sometimes by a lieutenant ; under these circumstances what individual officer can be made answerable ?" 288 LIFE OF STEUBEN. How difficult it was to get the arras collected appears from Steuben's letters to General Knox, of which we give here some extracts. "As it is very uncertain," he writes, on the 16th of July, " what number of recruits may join us, I am endeavoring to collect together at this place all the arms and accouterments I can hear of. Those from Albany I expect every day. I have ordered on six hundred new cartridge boxes and two thousand bayonet belts and scabbards which were at New Haven ; those from Morristown I beg you will order here immediately, as I imagine the brigades at head-quartei's will be more than suj^plied from those which come from Philadelphia." And on the 21st of July he continues: "I would be glad if you would have all the bayonets that can be collected forwarded on this way as soon as possible, as the arms from Albany amount in all but to thirty-one hundred and six, and but nine hundred and forty-one bayonets. You will also please to send orders to all the laboratories, that the cartridges to be made in future shall be of the size of nineteen to the pound, as the generality of the arms are French, and the cartridges of that size may upon occasion be used with English muskets, and the English size cartridges (sixteen to the pound), can not be used with French muskets. I would be much obliged to you if you would give, orders to all tlie field commissaries, conductors, etc, not to deliver any arras, etc., to any order but that of the inspectors, as I have an instance of an abuse being committed, for want of an a.rangc- ment of that kind, the other day, by General Glover's brigade, which drew a large quantity of military stores at Springfi-eld, more than their proportion would come to. Such an unequal distribution will never do, my dear general, and if you do not give the above orders I must renounce having any thing to do with the distiibution I have given orders for whatever Glover's brigade have received to be returned and distributed equally with the rest." LIFE OF STEUBEN", 289 .... "Among the three tliousand arms arrived from Albany," he M'rites on the 27th of July, "nine hundred only have bayonets, nor do I knon^ where to i^rocure them. We shall also be very short of cartridge boxes. I have ordered fifteen hundred to be repaired here. God knows if it will be done. These fifteen days past I have been endeavoring to get the arms from Chester to Xewburg, where I have prepared a store for their reception, to deliver them to the brigades. I have been also ten days trying to get the arms from Albany from on board the sloops, but neither the one or the other can be done. My orders are less respected than those of a corporal. The army is under marching orders, and nearly four thousand are unarmed; the arms are here, and can not be deliveied because nobody will do his duty. There were at Philadelj)hia, I believe, five thousand arms with bayonets, and fifteen hun- dred new cartridge boxes, with drums, fifes and other articles, and there are, I believe, one thousand arms at Carlisle. In our present circumstances they should all be collected or we shall lose the campaign." Steuben joined the main army when, in consequence of the arrival of the French auxiliary corps under Rochambeau on Rhode Island, and the movements of Sir Henry Clinton, Washington crossed and recrossed the Hudson ; and acted on his staif when he established his head-quarters near Tappan. Steuben's services being no longer required at West Point on account of Arnold's appointment to the chief command there, he continued with the head-quarters of the army. Towards the end of September the world was startled by the treason of the notorious Arnold. His crime led to the capture of the unfortunate Andre. Steuben was one of the members of the board of the fourteen general officers appointed to examine into the case of Andre, and who, on the 29th of September, 1780, were compelled to sentence him to a felon's death. The baron was exceedingly afiiicted, relates Xorth, with the in- evitable fate of the unfortunate British adjutant general. " It 13 290 LIFE OF STEUBEN. is not possible," he said, "to save him. Ho put us to no prootj but in an open, manly manner, confessed every thing but a premeditated design to deceive. Would to God the wretch who drew him to death could have suffered in his place!" Arnold's flight, however, gave birth to equally strong, but very different feelings in Steuben's breast. He let no occasion pass to manifest his utmost abhorrence of the name and char- acter of the ti'aitor, whose name ever grated harshly on Steuben's ear. It is characterized by an anecdote frequently told, and published in almost as many different forms as nar- rators, which Ave give here after Jones,* in the correct version, as it was obtained from the former neighbors of Jonathan Steuben. " On one occasion, after the treason, the baron was on pa- i-ade at roll-call, Avhen the detested name, Arnold, was heard in one of the infantry companies of the Connecticut line. The baron immediately called the unfortunate possessor to the front of the company. He was a perfect model for his profes- sion ; clothes, arms, and equipments in the most j^erfect order. The practiced eye of the baron soon scanned the soldier, and, 'Call at my marquee, after you are dismissed, brother sol- dier,' was his only remark. After Arnold was dismissed from parade, he called at the baron's quarters as directed. The baron said to him, 'You are too fine a soldier to bear the name of a traitor — change it at once, change it at once.' 'But what name shall I take?' replied Arnold. 'Any that you please, any that you please ; take mine, if you can not suit yourself better; mine is at your service.' Arnold at once agreed to the proposition, and immediately repaired to his or- derly, and Jonathan Steuben forthwith graced the company roll, in lieu of the disgraced name of him who had plotted treason to his country. After the United States had con- * Annals and Recollections of Oneida County, by Pomroy Jones. 8vo. Rome, 1851, p. 441.. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 291 quered their independence our hero returned to Connecticut, and on his petition the General Court legalized the change of name.* A few years after, he wrote the baron, who had now settled on his patent in this country, that he had married and had a fine son born, and that he had named him Fi-ederick William. The baron replied, that when tlie son had arrived at the age of twenty-one he would give him a farm. The baron soon after paid the debt of nature, but his letter was carefully preserved. A few years after its settlement, Jona- than Steuben removed to the town of Steuben, with his fimily. When Frederick William arrived at his majority, the letter was presented to Colonel Walker, one of the baron's executors, * We insert here a copy of the petition found among the Steuben MS. papers in Utica, as characteristic of the man and of the spirit of the times : State of Coxnecticxjt. — At a General Assembly of the Governor and Com- pany of the State of Connecticut, in America, holden at Hartford, by spe- cial order of the Governor, on the eighth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three : Upon the Memorial of Jonathan Arnold, of Hartford, in the county of Hart- ford, in the State of Connecticut, shewing to this Assembly that he is a ser- geant in the Continental army, and unfortunately bears the surname of the infamous Benedict Arnold, once a Major General in the Armies of the United States, now a tray tor and deserter; that some time after the desertion of the said Benedict, the Honorable Major General Baron Steuben, pitj-ing the Mis- fortune of any person Friendly to the American cause doomed to bear the same name with a Notorious Traytor, offered the Memorialist Liberty to as- sume the Name of Steuben, and by that name to be known and called, and engaged to your Memorialist, on his taking and assuming the said na.me of Steuben, to pay him the sum of Two Dollars per mouth, during the present war, etc. ; praying this Assembly to permit him to assume the surname of Steuben, and by that Name to be hereafter known and called, as per Memo- rial on file. Dated January, A. D. 1783 : Be it Enacted, by the Governor, Council, and Representatives, in Gen- eral Court Assembled, and by the authority of the same, that the said Memorialist have Liberty, and Liberty is hereby granted to him, to take upon himself the surname of Steuben instead of that of Arnold, and that the Memorialist's surname be Steuben, and that by that Name, in all legal proceedings, he be ever hereafter known and called. A true copy. Examined by George "W'yllys, Secretary. 292 LIFE OF STEUBEN. who at once executed to him a deed, in fee, of fifty acres of land, but which had been previously leased to Samuel Sizer, and as the recipient preferred the enjoyment of the land to the receipt of the rents, he purchased the lease, and at once went into possession. " Jonathan Steuben lived to become a pensioner, and died some fifteen or sixteen years since. His widow survived him ; she also drew a pension. " In the war of ] 812, Frederick William went with the mi- litia to Sackett's Harbor, where he was taken sick and died. For his services his widow received a pension. He was order- ly sergeant of his company, and with the name of the baron he seems to have inherited at least a portion of his distinguish- ing qualifications, for he was considered one of the best discip- linarians in his regiment." CHAPTER XIV. REASON'S WHY WaSHISGTOX, IX 17S0, DID NOT ASSUME THE OfFENSITE. — StECBEM'S TWO Plans of Operation. — Contents of the fiest Plan. — Contents op thb SECOND Plan, 'weitten on the 10th of Septembee, 1750. — ■Washixgtox acts in CONFOEMITT WITH StECBEN'S PROPOSITIONS. THERE were Itto princip.al reasons wby Washington did not assume the ofil;!isive in 1780, and strike a decisive blow. In the first place, the thirteen States did not furnish one half of theii* contingent which they ought to have fur- nished ; and then the assistance from France, particularly the fleet, was too long delayed to open the campaign with them. It is, however, interesting, notwithstanding this forced in- activity of Washington, to follow the plans in detail, which he formed in the beginning of summer. We therefore subjoin here two proposals* made by Steuben, which give a clear view of the situation, and prove the ability and activity of their author in another capacity. The first of these has no date, but it must have been written between the arrival of the news of the siUTender of Charleston, and that of Rochambeau in Newport, and, therefore, probably, in the beginnmg of June. It reads as follows : " The great preparation made by the belligerent powers in Europe, since last December, announced an intention on both sides to render this campaign as decisive as possible. The in- tentions of the court of France were made known to the honorable Congress the beginning of January last; by the minister, who at the same time exhorted the United States to employ every efibrt in making the neces.sary preparations for * Steuben MS. Papers, Utica. 294 LIFE OF STEUBEN. a vigorous campaign on tlieir j^art. It is not now necessary to examine into tlie motives that prevented the different Legis- latures from making the necessary arrangements. But it is proper to know that, instead of augmenting our force, it has diminished near five thousand men, whose term of service has expired. " About this time, also, Chai-leston was invested, and it did not require any superior knowledge in the art of war to pre- sume the place would fall. This has, in fact, happened ; and by the capture of the garrison we have suffered a loss of two thousand five hundred men. These, added to the five thou- sand above mentioned, make about one half the force we had last campaign. " On the arrival of the Marquis De Lafayette, the latter end of April, we were assured of the intentions of the court of France to send a fleet of ships-of-the-line, and seven or eight thousand troops, to coojDerate with the American forces on the continent, in such manner as Congress should judge for the interest of the United States. It was then thought proper to reinforce the army, and accordingly Congress recommend- ed, and the States resolved, to raise troops for that purpose. But the bad state of our finances, with other difficulties, which have occurred, has prevented the execution of these resolves to the present moment. Such is the situation of things at this time. " The enemy having left a garrison of three thousand men at Charleston, are returned with the remainder of their force to New York, where they have about ten thousand regular troops, and four thousand new levies, in all fourteen thousand, together with four ships-of-the-line in the harbor ; besides which it is reported that Admiral Graves has arrived at Pe- nobscot with a fleet, the force of which we have not ascer- tained. " On the other hand, we are in expectation of the arrival of the promised succor from our allies, and expect to receive I. I F K OF STEUBEN. 295 from the difterent States the number of men, and every other assistance necessary to cooperate with them, and strike a de- cisive stroke, whenever the commander-in-chief shall think proper to direct his operations. "The several objects which present themselves are, first, the redaction of New York, with the capture of the garrison — an event which will terminate the war. The second object is the conquest of Canada — an event which must, first or last, take place, to secure the peace of the continent, from which many immediate advantages must result to the United States. It will secure our frontier from the savages, and by changing the seat of war relieve the States of New York and Jersey, which have so considerably suffered ; while, at the same time, we can take every advantage of the French fleet, without the assistance ofwliich an attempt to conquer Canada must prove abortive and inefiectual. " The third object is the reduction of Halifax and Penob- scot— objects important to us in proportion as they are perni- cious to the enemy by the loss of their naval magazines, which are of the greatest importance for carrying on their opera- tions on this continent. " The fourth object is the retaking of Charleston, by which tlio enemy will lose the whole fruits of an extensive campaign, and we shall receive a princfpal port for the exportation of our most valuable produce, tobacco and indigo. " I might add a fifth object, which is the reduction of the Floridas, by the assistance of the Spaniards, but this appears too distant, compared with the others. " We must now examine which of these objects is the most important to us, the most destructive to the enemy, and in fact the most decisive. We must then examine the means necessary to attain success in any and every of these objects, without risking every thing ; and lastly, we must examine what means we can reckon on with any degree of certainty. "The first object is the taking of New York with its garri- ■^90 LIFE OF STEUBEN. 6011 — without doubt the most iiiiportant of the Avhole. A suc- cess in this will, in all probability, terminate the war. New York once reduced, the peace, independence and hajjpiness of America are established. To attain this object, so important for us, let us consider the situation and strength of the enemy, and what will be necessary on our part* to succeed. The strength of the enemy is fourteen thousand men. These are divided on Long Island, Staten Island, and York island, on each of which they are strongly intrenched, and without doubt suffi- ciently provided with artillery and ammunition. With respect to provisions we are not certain ; but it is veiy likely that they are provided at least lor three months. The port of ISTew York blockaded and the place invested by land, nothing re- mains for the enemy but to defend themselves to the last extremity, or, by signing the capitulation, to give peace and independence to America. Can we expect this but in the last necessity? Let us now see what means we have to force them to it. According to the calculations of the greatest military men, to invest a fortilied place requii-es thrice the numl)er of the garrison. The situation of the place and other circum- stances, especially having nothing to fear from without, may induce a general to undertake it with double the number of the garrison; but I know very few examples of such an enter- prise being undeitaken with less, especially when the most expensive preparations are necessary for the undertaking. Reckoning, therefore, the enemy's force at fourteen thousand, we must at least have twenty-eight thousand for this enter- prise. Our present force is about seven thousand, and we expect about six or seven thousand French troops to cooper- ate with us. "\Ye want, therefore, a reinforcement of fourteen thousand recruits to have double the number of the enemy. Our aimy will then consist of fouiteen thousand soldiers and fourteen thousand recruits. But may we expect ten thousand ? If we receive the fourteen thousand recruits between this and the 1st of August, with respect to the niuuber of men, we LIFE OF STEUBEN. 297 mny, I think, undertake the enterprise. "With the anus and ammunition v>'e expect with the French fleet, and those we have now in store, I think we shall be sufficiently provided in that respect. I will take it for granted that the States have taken precautions for providing the army ^-ith provisions and forage necessary for the enterprise. With respect to artillery I supi^ose that with what we have, added to what the French will bring, and what the State of Massachusetts can lend us, we shall have a sufficient number of cannon, but I am not cer- tain if we sliall have a sufficiency of bombs. I suppose, also, that the States of York and Jersey will furnish workmen, arti- ficers and material necessary for constructing the batteries and other works necessary for a regular siege. In fact, I take for granted that the whole of the States will exert every nerve to assist in an enterprise on which so much depends. In this case Ave ought certainly to undertake the enterprise against Xew York. But as success will depend in some measure on naval operations, it is necessary to compare the force we may expect, with that of the enemy. At present we only know with certainty that the enemy have four ships-of the line at New York. What the French will biing, or what force Ad- miral Graves has with him, is uncertain. We should, there- fore, consider whether we can hazard the enterprise with a force of three or four vessels less than the enemy. This can only be determined by those wlio are more acquainted with naval operations. But taking it for granted that we can, we have only to consider the manner of carrying it into execu- tion. It is impossible for me to enter into a detail of the opera- tions necessary for the fleet — operations in which I confess myself entirely ignorant. Nor shall I mention any further than it is necessary they should facilitate and cover the move- ments of the army. As the little knowledge I have of the ground is gained entirely from maps and information, my opinion on the operations of the army vrill, doubtless, in many instances, be erroneous, and I submit it entirely to the judg- 13* 298 LIFE OF STEUBEN. ment of the commander-in-chief and those officers who are better acquainted with the ground tlian I am. "Having on our part the number of men and means be- fm'c mentioned, tlie French fleet sliould enter the harbor and immediately hind two thousand men on Staten Island ; at the same time the Jersey brigade, with one thousand militia, should go on the island and join them. If the enemy on the island stay there till this is done, it appears to me their retreat to IsTew York will be cut oiFby the fleet, and none left but by \vary of Constable's Point or Bergen N'eck, which I should think might be also cut off by a sufficient force towards Pau- lus Plook. Their works on the island must then be reduced either by assault, cannonade, or bombardment, and that part of their force, which I estimate at from fourteen hundred to sixteen hundred men, must be ours whether we succeed at New York or not. In this enterprise I doubt not the Jerseys Avill assist with a great many brave volunteers, who will ren- der the success still more probable. I do not imagine the enemy will undertake to defend Staten Island without hav- ing reason to expect a superiority on the water. But what- ever may be their determination thereon, ours must be to ren- der ourselves masters of the island as soon as we possibly can. In the meantime our army should pass the North river, and approach towards King's Bridge. For the safety of this maneuver I suppose some frigates or vessels of force should run up the Xorth river. The enemy will then be shut up on York island and the Heights of Brooklyn. Should we attempt our a})proaches on York island, the great number of works they have would aftbrd them the opportunity of disputing every inch of ground, and even where they have no works the nature of the ground is such that our superiority of num- bers would bo rendered useless. Suppose, on the contrary, that two or three Continental brigades, a large number of militia, and all the cavalry could shut up the enemy at King's Bridge, whilst the remainder of the army, joined witii four LIFE OF STEUBiiX. 299 tlionsand French troops, go on Long Island, and form a regu- lar attack on their works at Brooklyn ; these once reduced, either by regular approaches or by a coup de main^ the situa- tion of the enemy would become critical. We could estabhsh batteries and bombard the city. The French troops alone could guard those Heights, whilst all our army might enter by King's Bridge and shut the enemy within narrower hmits. In the meantime the fleet might enter the East river, burn the vessels, and afford us an opportunity of harassing the enemy in their position on York island. The remainder of our operations follow, of course. If we arrive at this period of the affair, success and glory will attend us. To cover our passage to Long Island, to keep open the communication, and to protect the vessels that may ai-nve to our assistance from New England, it would be necessary to have a coujjle of vessels of force in the Sound, which may be detached for that purpose round the east end of Long Island. " Allowing as granted all the flivorablc suppositions which precede my plan for this enterprise, I would also Avish and ex- pect that all America, and especially New England, would con- cur in assisting all in their power, that all privateering should be suspended, and every vessel, whether large or small, should be employed in seconding an enterprise of such importance, on which the salvation of America so much depends. " The more important this enterprise is, the more ought we to be cautions in undertaking it without a certain proba- bility of success. Nothing, it is true, can be gained without risk ; but prudence Avill dictate to iis not to hazard in one unhappy hour what has cost us so much trouble and danger. Let New York be our first object for gaining an honorable peace, but let it be our last if we are to risk for it not only our own honor, but that of our allies. If we are not very certain that the fleet of our aUies is at least equal to that of the enemy — if our land force does not exceed that of the en- emy by ten thousand men — if we have not the necessary ara- 300 LIFE OF STEUBEN. lunnition, provision, and other necessaries to the enterprise — if' our operations can not begin before the 20th of August — I say, in any of these cases, I reject all thought of the enterprise, and refer to the second object, which is the conquest of Can- ada. " I have already mentioned the advantages which may be expected from this enterprise. To them I add two other mo- tives, which appear to me important. In the first place, the inhabitants of that country who are well affected to our cause have been in anxious expectation of our assistance since the taking of the northern army. Seeing that v>-e do nothing for their assistance, they will detach themselves from our interest, and attach themselves to the enemy. In the second place, we can never hope so favorable an opportunity as tlie present, when we have a French fleet and army to second the enter- prise. The reciprocal attachment the Canadians and French have for each other, v.'ould also make both act with more zeal and vigor. In this enterprise, as well as that against Xev,' York, I would also suppose the superiority of the French fleet, v.itbout which all the operations will be attended with much difficulty. But, taking the superiority for granted, I ■would desire that the fleet should enter the port of N"cwport and land and refresh the troops ; the ships named for the ex- pedition, with half the French troops, should then proceed for the river St. Lawrence, provided Avith every thing necessary for the siege of Quebec, and v.ith four thousand stand of arms, Avith ammunition, to distribute to the Canadians who Avould join ; the Xew York and N^ew Hampshire brigades to be also embarked on the French fleet, and joined Avith the French for this expedition ; Stark's and Hand's brigades to go up the Con- necticut river, and enter Canada by the road made by Colonel II:izcn, and form a junction with the French troops. " The taking of Quebec would certainly bo the principal object in this expedition ; but we should put ourselves in a state of safety in the countrv, even should Quebec not be re- LIFE OF STEUBEN. 30] duced ill the courso of tins campaign. If I am not wrongly informed, the river St. Lawrence forms a strait twenty-four miles below Quebec, where the cliannel does not permit the entry of more than one vessel at the time, by which means the passage to Quebec may, perhaps, be disputed by some vessels or frigates. However, of this the old French seamen will be the best judges. The little general knowledge I have of that country does not permit me to sketch out a plan for the operations which may be practicable. This expedition will change our campaign in this quarter to a defensive one. We shall have the troops from Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Jersey, Pennsylvania, joined with three thousand French troops, the cavalry, and in case of necessity, a body of militia, to keep the enemy in New York. I even think we might do this and reserve a detachment of French troops at Newport. " Should the enemy send any detachments from Xew^ York we shall i>erhaps be able with the help of the French vessels left on our coasts, to form an expedition against Penobscot or some other place. The exjjcdition against New York being laid aside, the danger would not be so imminent, should we, instead of twelve or fourteen thousand, receive only seven or eight thousand recruits, and it is in this case that I would propose an expedition to Canada, not to lose the advantages to be derived from the French fleet and army. "■ The tliird object wdiich presents itself is the conquest at Halifax, on which I can say nothing. It seems to me that this should be undertaken only in case we can not hope for success from the first and second objects ; that then w^e should keep with our army entirely on the defensive, and leave this expe- dition entirely to the French general and admiral. " The fourth object is the retaking of Charleston ; certainly a very interesting object for us, but equally difficult and ex- pensive. And as this season w^ili not permit us h> act in that country, I am of opinion that after having tried something to 302 LIFE OF STEUBEN. the northward \vc may then see what is to be done in that warm climate in a season more advanced, and consequently more lavorable for military operations. " I say little of the conquest of Florida. If our southein States should perceive that the Spaniards have any real inten- tion against that quarter, I doubt not they will afford every assistance the proximity of their situation permits." The second proposition bears date the 10th of September, 1780, therefore, at a time when the proposed attack against New York was already abandoned, and Washington obliged to confine himself to the defensive from want of troops. It is a very able expose, and contains ideas and historical parallels which prove that Steuben was an able staff officer and a credit to his military school, even in this line. It is as follows : " By the state of affairs that your Excellency has been pleased to lay before the council of war, our situation seems such that it will be extremely difficult to determine what should be our oj^erations during the course of this campaign. The only thing that appears certain is that neither circum- stances nor the means we have, permit us at the present mo- ment to think of any offensive operation whatever. "What can be undertaken against an enemy placed on three islands, superior in naval force, and at least equal in land force, with- out mentioning the advantages that an army of veterans has over one, the half of which is composed of young recruits ? We can not even expect to keep them within their limits. They have it in their power to pass the rivers and make incur- sions w^herever they think proper, and I shall be much aston- ished if the enemy do not assemble their whole force, pass the river and try to engage us in a general action. If any con- sideration prevents them it is that, having so large a propor- tion of German troops, they are apprehensive of their desert- ing on such an occasion, while the English fleet blocks the port of New York, and thereby prevents a junction with the French troops. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 303 "Let US examine what the enemy could risk by such an enterprise. We could not hinder their debarkation ; they can take a position ojDposite to ours, and keep up a sure commu- nication to their vessels on the river, and to Paulus Hook. They can from thence examine our position, which, in my opin- ion, is good for defense in front, and even on the flank ; but so soon as the enemy make a movement towards our left, we shall be obliged to quit this position, to gain a march of them towards King's Ferry. In either case we are exposed to a general af- fair, in which, for the above-mentioned reasons, the enemy has no other risk but a repulse. In an army of old soldiers a check exposes it only to the loss of a certain number of men ; but in an army composed of one half recruits, a check often brings on a total defeat. If our position was at such a distance from the North river, that a body of militia, mixed with some light troops, could threaten their rear and cut off their communi- cation, in that case we might, I think, venture to offer them a general action. " I repeat that I think our position advantageous. Our front is covered by Hackensack river, and by throwing some large trees in it, at the places where it may be forded, the enemy might be prevented from forcing a passage to a good distance on our left. But if this position had been one or two marches further from the place where the enemy could debark, without losing sight of the two objects we have in -view, which are the communication with Pennsylvania and with King's Ferry, I confess I should think it more advantageous. But in this case we must abandon Dobbs's Ferry, which I should think can be easily reoccupied, whenever our circumstances will permit us to act offensively. In our present situation I can not think it of any great utility, and I fear that the enemy will one day carry it without our being able to secure it. "Upon a general view of the situation, and especially after the unhappy affair to the southward, I think that our only ob- ject should be to stop the progress of the enemy, till some 304 LIFE OF STEUBEN. move fortunate events permit us. to act on our part. To do this I would not only wish tlie army to be kept together, hut I should wish for as speedy a junction as possible with the French troops. How far this will be possible, both with re- spect to the safety of the French fleet and the subsistence, in case they join, I confess I am not able to judge. But suppose it possible, we shall then be superior to any force that the en- emy can bring against us, and they will consequently be obliged to keep on their islands, till the arrival of a fleet of our allies gives us an opportunity to change our system. What appears to me most likely is, that the enemy, after the defeat of Gen- eral Gates, will endeavor to push their conquest to the south- ward, and being sure that we are not able to undertake any thing against the three islands, they will embark what troops can be spared, and make a descent in Vii'ginia, where there is nothing but militia to oppose their progress. How to stop them in that quarter is the most difficult to answer. The succes- sive detachments we have already sent have lost us the ti'oops of six States. Always inferior to the enemy, and not sup- ported by the provincials or militia, they have been sacrificed as fast as they have been sent". Can we now risk to expose the Pennsylvania line to the same fiite ? At any rate we can not be'bre the junction ef the French troops with our army. " But suppose this line was detached, considering how much they would be weakened in the march, by desertion and sickness, they would not be sufficient to resist the enemy with- out the assistance of a considerable corps of militia. So soon as the southern States have a body of at least three thousand men, and we are joined by the French, I will not then hesi- tate in giving my advice to reinfoi'ce them by sending the Penn- sylvania line to the southward ; but I should give it up for lost, if it was to be opposed alone to the efforts of the En- glish. " To attempt to retake, by detachments of our army, what we have lost in that quarter, we shall iu the end be defeated LIFE OF STEUBEN. 305 by detail. I could cite many oxamiilcs in Europe where vvliole armies have been defeated by detachment. Prince Eugene, against the French, risked his reputation and the loss of the house of Austria for having weakened his army by detach- ment—he was totally defeated by detail. But our own expe- rience will suffice. The troops of six States have already been lost, and if these States can not, or will not, replace their troops, the State of New Hampshire would at last be left to defend the whole thirteen States. " To detach any jjart of the army at present seems to me of more dangerous consequences than any progress the enemy can make to the southward. In fact, they can only ravage the country, and this we can not hinder even with a superior force ; and should they take possession of any places on the coast, so soon as the maritime forces of our allies become superior to theirs on their coast, they must abandon them. " However critical our situation may seem at present, the moment the second division of the French, or a fleet from the West Indies, arrives on the coast, the face of affairs will en- tirely change. "The greatest danger, in my o[)i:iion, that can threaten the country is a defeat of our army. The disaffected would then raise their heads, the people would be discouraged, and all oui- resources become more difficult. We should even in that case lose every advantage that we might reap from the arrival of a fleet of our allies to our assistance. My opinion then is absolutely this, to play a sure game, and rather suffer some little insult than risk the whole ; to keep our army to- gether as much as possible, and prepare ourselves to act with vigor when our allies arrive to our assistance. " To these observations I must add, that the only assistance we ought to give to the southern States would be to send one or two officers perfectly acquainted with the order established in our army, to give the necessary instructions to the new officers the States will be obliged to create. This is, I think. 306 J-IFE OF STEUBEN. all we can do in the present moment. But should a, fleet of our allies arrive, and put us in a situation to act offensively, what are the objects which then present themselves to our operations ? The season and the strength of our allies must decide this. The enterprise against New York appears out of the question for this campaign, at least if we have not a superiority by sea by the 15th instant ; and even then I think the force we have, which is not half from what was demanded fi-om the States, will not permit us to hazard it. "The second object is Charleston, against which an ad- vantageous expedition may be carried on by sending two or three thousand men to reinforce those already to the southward. With the rest of our army we must take a posi- tion in the mountains of West Point. The French fleet and army at Rhode Island, joined witli those we expect, will be able to carry on the operations on the sea side, whilst five or six thousand men from us can shut thcni within their lines at Charleston. The climate of that country will per- mit us to act in winter. The harvest has been abundant both in rice and corn, and the country abounds in cattle. Nothing then is wanting but proper arrangements to sup- port the troops destined for the expedition duiing their ope- rations. " With regard to an expedition against Canada, I must confess I am not sufficiently acquainted with the situation of that country. I am told that an expedition by land is most practicable during the Avinter. If an excursion with a small corps is meant, I believe it ; but if we mean to maintain our ground, I think the cooperation of a fleet in the river St. Law- rence is absolutely necessary, and how far this can take place in winter, it is not in my power to judge. " The other objects ai-e Halifax and Penobscot, the latter of the least importance. The operations by sea have too much influence in these enterprises for me to form any judgment of them. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 30'7 "In all cases we should endeavor to draw advantage from the arrival of a fleet, proportioned to the superiority it gives us over the enemy. This we may do, provided we keep our army together, and are ready to act immediately on their ar- rival." CHAPTER XV. Hktoky op the Inspection op the Aumt, from the IOtii of Febeuart, 1779, to THE 25Tn of September, 1T30. — General Order of the 12tii of Mat, 1779, con- firms THE Resolutions of Coxgeess, and defines the Duties of Inspector General, Assistant Ixspectop^s, and Brigade Majors.— The Adjutant General for the Time appointed Assistant Inspector. — Regular monthly Inspec- tion OF THE Troops ordered bt Washington. — The Mlstee-Master's and In- spector's Departments united.^^teuben's Proposals of the 7th of Mat. 17S0. — The Inspection extended to the Cavalry and Artillery. — Increase of THE Assistant Inspectors. — Resolution of the 25Tn of Septembep^ 17S0. — Steuben not satisfied with it.— His Letter to Washington of the 2Sd of Sep- tember, 1780, specifies his Objections.^He continues to act on the Staff op the General-in-Chief. — His Plan for the daily Meeting op the General- in-Chief with the General Officers. — His Services in the new Formation of the Army. — Resolutions of Congeess of the 3d and IItii of October, 1780 ; THE Latter correcting the Former by advice of Washington, based on Steubexs Opinion. — Excellence of Washington's Staff. — Steuben's Letter to AV'ashington about the Adoption of the new Arrangement. — He proposes ANOTHER Division of the Cavalry. — He details his Plan for the Formation op A NEW Army. — His Reasons foe the Same. — Steuben is sent South. — His De- paetuef. a serious Injury to the Discipline of the Aemy. WE have seen in chapter IX. that on the 19th of February, 1779, Congress, repealing all former temporary orders, issued by the commander-in-chief, lirst resolved on the per- manent establishment of the department of inspector general. This plan was somewhat modified by the resolution of the 25th of September, 1780. We propose to give in this chapter the acts, orders and memorials constituting the exterior progress of the inspector- ship for the period included between the first and second reso- lutions, viz., from the 19th of February, 1779, till the 25th of September, 1780. The preceding ciiaptei's ha\e furnished ample proof that the ofiice of inspector was without doubt the most important in the army, and that Steuben's preeminence is principally based upon his labors in this department. He created it, and LIFE OF STEUBEN. 309 in spite of the ill feelings, suspicion and animosity of the gen- eral officers at the beginning, gradually extended its duties, and finally succeeded in convincing the Avhole army of its pressing necessity. Without his energy the Americans would never have gained confidence in their own strength nor learned to turn to account apparently adventitious circumstances. In consequence of the resolve of the ISth of February, 1779, Steuben formed his system of regulations, which, as stated above, was approved by Congress, and ordered to be published on the 29th of March, 1779. "Congress having established a system of regulations," say the general orders of the 12th of May, 1779,* "the commander-in-chief flatters himself that all officers Avill zealously employ themselves to become thoroughly acquainted with them, and with all possi- ble punctuality and disjiatch put them in practice within the limits of their respective commands. To forward this desir- able purpose, the inspector general is immediately to enter upon the exercise of his office as established by Congress. " He will take care that copies of the Regulations are dis- ti-ibuted to all the regiments, one for each officer, who is to be answei-able for it, and in case he quits the regiment is to de- liver it up to the commanding officer. He will give the neces- sary instructions to the sub-inspectors and majors of brigade, relative to the duties they are to perform. He will see that a uniform formation takes place forthwith in the several regi- ments, and Avhenever he jierceives a regiment so far reduced as not to be able to turn out under arms the number prescribed for forming a battalion he is to report the same to the com- mander-in-chief that the necessary arrangements may be made accordingly ; for the present the battahons to be divided into eight companies, from which the light infantry Avill be drawn. He will by turns visit the different regiments at the hours of exercise, and see that every thing is conducted in strict con- formity with the regulations. He will at all times pay particular * Steuben MS. Papers, Utica. '■^10 LIFE OF STEUBEN, attention that the service of the guards be performed with the greatest exactness." On the 22d of May the duties of the sub-inspectors were defined by the following general orders : " The sub-inspectors have to consider themselves as under the orders of the commanding officers of the divisions to which they belong. They are to receive their mstructions relative to the department, from the inspector general, and to see that the new regulations are carried strictly into execution ; they will take the general orders from the adjutant general and commu- nicate them to their major generals; they are to receive all di- vision orders and communicate them to the majors of brigade. When their division is detached they are to perform the du- ties of adjutant general. On a march they remain with the general commanding the division, and assist in executing the maneuvers. In camp or garrison they are to see that the established duties are regularly performed, and particularly to attend to the formation, and above all, to the service of the guards; to take care that all orders are communicated with precision and dispatch, to see the brigade majors themselves take the order from the adjutant general, and in case a bri- gade major is sick, that duty must be jDerformed by some other major in the biigade, or by the oldest captain. To see the brigade majors keep their ... * and detail in exact order, and that no regiment furnishes more than its proportion for duty. In camp to have two orderly sergeants from the divi- sion to carry orders, and on march a dragoon for that pui*- pose." On the 20th of June the duties of the brigade majors were like^vise defined by general orders : "They had to consider themselves as under the orders of the officer commanding the brigade, and to receive their instructions relative to the department from the inspector general : to remain on all occasions with the brigade ; to keep * Tom off in tlio original. LIFE OF STEUBEN 311 the details and see that every thing prescribed in the regu- kitions is carried strictly into execution ; to be present at the formation of all guards and detachments from the brigade, and see that they are formed agreeably to the rules estab- lished; to receive the general orders from the adjutant gen- eral, and direct orders from the sub-inspector, both of which they are to communicate to their brigadier, and having added those he may issue, communicate the whole through the adju- tants to the several regiments in the brigade. If a brigade major is hindered, by sickness or any other cause, from attend- ing for orders, he is to inform the brigadier who is to order another major or the oldest captain to attend in his stead ; in camp to have an orderly sergeant ; extraordinary orders to be sent from the adjutant general to the nearest major of brigade, noting on the order the hour he sent it. The brigade major having taken a copy will immediately dispatch it to the next, noting the hour, etc., etc. ; so with the rest till it returns to the adjutant general. When a brigade major leaves the brigade to go for orders or any other purpose, he must leaA'e an adju- tant to perform his duty in case any order come during his absence. To regulate their watches by the adjutant general, that the different beats may begin at the same time ; the bri- gade major of the day to attend the formation of all detach- ments in camp." Congress, on the 22d of June, 1779, appointed the adjutant general, for the time being, assistant inspector general.'- On the 1st of July, Washington directed the regular monthly in- spections of the troops, by the following general orders :f " The whole array for the future to undergo a monthly in- spection, in which the state of the arms, accouterments, cloth- ing, and camp equipage, is to be carefully examined. At these inspections the following returns to be made to the in- spector : " 1. A return of the strength of each company regimentally * Journals of Congress, v., 264. f Steuben MS. Papers, tJtica 312 LIFEOFSTEUBE>r. digested, accounting for all absentees, together with the alter- ation since the last return. " 2. A return of the different articles of clothing in pos- session of each corps, with the quantity received, lost, worn out, or otherwise deficient, since the last inspection, " 3. A return of arms, ammunition and accouterments of each company, accounting for the alterations, and distinguish- ing such as are m the hands of the men absent on command, etc., from those present." It is already seen that Steuben, in the course of 1779, es- tablished, as much as circumstances allowed, good order and discipline in the service, in the exercise and maneuvers of the infantry, and the formation of battalions. His next object was to introduce economy in the government of the corps, and to establish an administration calculated to stop the abuses hith- erto existing in the grant of furloughs and discharge of the men, as well as in the waste of arms. For this purpose Steuben exerted himself to get the mus- ter-master's and inspector's departments united in one. He con- sidered this union as the corner-stone, and the only solid basis on which the edifice of inspection could be erected. Without it the inspection was nothing more than a nominal establish- ment, the object of Avhich was perpetually regarded with jealousy. It was inconsistent with the proper duties of an inspector to review only the men, while they were to be mus- tered by another ; it was impossible to discover and avoid the disorder resulting from this duality ; it was a v\-holesale squan- deiing of money and time that two duties which belonged to- gether were thus separated. Before the inspection was intro- duced, the muster-master department was supposed to perform its task in some way or the other ; but after tlie inspection was established, it became a nuisance, and utterly superfluous. " Redouble your efibrts, my dear general," wrote John Ter- nant, from Philadelphia, on the 30th of September, 1779,* "that * Stoubeu MS. Papers, vol. i. « LIFE OF STEUBEK. 313 this union may soon take place, and that finally we may de- cidedly be something. Congress, some time since, thought seriously of this plan, and I let no opportunity pass to prove to my acquaintances what large advantages would result from it for the army and the pubUc treasury. Everybody seems to wish this change, and the matter would probably soon be set- tled were it not for the ministerial dispatches which engage at present the attention and the care of Congress." Steuben, however, finally succeeded. Congress, by reso- lution of the 12th of January, 1780, discontinued the muster- ing department, and annexed to it that of the inspection, in consequence of which the commanders of corps and regiments were compelled to give to the inspector an exact account of their men, arms, accoutennents, ammunition, clothes, and camp equipage. It is due to this an-angement that considerable sav- ings were effected in men as well as in the above-mentioned articles. Only from this time can it be said that the insj^ect- orship was tirmly established. On the 7th of May, 1780, immediately after his return to the camp at- Morristown, Steuben laid the following remarks before the commander-in-chief:* " The inspection in the army has hitherto extended only to the infantry in the line ; the cavalry, light infantry, and inde- pendent corps have yet no other rules than the articles of war-, resolves of Congress, and occasional orders given them. Their discipline and manner of performing the service is different as they have commanders who have each prescribed such rules as they thought proper. This variety is the greater in this part of the army, as it has no chief to establish uniformity. "The artillery, having a general officer at its head, is not subject to that inconvenience ; the service is more uniform, and wants no other inspection but that of its general, or per- sons appointed by him. General Knox has, however, thought proper to appoint an inspector of brigade to receive the in- * Steuben MS. Papers, Utica. 14 314 I.IFK OF STEUBEN^. structioiis of the iusiDector general, and introduce them into the artillery. " By a resolve of Congress of January last, the department of muster-master was annexed to the inspection, by which ar- rangement every part of the army, without exception, must be reviewed and mustered by the inspectors, and an exact ac- count given of the men, horses, arms, accouterments, clothing, camp equipage, and every thing belonging to the Continent. "The department having become thus extensive, will re- quire an additional number of officers, and specific instructions in the duties of the inspector general, inspectors and sub- inspectors. The following resolutions will be necessary : "That the department of the inspector general shall in future consist of the following officers, viz. : "1. An inspector general. "2. An assistant inspector general, to be the adjutant gen- eral for the time being. " 3. An inspector for each division of the army, to be a colonel or a lieutenant colonel in the line. " 4. A sub-inspector for each brigade, to be a major or one of the oldest captains of the brigade. " 5. An inspector for the artillery, artificers, general's guard, and all detached corps of infantry, as also for the militia which may join the army, to be a colonel or lieutenant colonel, and to have under his direction two sub-inspectors of artillery, nominated by General Knox, one for the main army and one for the southern department. " 6. An inspector for the cavalry, who shall be a colonel or lieutenant colonel, and have under his direction two sub- inspectors, one for the cavalry in the northern, and the other for the cavalry in the southern department. "The two inspectors for the artillery and cavalry to be always near head-quarters, where the inspector general's office will be established, from whence they will receive their in- structions. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 315 "In consideration of the multiplicity of business the in- spector general will have, he shall, in addition to the tM'o aids allowed him as major general, be permitted to take one or two officers from the line as aides-de-camp to asaist in the business of his office ; that he be also allowed as many orderly dragoons as occasion may require, to distribute his orders to the in- spectors, and for every other military purpose necessary ; and in traveling from one part of the army to another he shall have a sufficient guard of cavalry to escort him ; that he be allowed a covered wagon, Avith the necessary chests for the transportation of the books and papers belonging to the office, and that the board of war furnish him with the books, paper and other things necessary for the business of the office : " That each inspector be allowed, during the campaign, a small wagon with two horses, to transport his baggage and papers, and a marquee for himself; and as one riding horse is not sufficient for the fatiguing duties of the office, that he bo allowed a good public horse, which is to be returned on his rehnquishiug the office : " That the inspectors and sub-inspectors be appointed by the commander-in-chief; that they keep their rank and right of command and promotion in the line in the same manner as if they had not accej^ted the office of inspector, but that they suspend the exercise of their respective commands, unless when ordered to exercise them by the general-in-chief or com- manding officer in a separate department ; that M'hen an inspector is ordered to review any troops detached from the army, his traveling expenses be paid by the States ; that each inspector be allowed a sergeant from the line as a clerk : "The aides-de-camp of the inspector general shall furnish themselves with one horse at theii- own expense, but as that will not be sufficient to perform the respective duties of their office, that they be allowed each one good horse by the public, with the necessary allowance and forage; that they be also allowed, in addition to their present pay as aides-de-camp, the same addition as is allowed to the sub inspectors : 316 LIFE OF STEUBEN, "That the commander-in-chief shall give particular in- structions to the inspector general relative to the duties to be performed by him, and the officers in his department, par- ticularly recomm^ding him, " 1st. To form a system of discipline for the cavalry and light troops : " 2d. To collect into one volume all the resolves of Con- gress which relate to the arrangement of the army: " 3d. To furnish every month, to the commander-in-chief, as exact a return as possible of the state of the array : " That the inspector general always establish his office as near to head-quarters as circumstances will permit; that all returns which pass through the office to the board of war be signed by him ; that no person whatever have a right to demand any return or extracts from the office, but by the express order of the board of war or commander-in-chief; that in the absence of the inspector general the office be under the direction of the adjutant general, as assistant inspector gen- eral." How far these propositions were taken into consideration and acted upon by Congress, will appear from the following resolutions, bearing date the 25tb of September, IVSO :* PLAX OF THE IXSPECTIXG AND MUSTERING DEPARTilEXT. " Whereas^ The institution of this department hath been found of great utility to the armies of these United States, and experience hath shown that it may be rendered still more useful by an extension of its powers and objects ; therefore, ^'■liesolved, That the former establishment, by a resolution of the 18th of February, 1779, and all subsequent resolutions relative thereto, be repealed, and the department hereafter have the following form, powers and privileges : " There shall be an inspector general with the main army * Journals of Cougresa, vi., 130-195. .Session of the 25th of September, 1780. i LIFE OP STEUBEN. 317 of the United States, to be appointed by Congress, who shall be allowed two secretaries, in addition to the aid he is allowed in the line of the army, to be taken from the rank of captains and subalterns, who shah receive, in addition to then- pay, six dollars per month. "There shall be one assistant inspector general with the main array, who shall be adjutant general for the time being, and shall receive, in addition to his jxay, ten dollars per month ; and one to every separate army, when consisting of two or more divisions, Avho shall be the deputy adjutant gen- eral, and shall receive, in addition to his pay, eight dollars per month. "There shall be one inspector to each division of the army of the United States, one to the corps of cavalry, and one to the corps of artillery, to be taken, when the service will ad- mit, from the line of colonels, lieutenant colonels, who shaU be allowed, in addition to their pay, seven and a half doll-ars per month, and forage for three horses, including what they are entitled to in the line of the army, and one extra ration of provision, when the state of the magazines will admit. " There shall be one sub-inspector to every brigade in the army of the United States, one to the corps of cavalry, and one to the corps of artillery, if thought necessary by the commander-in-chief, or commanding officer of a separate army, to be taken from the line of majors in the brigade, when the service will admit, who shall be allowed, in addition to their pay, five dollars per month, and one extra ration, when the state of the magazines will admit. " The commander-in-chief and commanding officer of a separate army are hereby empowered to appoint inspectors and sub-inspectors to the militia, while in actual service, agree- ably to the foregoing plan, who shall have the same powers, privileges and emoluments as those serving with the Conti- nental army. • " It shall be the duty of the inspector general to frame a sys- 318 LIFE OF STEUBEN. tern of regulations for tlic exercise and discipline of the troops in the manual evolutions and maneuvers, for the service of guards and detachments, and for all camp and garrison duty ; and if approved of by the commander-in-chief^ and ratified by Con- gress, such regulations shall be enforced by the order of the commander-in-chief throughout the army. "The assistant inspectors general shall assist in the gen- eral duties of the department, agreeably to the directions they shall receive from the inspector general, through the order of the commander-in-chief, and when the inspector is not present, shall have the chief direction of the same, agreeably to the orders they may receive as aforesaid : they shall never- theless continue to perform their duties of adjutant and dep- uty adjutant generals. "The inspectors shall attend to the execution of the reg- ulations established for the army in their respective divisions, and in such garrisons as they may be ordered by the inspector general or assistant inspectors general ; at all times perform- ing the duty of adjutant general to the same ; and when a de- tachment of more than one division is sent from the army, the oldest inspector of the marching troojis shall act as adjutant general to the detachment. " The sub-inspectors shall do the duty of majors of bri- gade to the brigades to which they belong, and attend to the execution of the regulations estabhshed for the army, in their respective brigades, and such garrisons, detachments and in- dependent corps as they shall be ordered by the inspector general, or assistant inspector general w4th a separate army. " The inspector general, and the assistant inspector gen- eral, shall review and muster the troops, in service, once every month, at which review he, or they, shall inspect the number and condition of the men, their discipline, the state of their clothes, arras, accouterments and camp equipage, and the num- ber of rations they have drawn since .the last review; report- ing such soldiers and recruits as are unfit for service, to the I LIFE OF STEUBJCN. 319 m3Jor general or commander of the division, the brigadier or commander of a regiment detached from the brigade or di- vision to which such disabled soldier may belong, to be by them, or either of them, discharged or transferred to the corps of invalids if, on the examination of the surgeon of the reg- iment, they shall be found unfit for further service in the field. But no such soldier shall be deemed legally discharged or transferred, except his discharge or transference is signed by the major general, brigadier or commandant, as aforesaid, and a certificate of his inability, specifying the nature of it, signed by the surgeon, is annexed thereto ; noting, at the same time, all alterations that have happened since the last review or muster, and, as far as possible, in what manner, reporting them with the deficiencies, neglects and abuses to the com- mander-in chief, or commanding ofiicer present, and the board of war. "At every muster three rolls shall be made out by the commanding ofiicer of each troop or company, signed and sworn to by him ; one of which rolls shall be returned to him, certified by the mustering ofiicer; one shall be retained by the mustering ofiicer, the other shall be certified and delivered to the regimental pay-master, to be afiixed to the pay rolls. " Each brigade shall be mustered by its sub-inspector, un- der the superintendency of the inspector of the division, Avho shall be responsible with the sub-inspector for the exactness and fidelity of the musters ; and, in like manner, all gai-risons, independent corps and detachments, shall be mustered by such inspector, or sub-inspector, as the inspector general, or assist- ant inspector general with a separate array, shall order. " Tlie sub-inspectors shall deliver an abstract of all such musters, regimentally digested, to the inspector of the divis- ion, who shall digest them into division abstracts, in the same form, and transmit them to the assistant inspector general, and in a separate army, to the commanding ofiicer. " The inspector general shall transmit, once every month, •VJO LIFE OF STEUBEN. a copy of the abstract of the musters of the whole army, to the commander-iu-chief, and another to the board of war, " No commanding officer of a regiment shall muster the regiment he commands, but another inspector shall be ordered to do that duty by the inspector general. " The assistant inspector in a sej^arate army, shall do the same duties in that army as the inspector general doth in the main array, respecting the musters, according to the direc- tions he shall receive, and ordeis of the commanding officer. " The commissary of issues shall be obliged to deliver to the inspector general, and assistant inspectors with a separate army, an abstract, by brigades, of the rations actually issued, and of all issues to all separate corps, garrisons and detach- ments. " All muster-rolls shall bo sworn to before a general offi- cer, or commandant of a separate post or detachment, who are hereby empowered to administer the oath, and certify it on each muster-roll, in the Avords following, to wit : "I, A. B., do swear, that this muster-roll is a true state of the company under my command, Avithout fraud to the United States, or to any individual, according to the best of my knowl- edge. A. B., Captain", Lieutenant, " Ensign, or Cornet, Commandant. " Sworn before me. this day of 17 . "The mustering officers are empowered and directed to require from all the officers, whose troops are mustered, all papers and vouchers relative to their enlistments and musters. " The inspector shall keep accounts, Avith officers command- ing regiments, of all the arms and accouterments delivered their regiments, and returned in by them ; no arms or accou- terments shall be delivered Avithout an order from the inspector of the division, to whom returns for arms and accouterments LIFE OF STEUBEN. 321 wanted shall be made, in tlie form directed in the resolution for the order and discipline of the troops of these United States. " All officers of the inspectorship shall retain their rights of command and promotion, in the same manner as if they had not assmued the office. They are to suspend the exer- cise of their j-espective commands, except when they hapi)en to be the superior in the division, brigade, or regiment to which they belong, or Avlien they ai-e appointed to execute any particular service by the commander-in-chief, or command- ing offiijer of a separate army ; and are exempt from all com- mon camp and garrison duty, that they may attend to that of the inspecting as well in time of action as at all other times. " The inspector general, as often as the commander-in-chiet shall think fit to order, shall visit every part of the army, and review the same, to see that uniformity prevails throughout the armies of these United States. " The inspector general shall keep books, in ■which the returns, etc, passing through his office, shall be registered. He shall be charged with collecting into one or more volumes all the resolves of Congress, and regulations of the board of war, relative to the army. "The traveling and other incidental expenses for the exe- cution of the business of the office, shall be settled by the auditors with the army, upon such principles as shall be estab- lished by the commander-in-chief, and paid out of the military chest. " The quarter-master general shall furnish all necessary books, papers, etc., for the department. " Each inspector shall be allowed, when the circumstances of the army will permit, a marquee and common tent ; each sub-inspector a horseman's and common tent ; if not provided for as officers in the line. " All the regulations respecting the objects of this depart- ment shall be finally approved and established by Congress, but, exigency of the service requiring it, temporary ones may, 14* 322 LIFE OF STEUBEN. from time to time, be introduced by the inspector general, with tlie approbation of the commander-in-chief, and trans- mitted to the board of mixv within one month after their intro- duction ; that, being examined and reported to Congress by them, they may be rejected, altered, amended, or confirmed, as Congress shall deem projDer. " Jiesoli'ed, That Baron Steuben be and hereby is contin- ued inspector genei-al of the armies of these United States, and vested with power to appoint all officers necessary to carry the aforesaid plan into execution, they being first approved of by the commander-in-chief.. '•'• Resolved, That the assistant inspector be allowed four hun- dred dollars per month, of the old emission, in addition to his pay as adjutant general, from the 1st day of February last to the 1st day of October next. The inspector shall be allowed, from the 1st day of February last to the 1st day of October, three hundred dollars per month, of the old emission, and the sub- inspectors shall be allowed two hundred dollars per month, of the old emission, fi-om the 1st day of Februaiy aforesaid, to the 1st day of October next, in addition to the pay and sub- sistence to Avhich they are entitled by their resijective ranks.'' Steuben himself says, about these resolutions, in a letter from Philadelphia, on the 2.3d of October, 1V80, to the com- mander-in-chief:* '"I am not very happy in the arrangement of my (lepai'tment. The plan relative thereto, which your Excellency has delivered to the committee which was at camj), after having been a little altered by that committee, was sent to Congress. Congress referred it to the board of war, who, after having altered it, sent it back to Congress, who thought proper to refer it to a committee of three, who made new alterations. Now it has been so much altered, that it does not at all reseml)je itself. No intimation was given me of it, and I read it in a printed copy, which fell accidentally into my hands. * Revolutionary Corrcppondence, vol. iii., p. 128. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 323 "The monthly addition of from five to eight dollars* to the pay of ofScers of such merit as those whom your Excellency iias chosen for the inspectorship, appears to me so very mean, that I will not take upon myself to make them such a propo- sition. When the ancient majors of brigade, who, in the first institution, were taken from the line of lieutenants or ensigns, had an addition to their pay of twenty-four dollars per month, how can nine dollars now be proposed to a colonel for dis- charging so important and painful a function? I am now en- deavoring to find how much the muster-master's department has cost the States. I am sure that the addition I ask for the officers of inspectorship will not amount to an eighth part of it. " Several resolutions, in tliis arrangement, are contradictory to one another, and othei's ai-e not sufficiently clear. I am, therefore, determined to present a memorial to Congress, in order to have the inspector's department established on the footing proposed by your Excellency, without any alteration. If Congress desire that I should continue in this office, I flat- ter myself that they will have a regard to my representation." Steuben, however, did not confine his activity to the in- spection of the troops ; he continued to act on Washington's staff and give his opinion on all the important questions re- specting the army. Thus we found among his papers the draft of a planf for the daily meeting of the commander-in-chief with the general officers, to keep up a continual communication between and consult with each other. " P^or this reason," said he, "in every European army, every day, at a certain fixed hour, which is generally between eleven and twelve o'clock, all the general and field officers of the army, and the chiefs of the several dejjartments, assemble at head-quarters, where the orders of the day are issued to them by the commander-in- * Steubea speaks of silver mouey, the Congress of paper money. f Steuben MS. Papers, Utica. 324 LIFE OF STEUBEN. cliief, or, in cnse he is prevented from attending, by the officer next in command ; and if any general or chief of any depart- ment can not attend in person, such general sends an officer of his corps to represent him. The English army, it is true, have not this custom, but were obliged to submit to it in the last war, when commanded by Prince Ferdinand." He then described the way in which things were done in the Prussian army, and showing the advantages arising from this practice, finally proved that this daily meeting was the more necessary in the American army, from the great distance at which the generals and heads of departments lived from each other, and their consequent imperfect acquaintance. The commander-in- chief himself did not see the officers so often as he should, to communicate his sentiments to them, and to know their opin- ions on the diffisrent subjects he would desire. Steuben there- fore proposed that an arrangement should be introduced into the army, according to which the orders should be issued every day, at eleven o'clock, at head-quarters, at which the general and field officers of the day, and those of the day pre- ceding, the adjutant general, quarter-master, inspector general, inspectors and majors of brigade, and other general officers, "were to attend. To remedy the many abuses still existing in the army, and absolutely contrary to the military constitution, Steuben sub- mitted to Washington sundry regulations for the better pres- ervation of order and discipline. Thus he fixed the punish- ment of officers who absented themselves without leave from tlieir regiments, regulated the number of the soldiers who were taken from their regiments as servants for the general and other officers, abolished the standing guards, prohibited that guards should be sent too far from the corps to which tliey belonged, and ordered precautions against the surprise of ad- vanced posts by the enemy. Steuben's services, however, were of the utmost impor- tance in the new formation of the army. LIFE OF STEUBEN, 325 Congress, as stated in chapter XIII., had made only tem- porary arrangements for recruiting and drafting the army for the campaign of 1780. In the course of the summer of that year, Washington's and Steuben's apprehensions, that scarcely half the number required on paper would be in the field, were more than amj^ly confirmed. Congress finally arrived at the conviction that the large number of the regiments was one of tlie principal impediments in the way of a thorough and definite reform, and that mere recommendations to the several States to supply their quotas would not answer the purpose. They therefore concluded a new arrangement, and, informing Washington of their design, asked his opinion thereon, and his objections to the alterations which had passed Congress on tlie 3d of October, 1780,* and which read as follows: " Hesoloed, That such of the sixteen additional regiments as have not been annexed to the line of some particular State, and all the separate light corps of the army, both of horse and foot, and also the German battaUon, be reduced on the 1st day of January next ; that the non-commissioned officers and privates in those several corps be incorporated with the troops of their respective States, and that such of them as do not belong to any particular State, be annexed to such corps as the commander-in-chief shall direct. " That the regular army of the United States, from and after the 1st day of January next, consist of four regiments of cav- alry, or light dragoons ; four regiments of artillery ; forty-nine regiments of infantry, exclusive of Colonel Hazen's regiment, hereafter mentioned ; and one regiment of artificers. " That each regiment of cavalry, or light dragoons, consist of six troops, and that each troop consist of sixty-four non- commissioned ofiicers and privates, with the same number of commissioned ofiicers as at present. " That each regiment of artillery consist of nine companies, and that each company consist of sixty-five non-coiiimissioned * Resolulious of Congresa, Vol. VI., pniro '20G-209. 326 LIFE OF STEUBEN. officers and matrosses, with the same number of commissioned officers as at preseiit. " That each regiment of infantry consist of nine comj^anies, and each company consist of sixty-four non-commissioned offi- cers and privates ; and " That the regiment of artificers consist of eight compa- nies, and each company of sixty non-commissioned officers and privates. " That the several States furnish the following quotas, viz. : 'New Hampshire, two regiments of infantry ; Massachusetts Bay, ten regiments of infantry and one of artillery ; Rhode Island, etc., one regiment of infantry ; Connecticut, five regi- ments of infiintry and one of cavalry ; New York, two regi- ments of infantry and one of artillery ; New Jersey, two regiments of infantiy ; Pennsylvania, six regiments of infantry, one of artillery, one of cavalry, and one of artificei'S ; Dela- ware, one regiment of infantry ; Maryland, five regiments of infantry ; Virginia, eight regiments of infantry, one of artillery, and two of cavalry ; North Carolina, four regiments of infan- try ; South Carolina, two regiments of infantry ; Georgia, one regiment of infantry. " That the States shall select fi-om tlie line of the army a proper number of officers to command the several regiments to them respectively assigned, taking notice that no new ap- pointment is to be made of a higher rank than that of a lieu- tenant colonel commandant. " That the States be, and they are hereby called upon, in the most pressing manner, to have their regiments completed and in the field by the 1st day of January next, at furthest. " That it be recommended to the States to fill up their re- spective regiments by enlistments for and during the war ; but, in case the full quota of any of the States can nut be com- pleted with such recruits, by the 1st day of December next, that it be recommended to such State or States to supply the deficiency with men engaged to serve for not less than one LIFE OF STEUBEN. 327 yeai", unless sooner relieved by recruits enlisted for the war, Avhich they are requested to exert their utmost endeavors to obtain as speedily as possible ; and, in order thereto, it is fur- ther recommended, that the officers at camp be empovrered and directed to use every prudent measure and improve every favorable opportunity to enlist, for the continuance of the war, such of the men belonging to their respective States as are not engaged for that period, whether now in the field or hereafter, from time to time, joining the army ; and that a recruiting- officer from each corps be kept in the State to which the regi- ments respectively belong, to enlist recruits for the war, as well to relieve those who are engaged for a shorter or limited term, as to supply casual deficiencies. " That two dollars be granted to the recruiting officer for every able-bodied soldier he shall enlist for the war, who shall join the army ; and that a sum not exceeding fifty dollars be allowed as a bounty to every such recruit. " That the commander-in-chief be, and hereby is, directed to cause returns to be made as speedily as possible to the sev- eral States, of the number of men they will probably have in the field on the 1st day of January next, that the States may take immediate measures for completing their respective quo- tas, as above recommended, by that time. " That the commander-in-chief be, and he is hereby, di- rected to make a return annuaUy to Congress, on or before the 1st day of September, of the number of troops from each State, in order that Congress may be enabled to make their requisitions from the several States with certainty and in season. " That the clothing be lurnished and regularly served out to the troops as it becomes due, and that a full compensation be made for any arrearages of clothing. "Tiiat the regiments of cavalry, artillery, and of artificers, as they now stand, be considered as belonging to the States, respectively, to which they are or may be assigned, which 328 LIFE OF STEUBEN. States shall complete them to the full complement, supply them with necessaries, and in eveiy respect treat them as if originally raised therein, and that such other States as now have non-commissioned officers and privates in any of the regi- ments aforesaid, be credited in their quotas for such men ac- cording to their numbers, from time to time ; for which pur- pose the commander-in-chief is hereby directed to specify such non-commissioned officers and privates, and the States to which they formerly belonged, in the returns which he shall make to the States, and in his annual returns to Congress. " That the regiment comjnanded by Colonel Moses Hazen be continued on its present establishment, and that all non- commissioned officers and privates, being foreigners, belonging to any of the reduced regiments and corps, be incorporated therewith, and all volunteers from foreign States, who are now in the service, or may hei-eafter join the American army, be annexed to the said regiment. " And whereas, by the foregoing arrangement, many de- serving officers must become supernumerary, and it is proper that regard be had to them, " Resolved^ That from the time the reform of the army takes place, they be entitled to half pay for seven years, in specie or other current money equivalent, and also grants of land at the close of the war, agreeably to the resolution of the 16th of September, 1776. * " Ordered, That a copy of the foregoing arrangement of the army be sent to the commander-in-chief, for his opinion thereon, and that if there shall appear no material objection, the same be carried into immediate effect." Washington gave his remarks at length, in his letter of the nth of October, 1780,* which often literally adopted Steuben's views and proposals, and effected a change in the arrangements of Congress, as will appear from the resolutions of the 21st of October. On this day Congress resumed the * WasbiiiEciou's Writiiitrs, viL. 245. i LIFE OF STEUBEN. 329 consideration of the report of the committee on Washington's letter, and thereupon '• Resolved^ That the several regiments of infantry, re- quested from the respective States by a resolution of the 3d instant, be augmented, and consist of one colonel, one lieu- tenant colonel, and one major, where the full colonels are con- tinued ; or one lieutenant colonel commandant and two majors, where full colonels are not continued ; nine captains, twenty- two subalterns, one surgeon, one surgeon's mate, one sergeant- major, one quarter-master sei-geant, forty-five sergeants, one drum-major, one fife-major, ten drums, ten fifes, and six hun- dred and twelve rank and file. " That there be one captain and two subalterns to each company, and that the four supernumeraiy subalterns shall each have the rank of lieutenant, one of whom is to reside in the State to which he belongs, to enlist and forward on re- cruits ; one drum and fife from each regiment to attend the recruiting oflScer ; the other three supernumerary officers to do the duty of pay-master, quarter-master, and adjutant in their respective regiments. "That the regiments of artillery be augmented to ten com- panies each. "That, instead of four regiments of cavalry, there be four legionary corps, consisting of four troops of mounted dragoons and two of dismounted dragoons, each consisting of sixty pri- vates, with the same number of commissioned and non-com- missioned ofiicers to each troop as at present. "That there be two partisan corps, consisting of three troops of mounted and three of dismounted dragoons, of fifty each, one of which corps to be commanded by Colonel Ar- mand and the other by Major Lee, and officered by appoint- ment of the commander-in-chief, with the approbation of Congress ; and that the commander-in-chief be authorized to direct a mode for completing, recruiting, and supplying the said corps. 330 LIFE OF STEUBE>'. "That the -svhole of the troops be enlisted during the war, and join their respective corps by the 1st day of January next. " That the commander-in-chief and commanding officer in the southern department, direct the officers of each State to meet and agree upon the officers for the regiments to be raised by their respective States, from those who incHne to continue in service ; and where it can not be done by agreement, to be determined by seniority, and make return of those who are to remain, which is to be transmitted to Congress, together with the names of the officers reduced, who are to be allowed half pay for life. " That the officers who shall continue in the service to the end of the war shall also be entitled to half pay during life, to commence from the time of their reduction." Steuben was instrumental in these happy amendments. Washington was one of those sagacious men who understood perfectly well hoAV to make the most ample use of the talent of his subordinate officers for the common cause. He exam- ined carefully, judged calmly, and put all his officers in the right place. Hence it is to be inferred that his staff was an excellent one — better than even that of the King of Prussia after the Seven Years' War — and for this combination'of mil- itary talent he won the admiration of competent judges, as, for instance, that of Frederick the Great. Tlie achievements of the army were much below the common standard of war- fare, but the conceptions, ideas, and plans of his staff, and their execution, were inferior to none of any army. We, therefore, instead of deti-acting from, add only a new luster to the well- deserved glory of the American commander, by stating the part which Steuben had in the re-formation of the army. At this time he wrote to Washington :* " I feel that I am troubling your Excellency with repre- sentations, which I need not, were I not actuated by zeal for * Steuben MS. Papers, Utica. LIFE OF T E IT B E N . 331 our service, the comfort of our army, and that of their es- teemed commander-in-cliief. I was mortified, during the last campaign, to witness the difficulties which you had to encounter daily, and the obstacles which you alone were capable of sur- mounting. They cei'tainly add to your glory in the eyes of every soldier in the world. " I examined the causes of these difficulties, and I soon found that they were the radical defects in the constitution of the army. Respect for the fraraers of that constitution would cause me to refrain from allusion to the subject were I not convinced that it is diametrically opposed to that order and organization which are recognized as absolutely necessary in every army in the universe. It is in vain to assure me that the Ameiicau arms have won glory and distinction without that order and regular formation which are supposed to be so essential. I admit that our brave troops have achieved ex- ploits so brilliant that posterity will scarce credit them. I am positive that the same spirit still animates our officers and soldiers, and that they would still fight with the same heroic energy that they have hitherto displayed. But I maintain also that order and a regular military formation would not only much facilitate miUtary operations, but spare the lives of many brave soldiers, and largely diminish the now enormous ex- penses of the State, which are caused by the present disorder. To seek to prove by any chain of argument the truth of my opinions in this regard, would be to doubt the penetration of so ex])erienced and enlightened a general as your Excellency. Besides, what I have just said is only a recapitulation of what you have frequently remarked yourself. " Concerning the remedial measures, of the necessity for which your Excellency is quite as much con\nnced as I am, the following, I believe, are the most important considerations : to amend, without destroying, the constitution already estab- lished, and so satisfactory to a part of our officers, notwith- standing its many defects ; to amend it so as not to Wdund 332 LIFE OF STEUBEN. the ambition and laudable sensibility of our brave officers, who have won rank and dignity at the expense of their blood and fortune. Xothing is more distasteful to a brave soldier than, after having served his country with zeal and devotion, to see the army re-formed with which he won distinction. But it appears to me utterly impossible to keep all the regi- ments which we have nominally on foot. In the plans which I have presented to your Excellency, I have pointed out, per- haps, the only means of maintaining the old constitution in the formation of battalions as feeble as I have proposed. But if we can not keep the strength of our regiments formed in battalions to eighty files, and if the battalions below tliat number can not be incorporated with others in the same po- sition, then I own that I am incapable of finding a better way to establish a permanent formation. The mode of dividing brigades into battalions, which was tried during the last cam- paign, caused immediate discontent among the colonels. Be- sides this, that formation was only used on field days, and on the march, when it was so altered from day to day that one day the brigade marched in four battalions, another in three. " On entering camp the formation of battalions ceased alto- gether, and each regiment camped by itself. At the aflair at Monmouth, if I am not mistaken, I saw that each colonel led on his own regiment, no matter how strong or weak it was. The general of the division can never judge whether the regi- ments or battalions are complete, or whether the half of them is wanting. In camping, also, the quarter-master general can never calculate the necessary space for so many regiments if their force is not equal. The adjutant general experiences the f same, if not greater, difficulties for the details of the service. ? The distribution of all necessaries, the discipline, service of ,v guards — in short, every thing connected with the service goes j wrong from this disproportion in the strength of the different > corps. I consider it, therefore, quite impossible to establish order and uniformity in any one branch, if uniformity of form- LIFE OF STEUBEN. 333 atioii be not adopted. I am as much opposed as any one to the introduction of novelties. I feel the difficulties, and I dis- play in all my operations my desire to maintain all that is not absolutely injurious in the present constitution. But uniform ity is impossible, without it is to be found in the formation of the corps. Every system is a mere chimera without the permanent establishment of a uniform formation." It appears that in consequence of this letter, and the pre- vious correspondence of the last "winter, Washington asked Steuben's opinion about the new formation of the army, which he gave in the following memorial :* " Last winter Congress were about determining on a new arrangement of the army. Tlie motives then prevailing being the weakness of the regiments, it was proposed to dimin- ish their number, and thereby give more respectable com- mands to those officers who might remain. It was also pro- posed to make some provision for those officers who, by this reduction, would be thrown out of the line. All this was in operation, but put oif from time to time till the campaign was near ojiening, when it was thought too late, and the number of regiments, therefore, remained the same, except Sherborn's additional regiment, which was incorporated into the others. " The regiments, very far from being complete in men, were as little so in officers. Those of the 'New England line especially were so destitute that it was with difficulty the ser- vice could go on. Two thirds of the companies were com- manded by subalterns, many by sergeants, and some even by corporals, and many regiments were without any field officers, the result of which was a continual disorder and loss in the army, and every species of camp equipage. The greatest necessity obliged some officers to go on furlough during the winter. Those who remained suffered the greatest misery, and were obliged to do severe duty by absence of others and the great number of vacancies in every regiment. As fast as * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xiii. 334 LIFE OF STEUBEN, the regiments Avere recruited, the officers joined their colors, and stimulated by a true love of their country, redoubled their zeal in forming the recruits; and I must do them the justice to say, that their success in perfecting themselves in so short a time, and in the middle of the campaign, exceeded my greatest hopes. I appeal to the commander-in-chief and all the general officers, that our army was never in such perfection of disci- pline and order as in the present moment. With what pains then must those officers see the moment approach when all that labor and pains shall be lost in the dismissal of the great- est part of the soldiers who Taave cost them so much trouble. " This moment will, howevei-, inevitably arrive, and all we can do is to prepare for the creation of a new ai-my for the next campaign. The manner to procure men is, I believe, the principal object that at present occupies Congress. It is, how- ever, to be wished that some means might also be thought of to keep together our brave officers. The great sacrifices they have already made for their country, with the many disgusting circumstances they meet with in the service, threaten us with dangerous consequences, besides the great number of vacan- cies already in the regiments. It is with pain I see every day officers who have served with reputation from the beginning of the war, resign their commission for no other motive but that they can no longer support the misery to Avhich they are reduced, without any prospect of a remedy. ''The last year the want of men induced Congre'^s to think of reducing the number of regiments. This year the want of officers will be another motive for an incorporation for next campaign. " Congress proportioned the forces to be raised for the de- fense of the United States in the following manner : New Hampshire, 3. South Carohna, 6. New Jersey, 4. Delaware, 1. North Caroliua, 9. Maryland, 8. Yirginia, 15. Pennsylvania, 12. New York, 'L Connecticut, 8. Massachusetts, 15. Rhode Island, 2. S TETJ BEX. 385 ov eighty-seven regiments altogether. To this was added Ha- zen's regiment, raised in Canada, and sixteen additional regi- ments, the greatest part of which no longer exist, the remains of four being all that is left, viz., Jackson's, Webb's, Living- ston's, and Spencer's. The State of Massachusetts have adopted Jackson's, Connecticut Webb's, and Jersey Spencer's. Liv- ingston's is, therefore, the last of the sixteen additional regi- ments remaining. The extreme weakness of this regiment, and its consisting in great part of Canadians, are motives which would induce its being incorporated with Hazen's. Money then being given to Colonel Hazen, A\'ith permission to com- plete his regiment to the established strength, the array would consist of eighty-eight battahons of infmtry. Should it be thought necessary to reduce the number to one half, the pro- portion will then stand thus : Xew Hampshire, 1. Pennsylvania, 6. Delaware, 1. Marj-land, 4. North Carolina, 4. South Carolina, 3. Connecticut, 4. Xew Jersey, 2. Canada, with Livingston, 1. Massachusetts, 8. Xew York, 2. Tirginia, 1. or forty-four regiments altogether. " The disproportion in these quotas can easily be settled between the States by money or recruits. " Each regiment to consist of 1 Colonel Commandant, 1 Colonel Second, 1 Lieutenant Colonel, 1 Major, ] Quarter-master, 1 Pay-master, 2 Adjutants, 1 Recruiting oificer, 1 Surgeon, 1 Mate, These officers to have their rank and promotion in the regiment, but not to be attached to any company. 9 Captains, 9 Lieutenants, 9 Ensigns, 2 Scrgeant-Majors, 1 Quarter-master serg't. 45 Sergeants, 1 Drum-Major, 1 Fife-ilajor, 10 Drummers, 10 Fifers, and 612 Rank and File. Each regiment divided into nine companies, each to consist of one captain, one lieutenant, one ensign, one drummer, one fifer, sixty rank and file, eight supernumeraries without arms. Of these eight supernumeraries, all extra service men, such as 3o6 LIFE OP STEUBEN. wagouers, etc., are to be taken. Eacli regiment to be formed into two battalions — each battalion to consist of 2 Field Officers, 20 Sergeants, 1 Adjutant, 5 Drummers, 4 Captains, 5 Fifers, 4 Lieutenants, 240 Rank and File, and 4 Ensigns, 32 Supernumeraries, and the light company, four of which form a battalion during the campaign. " Should such an arrangement be determined on by Con- gress, it should be carried into execution as soon as possible. The regiments should be absolutely completed by the 1st of March. "As a regiment is during a campaign continually decreasing, and as it is difficult at the end of the campaign to raise so many recruits as are necessary to complete the vacancies, I propose, that besides the regiment being comi^lete at the opening of the campaign, a recruiting officer of each regiment, with two ser- geants, shall be continually recruiting, in order, if possible, to complete the vacancies that may arise. This officer is to re- cruit under the direction of the State, whence he is to be sup- plied with the necessary sums for that purpose. Those States which furnish more than two regiments are to choose a field officer to have the direction of all the recruiting officers in the State, and he to be accountable to the State. This officer is to reside always at the capital, and to act at the same time as the agent for the troops of the State. He has to represent to the Legislature the vacancies in officers and men, and every other thing respecting the troops of the State. Those States which furnish only two regiments, to apj^oint a captain for the same purpose. " The infantry being put on this footing, the next thing is to complete the other corps in the army, as the artillery, arti- ficers, cavalry, independent corps, etc., in proportion. " In the above plan it appears that tlie forty-four regi- ments of infantry, exclusive of commissioned officers, amount LIFE OF STKUBEX, 337 to twenty-six thousand eight hundred and forty men, an.1 the eight supernumeraries for each company for dragoons, servants, etc., to three thousand one hundred and sixty-eiglit men — in ah thirty thousand and eight. The resolve of Congress of the 9th of February, 1780, fixes the total to be raised at thirty- five thousand two hundred and eleven, making a difference of five thousand two hundred and three, which is suflicient to complete the under-mentioned corps. It will first be necessary to fix on the number of which each corps shall consist, and then portion it to each State. " The cavaliy is to be reduced to four regiments, besides Lee's legion, Armand's legion, and the corps of marechaussee. Each regiment of cavalry to consist of two hundred dragoons, mounted, divided into five troops of forty each, exclusive of officers, and three companies of infantry of fifty each, armed with rifles or fusils, to guard the cavalry in their quarters. Ar- mand's legion to consist of one hundred and fifty dragoons in three t:-oops, and one hundred and fifty infantry in three com- panies. Lee's legion the same. The marechaussees to remain on their first estabUshment of fifty horses in one troop. The whole cavalry will then consist (including their infixntry), of eleven hundred and fifty horse and two thousand and fifty men. It might be determined for Xew England to complete the two regiments with the northern army ; Virginia to com- plete Lee's corps, and the other States to complete the two regiments to the southward ; Armand's legion and the mare- chausee, composed of strangers, to be recruited at the expense of the Continent. " To complete the whole infantry, cavalry, and the trains of the army, will amount to thirty-two thousand and fifty-eight men, which leaves three thousand one hundred and fifty-three to complete the artillery, artificers, sappers and miners. " I am of opinion that a diminution of the number of regi- ments, on some just plan, will be for the benefit of the service, and agreeable to the officers ; the command of a regiment will. 15 338 LIFE OF STEUBEN. be as respectable for a colonel as that of a company for a cap- tain. The regiments will never be destitute of officers, and the number of officers is proportioned to the number of men. The officers will not be put to the j^ain of being reduced, which would give cause to many complaints, and, I dare say, all would stay honorably employed, and have it more in theii power to render service to their country." RECAPITULATION. 44 regiments infantry, each of 6S2 men, inclusive of commissioned officers, " . . 30,008 Deduct supernumera •ies, 2,-litLng men. . 3,168 Leaves number of fi . 26,840 4 regiments cavalry, eack 200 men, . . 800 4 regiments infantry, each 150 men, . 600 Armand's legion, . . 150 150 Lee's . . 150 150 Marechaussees, . . 50 - 1,150 900 900 Total infantry, . 27,740 Total cavalry, • • . 1,150 Total men, Washington, in liis letter of the 11th of October, 1780, often literally adopts Steuben's views and proposals ; and that they had the desired effect w^ill be apparent from a compari- son of his memorial with the last resolve of Congress. On the 23d of October, 1780, Steuben, then on his w'ay to the South, wrote as follows to the commander-in-chief:* "It is -with the greatest satisfaction I acquaint you that the plan of arrangements for the army, which your Excellency sent to Congress, has been agreed upon yesterday, without any alteration. The granting the half pay for life, to the re- duced officers, has met with some opposition, but the propo- * Correspondence of the Revolution, 126, 127 LIFE OF STEUBEX. 339 sition has not only passed, but it was moved and resolved, immediately after, to extend these advantages to all the offi- cers in the service. "In the minutes which Colonel Hamilton has delivered me, by your Excellency's order, I find that the four regiments of cavalry, or rather legions, were thus fixed : Four troops of mounted dragoons, sixty men each, .... 240 Four comi)anies dismounted, or chasseurs, sixty men each, . . . 240 Total, 480 " General Sullivan and Colonel Inland have told me that this is altered in your Excellency's letter, and that there are to be Four troops of mounted dragoons, sixty men each, .... 240 Two companies of chasseurs, sixty men each, 120 Total, 360 " Your Excellency will allow me to make here a short observation on the subdivision of this cavalry, without alter- ing the totality of the foot or horsemen. Cavalry, especially when two deep, are not very terrible in their attacks in front, and least so when against infantry. The attacks of the cav- alry, when they intend to overthrow or break a line, are gen- erally made by troops or squadrons, or in column, or en echi- quier (checker- wise). The deeper they are the surer they are to break through. If then, instead of four, a regiment was divided into six troops, the object would be better answered. "There is another reason which has determined the King of Prussia to divide his light horse, or hussars, into six com- panies, forming three squadrons. The cavalry, after an at- tack, are generally in disorder ; they must then be rallied by the sound of the trumpet. When they are divided into thren squadrons, the right, left, and center only indicate how the men are to rally, which is not so easy when they are divided 340 LIFE OP STEUBEN. into four troops. When three squadrons are in order of bat- tle, the signals, whether the right, left, or center squadron is to charge, still meet with difficulty when the cavalry is divided into four squadrons or troops ; and this is the reason why, in several European services, an odd number has been adopted for the maneuvers of the light horse. " Besides, our regiments of cavalry will have, I believe., as those of infantry, three field officers. Each of them will then command a squadron, which will consist of two companies. Wlierefore I propose that each regiment of cavalry may be di- vided into three squadrons, each squadron into two compa- nies, each of which shall consist of forty men, which will make eighty men for a squadron. The companies of chasseurs ought to be likewise three in number, each company to consist of fifty men, rank and file, attached, on all occasions, to the first, second, and third squadron of a regiment. And, as it often happens that the squadrons are separated from one another, each company of chasseurs ought to be always attached to its squadron, as well to support it in its maneuvers as to guard it in its quarters. As by this subdivision the totality will not suffer a great alteration, I believe it will not alter the general plan. I will, therefore, mention it to no one besides your Ex- cellency, and I think it is in your power to order this sub- division, if you think proper." When Steuben wrote this letter he was already on his way to the South. A more urgent necessity had determined the general-in-chief to take the inspector general from the field of action which was particularly suited to his tastes and abilities. It was unfortunate for the army that it was left by Steuben at a period Avhen his system just commenced to take root, and when his presence was more than ever required, on account of the re formation of the troops. However honorable this change might have been for Steuben, it was pernicious in its effects on the army, as the edifice, scarcely erected by him, was threatened with overthrow, in consequence of his absence. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 341 More than a year passed away before Steuben could resume his activity in this sphere, and devote his attention to the inspection and re-formation of the army. During tliis time nothing, of course, was done in his department. Let us follow him to the South. CHAPTER XVI Wae i:< the Soptii fhom ITTS tili, 17S0.— Capture of Savannah.— Clixtox peocef.ds ^i TO THE South.— Captike of Charlesto-V.- Gates Co.mmaxdee-ix-Chief of the 7 SouTUERX Army. — His Defeat at Camdex. — Greene his Stccessoe. — Greene's Antecedents.— His Friendship with Steuben. — Steuben appoi.nted to the COM.MAND in ViROINI.V. — WaSIIINGXOn'S FLATTERING LETTER TO StEUBEN. — CON- GRESS RATIFIF.S Greene's and Steuben's Appoint.ments. — Steuben goes from Philadelphia to Richmond.- Visit to Mount Vernon.- Greene's Instructions TO Steuben. — Steuben's Task very difficult. — Conflicts with the St.^te Gov- ernment unavoidable.— Condition of Virginia.— Steuben's Relations to Jef- | FERSON. — The State of Things there similar to that of the Army at Valley Forge. — Steuben's Requisitions on the State not complied with. — Lawson's Corps ordered to join Greene's Ae.my-.— It refuses to March.— Correspondence between Greene and Steuben about the Subject. — Squandering of the rich RF.SOURCES OF the State. — General Disorder. — Steuben's Letter to Wash- ington.—Colonel Green is det.4.ched to the South.— His Officers at first refuse to March. — Muhlenberg brings them back to their Duty. — Muhle.s- berg's Character and Life.— The State Government orders new Levies, but the Recruits do not come.— Rendezvoi^s at Chesterfield Court-House under Colonel Davies.— Steuben's Description of his Situation.— His Me.asurf.s against Desertion. — llis Pkecautions at the assembling of the Recruits. — Bad Situation of the Troops at Chesterfield.— Want of Discipline.— Insub- ordination.—Theft AND Robbery not Unco-mmon.- Lettep.s of Davies, Gib- son, AND Lee.— The Governor's Orders for Blankets and Clothing for Five Hundred Men.— Steuben indisposed.— Greene wants him to join his Army.— I.MPEDI.MENTS THROWN IN IIIS WaY. — ArNOLD'S INVASION. TO the state of inactivity in which, during the years 1779 and 1780, the two armies in the ISTorth remained watching each other, the theater of war in the South formed a striking contrast. Towards the end of the year 1778, an expedition was sent into Georgia by CUnton, Savannah taken, and part of his troops left by him in Georgia and South Carolina, The oc- cupation of these States was of the greatest importance to the English, inasmuch as the richness of the country put them in possession of plenty of victuals and of various stores, while they were able, not only to deprive the Americans of a part of their necessary supplies, but also to prevent them from iu- vadinsr Florida. L I F p: of s t e u b e n . 343 The liot season of the year very soon put an end to tlie plundering expeditions into tl)e interior, carried on by the English. At the beginning of the winter l779-'80, however, Clinton himself left for the South, and besieged, in the com- mencement of 1780, Charleston, which was forced to surrender in May. This success, on the part of the English, secured to them, forthwith, the possession of the whole State of South Carolina. Coi'nwallis, to whom Clinton had left the com- mand, soon after the capture of Charleston invaded the inte- rior without finding any obstacle, and there was nothing to prevent him from advancing as far as Virginia, if Congress did not dispatch at once a new army and a new and qualified general for the submission and relief of the southern States. In this critical state of things nearly all eyes in Congress wex-e bent upon General Gates. Although the splendid suc- cess achieved by him at Saratoga was due rather to General Philip Schuyler, his predecessor in the command, it was, as it always happens in similar cases, exclusively credited to Gates, and as nothing since had disturbed his fame so easily acquired, he was esteemed by all equal to Washington as an officer, and by some ranked above him. Without, therefore, asking the ojiinion of the general-in-chief, Gates was at once made com- manding general of the southern army. The hope of reaping new laurels, accelerated his journey, and having arrived at the place of his destination, he thought himself so sure of success that he did not heed the goo 1 advice of officers as tried as General De Kalb. Venturing to attack an enemy so greatly superior both in numbers and in the talent of their leader, he slaked the issue of the whole campaign upon a single battle. Tlie result was, that on the 16th day of August, 1780, he was totally defeated in the battle of Camden. The gallant De Kalb received a mortal wound, the regular army was anni- hilated, and the militia, especially the Virginians, totally and ignominiously dispersed, and in consequence of this defeat the whole South was exposed to the operations of Lord Corn- 3:14 LIFE OF STEUBEN. wallis. At this critical period all depended upon Gates's successor. Congress, distrusting their own judgment, gave "Washington the power to appoint him, and Washington selected for the command Nathaniel Greene, one of the ablest, most patriotic and energetic generals of the Revolution. He justified the choice of the commander-in-chief, and won for himself immortal laurels on the field which was thus offered as a scoj^e for his talents and enterprise. The reputation of Greene was at this time already es- tablished. As the oflicer in whom Washington placed the greatest confidence, he had shared with him the honors and exploits of all the campaigns. Being the son of an humble miller and blacksmith in Rhode Island, who at the same time w^as a Quaker preacher, it is not strange that his school edu- cation was very liuiitcd. What Greene afterwards became he owed solely to himself. After having worked all day at the plow or at the anvil, we find him spending the night in study. In his thirst after knowledge nothing was beyond his reach. History and mathematics he fancied above all; Csesar and Plutarch were liis favorite authors. At the outbreak of the difficulties with England, the young and enthusiastic Greene sided, of course, with the colonies. He had already acquired considerable personal importance at home, and in the year 1770 was elected to the House of Representatives of Rhode Island, When war became inevitable he passed the whole of the time in the study of the military art. Soon after the battle of Lexington the militia of Rhode Island met, and Greene, in the capacity of brigadier general of that colony, conducted sixteen hundred men to the camp near Boston. A few months later he was honored by a commission of equal rank in the Continental army. Washington in his instructions informing Greene of his appointment to the command of the southern army, remarks:* " I also propose to send Baron Steuben to the southward * Washington's "Writings, vii., 272, LIFE OF STEUBEX. 345 with you. His talents, knowledge of service, zeal and activity, will make him very useful to you in all respects, and particu- larly in the formation and regulation of the raw troops, who will principally compose the southern army. You will give him a command suited to his rank, besides employing him as inspector genei-al. If Congress approve it he will take your orders at Philadelphia." In a letter dated Preakness, October 22, 1780,* Washing- ton acquaints Steuben, in the most flattering way, of his appointment, " Though I am sensible," says he, " how im- portant your services would be in this quarter, yet, as at the southward there is an army to be created, the mass of which is without any formation at all, your services there Avould be still more essential ; and as I am persuaded that your in- clination is to be wherever you can be most useful, I have recommended it to Congress to send you with General Greene to the southern army. If Congress approve, you will take his orders and proceed as speedily as possible. I wish you may have been able previously to obtain a satisfactory es- tablishment of your department, which, in your absence, will become more necessary than it has been heretofore. But, if it is not done, I would not have it detain you. Assure your- self that, wherever you are, my best wishes for your success and happiness attend you." Congress, in their session of the 30th of October, 1780, approved the appointment, by the commandei--in-chief, of Major General Greene to the southern array, and adopted his opinion that the talents and service of Major General the Baron Steuben, inspector general, would be very useful in the southern department, to which he was directed to repair. Greene and Steuben were old friends. They had been drawn near to each other at Valley Forge, when the latter was aided by the former in the introduction of his system of tactics. From the very moment of Steuben's entering the * Washington's Writings, vii., 276. 15* 346 LIFE OF STEUBEN. anny, the importance of his acquisition was acknowledged and appreciated by Greene, who became thenceforth the sin- cere and eloquent advocate of Steuben's reforms, while Steu- ben, at all times, was ready to assist and advise him in his new position of quarter-master general. They were both act- ive in departments closely related to each other, and thus had every opportunity of becoming intimately acquainted, and of appreciating their mutual value. Steuben, therefore, placed himself most readily under the command of his old friend, who shared the same zeal and disposition. During the whole of the campaign, their relation was kept up, jiure and undis- turbed, and affords a very favorable contrast to the various chicaneries and jealousies so often indulged in by other gen- erals, who thus render their own respective j^ositions tedious and disagreeable. Steuben at once j^roceeded to Philadelphia to receive his orders from Greene, and to make his preparations. He left that city in the beginning of November, IVSO, in comjiany with General Greene. The family of the latter consisted of his two aids, Major Burnet and Colonel Morris; that of Steuben, of Major Benjamin Walker and Duponceau. " We spent," relates Duponceau,* " the first night together, if I recollect right, at Chester. General Greene, having some business to transact with the Governors of Delawai*e and Maryland, we parted somewhere in the State of Delaware, and pursued our route to Richmond, in Virginia. On our way, the baron paid a visit to Mrs. Washington at Mount Vernon. We were most cordially received and invited to dinner. The external appear- ance of the mansion did not strike the baron favorably. ' If,' said he, ' Washington were not a better general than he was an architect, the affairs of America would be in a very bad condi- tion.' The house at that time might he considered handsome, and perhaps elegant ; but at present, the most that can be s.iid of it is, that it was a modest habitation, quite in keeping with * Duponceaii, MS. Letters, No. xi., dated Philadelphia, September 9, LIFE OF STEUBEX. 347 the idea tliot we have of Cinciniiatas, and of those of the other great commanders of the Roman republic. In the interior we saw only two rooms, separated by an entry, one of which was a parlor, the other the dining-room. They were respectably, but not luxuriously furnished. The baron having accepted the invitation, we sat down to dinner. Mrs. Washington was accompanied by a young lady, a relative, whose name, I think, was Miss Custis. The table was abundantly served, but with- out profusion." Greene arrived at Kichmond about the middle of Xovem- ber, and after a short stay went further south. " The distress and suffering." he wrote to Jefferson, on the 20th of Novem- ber, " of the inhabitants of Xorth and South Carolina deserve the most speedy support to keep alive that spirit of enterprise which has prevailed among them lately so much to their honor ; and it is much easier to oppose the enemy in those States while the tide of sentiment is in our favor, than it will be to secure Virginia after they are overrun ; a misfortune which may prove fatal to the happiness and independence of America." On the other hand, Greene was too good a general not to dis- cover at once that his success in the South depended in no small degree upon the state of things in Virginia; that unless affau'S there were put on a better footing, he could not hope to satisfy what was generally expected from him. If he were to reconquer the Carohnas, he had to rely on Virginia, which had to secure and cover his rear, and provide him with the means of carry- ing on an obstinate war. In this emergency, Greene counted on Steuben, from whose energy, talents, and discretion, both he and the army looked for the happiest results. On the 20th of November, 1780, before leaving Richmond for Hillsborough to take the command of the southern army, he gave the follow- ing instructions to Steuben :* " As the enemy are still in Chesapeake Bay, and as it is al- together uncertain whether they mean to leave this State or * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. iiu 348 LIFE OF STEUBEN. not, I leave you to take command here. I have siicli an en- tire confidence in your capacity and experience, that I shall not pretend to give any particular instructions, but leave yoa perfectly at liberty to govern yourself as circumstances shall render necessary. " You will, as soon as possible, collect a state of the force now on foot in this State, the diiferent corps and time of ser- vice, which you will be kind enough to forward me, with such remarks thereon as may occur. It is also my earnest desire that you collect, as soon as possible, all the ofiicers belonging to the Virginia line, and fix Avith them the names and number that will continue in service. The resolutions of Congress will be your guide in this business. "I wish you to examine into the conditions of all the pub- lic works and stores belonging to the Continent in this State, and that a general return be made of the articles belonging to the diiferent departments. " The quarter-master general's department is totally de- ranged in this State, and no deputy appointed to act. You will get the governor to make an appointment without loss of time, and give the persons appointed directions to lay in fo- rage, and provide for forwarding the pubic stores through tliis State coming from the northward. The stores from Philadel- phia will come by the way of Lancaster, York, Fredericks- town, in Maryland, and Fi'edericksburg, in Virginia. This matter is of great importance, and will claim your immediate attention. " I am told there is a great number of arms in this State which are out of repair, but that a considerable part of them are easily put in order. As there is a pressing demand for this article, and as it will increase upon the recruits coming in to be ]-aised in this State, it will be highly important to the service to fix upon some plan to have them repaired. You ■will, therefore, concert M'ith the governor, as they are State arms, the most proper measures for having them put in repair. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 349 " It is my desire that Colonel Lawson's corps of horse and foot should march immediately and join the southern army; and you will give the orders accordingly, having first settled A\itli the governor whether they are under Continental orders or not. " Let an officer be appointed to supei-intend the recruiting service in the State, and direct him to fix the places of rendez- vous for receiving the recruits as soon as possible. Colonel Davies, I think, will be a very suitable j^erson for this service. I shall leave with you a copy of the requisition made to this State, and desire you to urge an immediate compliance. " You will Avrite Congress and the board of war the state and condition you find things respecting our prospects of sup- plies of clothing, and means of transportation. " As soon as Major Lee's legion arrives at this place, you will order them on to the southern army without loss of time. " I am altogether uninformed respecting the ordnance de- partment in this State. I beg you, therefore, to call upon Colonel Harrison, the commanding officer of artillery in the southern department, and who is now with the troops below, and get an account of him of the state of artillery and other branches of the ordnance department in the southern States, which I wish you to provide me a copy of " I beg you to let me hear from you as often as possible, giving a state of the train the public business is in." The task thus imposed upon Steuben was extremely diffi- cult and odious, especially that part of it which consisted in forwarding as many reinforcements as possible from Virginia, for Greene's ai-my. While its proper fulfillment required a good deal of judgment and military experience, the duties of his oflice were such as to lead to an inevitable conflict with the State government. He was placed in this dilemma, citlier to please the State of Virginia and neglect the general interest, or to serve the general interest and incur the cijitixin enmity 850 LIFE OP STEUBEK. of the State of Virginia. It is superfluons to say that he chose the lattei" at the lisk of his popularity. However respectfully his solicitations and demands were received at first, the nature of the relation between the coramandiug general aud the State gorernment was such that in the course of time they grew tired of each other, and the governor considered the interests of his State injured by yielding to the demands which Steu- ben made for the public good. Considering this awkward position, all the entanglements and troubles Steuben had afterwards with the State govern- ment may be easily accounted for. From different stand- points, and with a great deal of pre-occupation, the executive and legislative power, as well as Steuben, have been eulogized and reprehended, or what blame was due to one has been charged to the other. This, however, is not just. Steuben was in Virginia to attend to and provide for the interests of the M^hole continent. He looked upon the single State merely as the coordinate means for promoting and ob- taining the higher end. The State, however, was looking only to itself, and no matter how good its intentions, often was wanting in judgment and failed to acknowledge the necessity of such military measures as the circumstances called tor. The State imagined itself more than once a victim of conspiracy, Avhen Steuben, for the sake of the southern army, for the ben- efit of the entire South and the whole Union, disposed of what belonged to the State; it saw usurpation of rights, and trans- gression of powers, in the orders of the general commanding. Though it may be admitted that sometimes these were rather at variance with what was commonly understood as liberty and independence, they were not the less in accordance with the interests of the country. An army managed upon demo- cratic principles is an absurdity, a contradiction in itself. Never did a nation prove the truth of this doctrine better than the Americans. They were only successful, and continued to be so, after their army Avas disci})liiied ; in other w^ords, after LIFE OF STEUBEX. 351 every man had learned to obey and bow to the absohite will of the geueral-in-chief or his superiors. There is no doubt that Steuben, with the views and prin- ciples of strict obedience he had acquired in the Prussian army, often came in conflict with the ideas prevaiUng at the time in this country, and that he must have hurt the feelings of a good many. But if he made a mistake now and then, he was prompted by his anxiety to promote the general welfare, and even a blunder ought not to detract from his great merit. On the other side, party fanatics went so far as to accuse Jefferson, the governor at the time, that he had done too little for the defense of the State. This imputation is just as gromid- less as that against Steuben, and probably would never have been raised if Jefferson had not been so famous in politics in later years. He did all he could, and responded to Steuben's requisitions, so long as it was in his power, but as energetic and active as he was, he was not able to overcome the difficul- ties with which the people of the State blocked his path. In regard to Jefferson's i-elations with Steuben, we must remark, that no matter how often they varied in their respective plans and pretensions, they esteemed each other highly. Steuben did not hold the governor responsible for the delays and faults of the State ; but found that the slow movements of the Leg- islature, and the want of enthusiasm in the people, produced them. Jefferson, on the other hand, did not look upon Steu- ben as an obstinate grumbler, but as a general ever ready and anxious to promote the interests of his country. These amicable relations continued until Steuben's death. The evil which affected the whole of Virginia, and which almost led to her ruin, was the infinite disorder, the reckless- ness pervading all classes, and the incredibly extravagant squan- dering of all her resources. The state of things which Steuben noticed on his arrival at Valley Forge was bad, but in Virginia it was still worse. We do not mean to say that the State and its inhabitants were 352 LIFE OF STEUBEN. inactive at tlie start, or that they were unwilling to make sac- rifices. They did every thing at the wrong time, without plan, control or systerii, and thus did more harm than good. Every thing was in confusion. Xowhere was any discipline notice- able. Embezzling and squandering, robbery and theft, were carried on on a great scale. The natural consequence of this chaos Avas, that the zeal of the people, when they saw the unavailability of all exertions heretofore made, became ex- tremely lax. They considered their personal suiferings only ; they paid no attention to the general trouble ; they concealed what they possessed ; nothing could move them to make fresh sacrifices, and they looked even upon the man who was to set matters and things aright, as their enemy, and opposed Steu- ben's arrangements wherever they could. Under these circumstances we need not be surprised at the unwillingness, on the part of the State, to comply with the requisitions which Steuben had made on it for supjjlying the southern army. He had asked* " That the State immediately furnish its quota, agi'eeably to the new estabhshmeut, and that the men be supjilied with clothing, blankets, arms and every accouterment necessary to equip them for the field, in a winter's campaign, and that Law- son's corps, and General Stevens' militia, continue in service until the regular regiments are formed. " That the State immediately lay up a magazine of ten thousand barrels of flour and five thousand barrels of beef and pork, at Taylor's Feriy, and upwards upon the Roanoke ; and if it shall be found that provisions can be conveyed down the Wateree River in boats, that they take measures for lodg- ing the whole upon the waters of the Yadkin, near Bythinia. " That the State put up three thousand head of cattle, to be stall-fed for the use of the southern army, to be driven to camp for slaughter as they are called for, and that some per- son be appointed to set about this business without loss oi * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xiv. LIFE OF STEUBJCN, 353 time, as it will be impossible to feed the southern army alto- gether upon salted provisions, for want of the means of trans- portation. " That the State furnish one hundred good road wagons, with a driver, four horses and harness complete to each Avagon, and that these be got ready for service as soon as possible. "That the State furnish forty artificers for the use of the southern army; that twelve of them be shipwrights or boat-builders, twelve house carpenters, four wheelwrights, six sniiths, three armorers, two saddlers, and one harness maker. These may be negroes, if such can be had. " That the State furnish two hundred hogsheads of rum or other spirits, to be deposited with the provisions upon the Roanoke. " That the State furnish such quantity of provisions at the different places of rendezvous for receiving recruits, as the officer superintending this service in the State may require, and that full and amjile supplies of forage be provided for the use of the quarter-master general's department to enable him to perform the business of transportation, and other ser- vices that may be required of him, " That the State supply the military chest with five thou- sand pounds of specie, or the value thereof, to defray the con- tingent expenses of the army, and that such sums be advanced to the officers of the Virginia line as will enable them to equip themselves for the field." In the course of our history we shall have to revert fre- quently to this state of things, in order to understand fully the j)rotraction of the war in the South. To resume our narrative : Greene was well aware that his Aveak side was not in Virginia, and wishing to secure himself against the advancing of the enemy into Xorth Carolina, he most urgently directed Steuben, as w^ell in his above-quoted instructions as in a letter written two days later, at Peters- Soi LIFE OF STEUBEX. burg, that be sliould order Lawsoii's coi-ps to march imme- diately southward. Notwithstanding the representations of Steuben and the orders of the governor, Lawson made no haste to obey. He arrived on the 26th of November, 1780, in Richmond, and did not report himself to Steuben until the 28th. According to his returns his corps consisted of three hundred and seventy- eight men available for duty. Steuben proposed to pass them in review on the 30th of November, and to send them on the 1st of December to Hillsborough, on their way to join the southern army. Anxious to support Greene with all his power, Steuben informed him on the 28th of November, of his inten- tion. He indeed rcA^iewed the corps on the 30th at Peters- burg, but found only fifty-seven cavalry and two hundred and eighty infantry, who were ordered to march the next morning. On the appointed day General Lawson told Steuben that the Assembly had passed a resolution for dischai-ging the men at Petersburg, and the next day the resolution was really sent by the governor to Steuben, who made every effort to engage the men for a longer term. But his exertions wei-e vain ; the men had already the idea of going home, and nothing could induce them to stay. Steuben then asked Lawson and tlie colonel's opinion, if they thought the men would proceed un- der the enlistment by which they were already engaged, and was told they would proceed with great reluctance and many would desert. On considering this he was in favor of dis- chaiging them. " I can assure you, sir," says Steuben, in a private letter, of the 4th of December, 1780, to Greene, "that you need not regret their not joining you, for from the ill con- dition of the corps with respect to discipline, arms, etc., and the short time of their enlistment, they would have rendered very little service." " Upon the whole," answers Greene, from the Pedee, on the 28th of December, 1780,* "I am not sorry that General * Greene's MS. Letters. J 1 LIFE OF STEUBEN. 355 Lawson's corps did not come on ; tliey would have been of little use, their time of service being too short. Nor am I sur- prised at what you inform me respecting the officers of tlie Virginia line. They have been too long neglected, and on that account have been too much indulged in being at home, until all sense of duty and discipline are lost. The State either value their services too low or have not the ability to provide foi* them. They are either poor or blaraable, which, I am not able to determine. However, you must talk one lan- guage to the State, and another to the officers. The State must be pressed to provide, and the officers to obey. Our force is so small, and that which we have so badly provided, that it is of the highest importance reinforcements come for- ward as fast as they can be equij^pcd fit for service ; and what renders it more necessary at this time, is, the enemy have re- ceived a large reinforcement and our force is divided." Steuben did all he could in order to accomplish Greene's "wishes, and to prevail upon the govenynent of the State to dispatch a considerable number of troops, but he was not suc- cessful. " Instead of forwarding to General Greene the reinforce- ments, he expects," writes Steuben, on the 27th of November, 1780, to Jefferson,* " we are keeping a number of corps dis- persed about the State, where no enemy has been these eight days, thereby exposing General Greene with an inferior force to the enemy, and exhausting what little provision was col- lected in the State." Generals Muhlenberg, Wilson, and Nel- son, still continued at the head of their separate armies. The expenses of keeping such a number of corps were of course enormous and wholly unnecessary. "I find confirmed," writes Greene, on the 27th of November, 1780,f "in this State, what I apprehended, that is, that the numerous militia which have been kept on foot, have laid waste almost all the counti-y, and the policy, if persisted in, must in a little time render it alto- * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. iiL f Greene's MS. Letters. 350 LIFK OF STEUBEN. gother imjiracticaWe to support a I'ogular body of troops suffi- cient to give protection and security to the State. The ex- penses attending tliis business in the waste of stores of various kinds exceed all belief. Twelve millions of money, I am told, have been exijended since last spring. I hope Virginia will avoid this destructive policy, and I beg leave to recommend it both to them and to you not to keep a man more in the field, of the militia, than is absolutely necessary for covering the country from the enemy's ravages." Steuben fully appreciating and sharing General Greene's apprehensions, imparted them, as in duty bound, to the gov- ernor, and proposed to discharge immediately all the militia who were not destined to go South ; but for a long while he could not succeed in effecting his object. It was even im- possible to get a return of the number of men whom the State had on foot, or the time for which they were enlisted ; and when they were finally discharged, the arms and other articles with which they had» been j^rovided on entering the service, were lost, or at least not forthcoming. " The more diflicult it is," said Steuben, in a letter to Washington, dated on the 18th of December, 1780,* "to re- cruit our army, the more necessary is it to remove the abuses which cause the reduction of the number of our battalions. In consequence of your Excellency's orders a good many of these abuses have already been abolished in the northern army ; but they are still luxuriously growing in the southern army, where they are sapping all military order, while in the Virginia line they have even reached their highest pitch. This State, having only a handful of regulars in the field, is continually ransacked by bands of officers and soldiers, who have always a pretext for not joining their regiments, and who are drawing pay and rations for doing no service at all, Avhile they are committing excesses everywhere. Since the Virginia line was detailed to the southern army, it was never * Steuben MS. Papers, Utica. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 357 rc!j; III ally formed ; nay, since I have been in the United States it has not had a regular organization. Your Excellency will recollect that in Valley Forge the brigades of Woodford and Scott consisted only of a few soldiers and officei-s, confusedly mixed together without any distinction of companies or reg- iments. In such a condition every corps must be ruined. The officers do not care for tlieir soldiers, and they scarcely 'know the officers who have to command them." This carelessness on the part of the officers was still on the increase in Virginia. The next thing Steuben proposed to do, was to pick out four hundred of the best provided men of 3Iu.hlenberg's corps, which at that time consisted of about nine hundred men, and to send them on immediately, under the command of Colonel Green, to reinforce the soutiiern army. " This has produced an event," writes Steuben to Greene, at Petersburg, on the 4th of December, 1780, " which appears to me very extraordinary. Yesterday a paper was handed me, signed by the officers, complaining of ill usage from the State, and of the distressed situation of the officers and men, concluding, that till something was done for them, they would not think of marching. You may suppose I was exceedingly shocked at such a proceeding ; however, as it was not ad- dressed to me, I thought it more prudent to take no other notice of it, than to speak to General Muhlenberg on the subject. I represented fully to him, and to Colonels Harrison and Green, the fatal consequences of such a proceeding, and they promised to speak to the officers." Miihlenberg, Green and Harrison made every effiart to an- swer Steuben's wish, and by their influence on officers and men they succeeded in getting the offensive resolution with- drawn. Thus the corps was brought to reason, and after being completely provided with clothing, arms and camp equipage, marched, on the 14th of December, for the southern army. The whole detachment consisted of four hundred and 358 LIPEOFSTEUBEN^. fifty-six men. The peaceable means to wbicla Steuben was obliged to resort to quell this mutiny, exj^oses but too clearly his helplessness and the insufficiency of his power. We shall hereafter very often meet Miihlenberg, as he commanded under Steuben in Virginia, and during that time came in daily contact A^dth him. John Peter Gabriel Miihlenberg,* born on the 1st of October, 1 746, in La Trappe, Montgomery county, Pennsylvania, was in his character very much like Steuben. He had the same frank and true-hearted soul, and in every respect was a capable and faithful officer. His father, "Henry Melchior Muhlenberg, from Eimbeck in Hanover, came to America in tlie year 1742, prompt- ed by the theological circle of Fiancke in Halle, and became here the founder of the German Lutheran Church. He may well be looked upon as the most important and influential German who immigrated in the last century, and enjoyed the highest esteem and social position among all classes. His oldest son, Peter, was also intended for a preacher, and after having spent his boyhood in the woods and mountains of La Trappe, in the year 1763 was sent to Halle, in order to complete his education. The sprightly and energetic boy was, however, ill fitted for his intended vocation. He preferred rambling about in the woods and fields to the school hours on the benches of the Orphan In- stitute, and was of course an indifferent scholar. Little more than a year he bore the confinement. One day he had a fight with one of his teacliers, and ran away from the college. He chose the only opening offered to him in his distress, by en- listing as a private in a regiment of dragoons which happened to pass through Halle. Being recognized by a friend of his family, Muhlenberg owed it to him that after having served nearly a year, he was discharged, and at once sent back to America. The iron discipline exercised in the military service of that time had somewhat softened his temper, and his father, * The Life of Major General Peter Miihleaberg, by H. A. Muhlenberg, PhOadelphia, 18-19 LIFE OF STEUBEN. 359 glatl to see him back, forgave him all his past offenses. If Peter had been allowed to pursue his own inclinations, he would have followed hunting and farming, but he felt himself bound to acquiesce in the wishes of his father, and became a preacher. In this capacity he acted at first in New Ger- mantown, Somerset county, in the State of Xew Jersey, and afterwards in Woodstock, Dunmore county, Virginia. Here he took an active part in the difficulties and troubles just com- mencing with England, communicated with the most impor- tant poUticians of the State, as Patrick llenry and Washing- ton, and was elected member of the House of Burgesses and of the convention at AVilliamsburg. When, in the winter of ] 775-1 7 7G, the hostiUties commenced in Virginia, and six new regiments were created, in addition to those already existing, Muhlenberg was nominated colonel of the eighth. From this period he became a zealous soldier. In taking leave of his little congregation, in the middle of January, 1776, and men- tioning at the end of his sermon that the hour of battle had come, he at once threw off his gown, and stood before his hearers in full uniform in the pulpit, ordered the drummers to beat a march, and opened a list for the signature of recruits. Nearly three hundred German members came forward to en- ter their names, and thenceforth followed the standard of Muhlenberg. This corps distinguished itself during the whole war, under the name of the " German Regiment," by its good discipline and bravery. Muhlenberg, after having been employed, during the year 1776, in defending the southern provinces, received orders, in the summer of 1777, to join the main array, where he remained until the winter of 1779. At this time he was sent once more to Virginia, and was com- mander-in-chief in that State until the arrival of Steuben. It was Steuben's design and task to disj^atch all the Vir- ginia regulars to General Greene in the South, so soon as their places were filled by the new drafts of recruits who were to assemble, and so soon as the cloth, accouterments and arms 360 LIFE OF STEUBEX. necessary for their equipment, could be collectecl. But the difliculty of procuring men, stores and arms was much greater than could reasonably be expected. For attaining his purpose Steuben ordered Miihlenberg's corps, and those of the militia Avho were engaged for three months and more, to Petersburg, while he appointed at the same time Colonel William Davies, an excellent officer, to proceed to Chesterfield to collect, equip, disci^jline and forward to the army the recruits who were to be raised in the State. He also ordered two magazines to be established there for the quarter-master's and field commissa- ry's stores, and barracks provided for at least three hundred men. As soon as two hundred men were assembled and equipped in the best possible manner. Colonel Davies had to form them into four companies of fifty men each, with at least two officers to each company, and thus send them to the army. The Virginia troops under General Greene were literally naked, and consequently dirty, and exceedingly deficient in dis- cipline. " I wish you to inform the State," writes Greene tc Steuben, on the 8th of December, from his camp at Charlotte " that the troops must be properly found Avith every thing to fit them for service, or that they will not be received. Urgo the State to begin the forming the magazines upon the Ro- anoke, for I am much afraid provision will fail us in this Stnte, not altogether from a scarcity, but the want of money. Use every argument you can to convince the Assembly of the ne- cessity of clothing their troops. If they mean they shall ren- der any service, or do not wish to flill a sacrifice to death, de- sertion and disease, I beg them to give their men good covet- ing, for Avithout it tliis M'ill be their portion." Tims the most prominent difficulties in Steuben's way were; how to raise the troops and keep them up to their mnnber, and how to provide them with clothing, arms and provisions. "By the inclosed copy of General Greene's instructions to me," writes Steuben, on the 8th of December, 1780, to the board of war and Washington,* " you will sec what kind of * Stoubeu MS. Copy-Book. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 361 business I am left here to transact, but I can not so easily rep- resent to you the difficulties I meet with in the execution. The derangement of the finances is more sensibly felt here than in any other part of the continent. All the wheels of the ad- ministration are stopped ; the late invasion of the enemy has completed the confusion. The few articles which were in the Continental as well as State magazines were distributed, Avithout any orders, to the several corps of volunteers, militia, etc., and although the strictest orders have been given to col- lect the w^hole, I fear a considerable number w'ill be lost. "The quarter-master's department, and indeed almost all the departments here have no head. The executive part of the administration is carried on only by expedients, while the Legislature can not agree on any system whatsoever. They are now debating on the state of finances, and the new ar- rangement of the army has not yet been taken into considera- tion. " I find it absolutely impossible to give you an exact ac- count of the troops of this State. I have found under the orders of General IMulilenborg a body of about eleven hun- dred men, part of whom are enlisted for eighteen months, another part for eight months, and a third for three months. All these men I have found naked and as ill armed as possible. Thej-e were, besides, the scattered remains of two State regi- ments, consisting of one hundred and twenty men, enlisted for the wax-. These troops are commanded by officers of differ- ent corps and regiments who remained in the State undei' the order of General Scott, lliey dispersed since that time through the country, and some have joined General 3Iuhlen- berg on the late invasion. Another number of officers in the line are still scattered through the State and have not joined General Miihlenberg, notwithstanding the general oi'ders he has issued to them to do so. " Nothing will be more difficult than to arrange the Hue of the officers of this State according to the new establisb- 16 362 LIFE OF STEUBEN. ment. Those who are actually exchaiiged, the great number who still remaiu prisoners of war, those of the old and new State regiments, and of the additional regiments, all have dif- ferent pretensions, of which it is not an easy matter to de- cide. " The ninth regiment is now garrisoned at Fort Pitt. This regiment consists only of one hundred and fifty men ; it has all its officers, and is commanded by Colonel John Gibson. Colonel Morgan is at the army under General Greene, and commands a company of Gibson's State regiment and several other small detachments, of which no returns have as yet been transmitted to me. There are with him some officers belong- itig to diffi3reut corps. Brigadier General Stevens commands a body of militia and three months' men at Hillsborough, with whom, I think, he has now joined General Greene at SaHs- bury. "The State had raised, besides, a body of volunteers under the command of Brigadier General Lawson. The raising of this corps occasioned a great deal of expense. They wei'e en- listed only for six months, and were not all together when their time was so far advanced as to have nearly exi^ired at the time of their march to the southern army. This consid- eration engaged the government here to dismiss them before they had rendered any service, and the whole expense is lost to the public. The brigade consisted of fifty-seven horse and two hundred and eighty-three infantry. "Another corps of volunteers and three mouths' men was in the same case. It consisted of about three hundred rifle- men, and the time of their service was to expire in six Aveeks, which induced me to discharge them to save provisions. "You have now' very nearly, gentlemen, a complete ac- count of the present state of the military in Yii-ginia. " As soon as the enemy had left the bay, my first care was to dismiss the militia and those several corps that were fruit- lessly exhausting our magazines. I gave immediat,e orders to LIFE OF STEUBEN. 363 collect the articles so much wanted to equip the men who are to reinforce the southern army. " My first design was to reinforce General Greene with Lawson's corps and a detachment of infantry of eight hundred men ; but the former being disbanded and the other troops unprovided with every kind of necessaries, all I could do was to equip a regiment of four hundred infantry whom I will set on their march the 10th of this month, under the orders of Colonel Green, and who will join in fifteen days the army at Salisbury. " Colonel Lee's corps arrived here this day ; I furnished him with twenty-five good men as this State's quota, toward recruiting his corps ; they will set forward iunnediately and arrive about the same time. " I have assembled the rest of the troops at Chesterfield, where there are barracks. In proportion as they are equipped, I ynW send them forward by detachments to the army. " Neither the new arrangement nor any other formation can take place until the oflicers and their men have joined the army. I will, therefore, publish an order to all the officers in the line to repair to Chesterfield, whence they will conduct the detachments. When they are arrived at the army, the new establishment may in pursuance to the orders of Congress be finally determined on." It was impossible to get a return of the number of men whom the State had on foot, or of the time for which they were enlisted. Even a return of the Virginians in service at the South, necessary as it was for determining how many men were still to be raised, could not be given by the inspector, Colonel O. H. Williams, as the Virginia troops were entirely deranged after the defeat of Camden, and as there was no regular corps left in camp except the regiment of Colonel Buford. Under these circumstances it was not in the power of Steuben to arrange the State line according to Greene's orders. The scattered situation of the oflicers, their different 364 LIFE OF STEUBEN, pretensions, and several other impediments, rendered it utterly impracticable to make any arrangement before all the officers arrived at camp. The country was full of officers and men, sent from the army under various pretenses, by which the service suffi^red exceedingly. Steuben, therefore, ordered all the Continental officers belonging to the Virginia line, to as- semble at Chesterfield Court-house, on or before the 10th of February, 1781, that their claims might be considered and finally decided upon. Those who failed to attend were to be considered as having resigned, those living in the vicinity of Chesterfield had to repair thither as soon as possible, to take charge of the troops who might be ready to join the southern array. In order the more effi?ctually to keep the troops to- gether, Steuben laid a plan for preventing desertion, before the governor, in which he clearly indicates the abuses and disorder prevailing in the array. " By the long continuation," so it begins, " of a war, it is natural that the difficulty and expense of raising men sliould increase ; and, therefore, every possible means should be em- ployed for the preservation of the men after they are raised, and every abuse which has a contrary tendency should be in- quired into, and those who commit them severely punished. " The incomplete state our regiments have always been in, has had a very bad eflTect in this respect ; the regiments were obliged to be incorporated into one another, and the officers being shifted about no longer, had not that attachment to their men which is necessary for their preservation ; on the contrary, being disgusted at the instability and smallness of their com- mands, they became careless of their men and suffered them to absent themselves when well, and when sent away sick, took no pains for their recovery or their return, and ever j~ doctor in an hospital gave furloughs and discharges, whei*eby num- bers of men have been lost to the service. " As discharges from the army have been without any pre- scribed form, and not printed, it is more than probable that LIFE OF STEUBEN. 365 many liave been counterfeited by deserters, who liavc thus returned with impunity to their homes. That these, and other abuses, have been too often committed in this State, is evident from the very small number of the eighteen month men now in service." Toward the latter part of December, 1780, the State As- sembly had resolved to raise three thousand men by enlist- ment for the war, oi- by draft for eighteen months, in order to complete their Ime on the new establishment. Steuben found this force too small for the purpose intended. Persuaded that even this number could not be collected if no greater precau- tions were taken than hitherto, he proposed the following plan to the government : " That there should be one general rendezvous for all the recruits of the State at Chesterfield Court-house, where Colo- nel Davies was appointed to command. " Besides this there should not be less than six nor more than eight places of rendezvous, appointed by the Legislature at ])laccs thought most proper, where the recruits should be delivered by the county lieutenant, or some person authorized by him. A captain, two subalterns, and four sergeants, to be stationed at each of these places to receive the recrnits, and written instructions should be given to each captain, with a description of the recruits that were to be accepted. With each recruit a paper should be delivered specifying his age, size, trade, place of residence, county for which he served, if drafted or enlisted, and for how long, and the bounty he re- ceived ; and as the Assembly had determined that each district should furnish their recruits with certain articles of clothing, whatever clothing was delivered with the recruit should also be inserted, and the whole signed by the person who delivered them. " The officer receiving the recruit should give duplicate receipts to the county lieutenant, one of which he had to keep, and to send the other to the governor as voucher for the de- livery of the recruit. From these places of rendezvous the 366 LIFE OF STEUBEX. recruits -were to be sent, properly officered, to the general ren- dezvous, where they were to be equipped and sent by detach- ments to the army. " Colonel Davies was to be furnished by government with the number each county had to furnish, that he might inform them from time to time what progress they made in complet- ing the quota assigned to them. " With these precautions," concludes Steuben, " I have hopes that the deficiencies will not be so great as they have always been. Indeed I am fully of opinion that hitherto no- body has known how many recnaits have been delivered by the State or received by the army." It is proved by the fact that the number of recruits assem- bling in December, 1780, at Chesterfield Court-house, did not amount to more than five or six hundred men, that energetic measures should be speedily adopted to remedy the existing abuses. These men were so naked, that if some clothing and blankets could not be procured at once for them, they must all fall sick before they could be ordered to march. While thus the poor Continentals were perishing for want of the barest necessaries, the blankets, which the State of Virginia had issued, and which the militia had agreed to give up for the troops, were delivered to General Lawson's corps, which consisted mostly of persons of property — that same corps which refused to march for the South, and which, being engaged only for a short term, had come into the field well provided with clothing, " Shoes and blankets," writes Davies, on the 31st of December, 1780, to Steuben, "and, indeed, almost every kind of clothing, are universally wanting. I think not more than one hundred and fifty can take the field as at present clad, but with clothing I think four hundred might march. Indians are not more naked, nor half so miserable. We have seventy good tents, but we have not, nor have I ever been able to get, notwithstanding my frequent appUcatious, any cords to make loops with." LIFE OF STEUBEX. 367 " It lias been," reports Davies on another occasion, " a mat- ter of great concern to me, that the officers can not be pre- vailed upon to confine themselves to this station ; they do not look ujion the men as permanently theirs, and therefore they \\ ill not pay the same attention to them as if they were. Thus they are entire strangers to the men ; many have deserted, and nobody knows any thing about it ; and to this hour soldiers are dropping in, one after another, belonging to no company, and begging to be admitted. Some of the companies, too, have no officers here, owing to furloughs which have been granted, and to their delay in coming up from Petersburg, so that the greatest difficulties have occurred in completing the rolls. I thought it better to send them to you imperfect as they are, than run the risk of delay which you seemed in your letter desirous for me to avoid." " It is needless to repeat to you," writes Colonel II. Lee, Jr., on the l7th of December, from Baleysburg, to Steuben, '•our nakedness and wants. Their influence I liave already experienced, having lost three of my old soldiers and one wagoner since the morning. Shoes, boots, overalls, shirts, blankets, vests and coats compose the essential part of our distress. We want axes and horse shoes exceedingly, being entirely destitute of these articles." On the same day Colonel Davies asked two or more whip sa ,vs and hand saws for the use of his post at Cliestertield, as he had borrowed those he had had in use, and been compelled to return them. " We are exceedingly distressed," says Davies at another place, " for want of somebody to attend to our men in camp, as the hospital is so full we can not find room for them. Three have died in the huts within these four days, owing to the hardships of their situation." These instances may suffice to show the nakedness of the troops, the total insufficiency of means, and the neglect on the part of the government to provide the most indispensable necessaries of equipage to make the soldiers fit for duty. 368 LIFE OF STEUBEX, It was but the natural consequence of this state of things that insubordination, want of discipline and desertion pre- vailed generally. Even theft and robbery sometimes oc- curred. "The store containing some clothing," writes Colonel George Gibson, dated Batavia, on the 22d of December, 1780, to Steuben, "for the regiment late under my command, was broken open on Wednesday last, and robbed of many valuable articles to a considerable amount. Lieutenant Russell, who first discovered the depredation, found the corporal absent from his guard and drunk, and from every other circumstance he is induced to believe the guard either were the sole perpe- trators of the villainy, or else collusively so. The many rob- beries committed by the very rascals who were placed as guards have been so frequently practiced by the soldiery in our line, that impunity seems to have fixed this mode of doing busi- ness as a matter of duty. HoNvever, I hope in God the example that will be made of these miscreants will deter others from attempting any thing of the kind in future." Under these circumstances Steuben's operations proceeded but very slowly. He prevailed, however, on the governor to give orders for the immediate purchase of clothing and blan- kets for five hundred men to equip the troops at Chesterfield ; he endeavored to procure as many good arms as possible, Avith bayonets, and this done he intended to send to Greene another detachment like that under Colonel Green. Steuben wished himself to join General Greene as soon as he had succeeded in arranging the Virginia line. He was laboring under a severe indisposition, partly from the innumerable vexations to which his ofticial duties subjected him, and partly from the badness of the accommodations that were provided for him. " It is the way," writes Davies, on the 25th of December, 1780, to B. Walker, "this thankless, and I was gohig to say, worthless country treats all her ofiicers. If it would be equally con- venient to the baron, I will cheerfully give u^) my quarteis to him." Greene himself was anxious to Q-et the assistance of LIFE OF STEUBEN. 369 Steuben, " As^I ara now," writes he on the 28th of December, 1780, from his camp on the Pedee, "without a single general officer with me in this camp, except General Huger, who is a brigadiei- for this State, and not desirous of commanding other troops, it is my wish you should come forward as soon as you have made tlie necessary arrangements on the Virginia line. We are now in a camp of repose, and could -we get clothing we might improve our discipline. Your aid in this and many other matters will be essential both to me and the service." But it was impossible for Steuben to comply with Greene's order, although his own wishes strongly prompted him to do so. In the lirst place there was no prospect of his being able to conclude his business in Virginia, and in addition to this another serious obstacle arose, which still further impeded Steuben's progress. This obstacle was the invasion of the State by Arnold. IG* CHAPTER XVII. Invasion of Virginia by the Esglish undek Mathews axd Leslie. — The Impor- tance OF THIS State to the South. — Invasion of Arnold. — Stefben asks Four Thousand Militiamen from the Governor.— Steuben's Report to Wash- ington AND Gref.ne. — The Enemy l.\nds, on the 4tii of J-inuary, 1731, at West- over. — EioiiMOND 13 Arnold's Destination. — Steuben can collect only One Hundred Men. — His Orders badly executed. — The Magazines of the State transferef.d to Westham. — One Hundred and Fifty Continentals ordered to THAT Place.— The Magazines at Eichmond taken by the Enemy.— Steuben GOES TO Manchester, opposite Eichmo.vd. — Arnold Plunders and sets Fire to Eichmond, but does not cross the Eiver. — He retires. — Steuben follows him to Petersburg.— Gibson, Davies, Carrington, and Smallwood assist Steuben. — General Nelson operates on the left Bank of the Eiver. — Want of Arms on the Part of tub Americans. — Arnold embarks on the IOth of January. — The Militia sent after him precipitately retreats.- Steuben encamps at Hood's. — He sends Five Hundred Militiamen to Nelson for the Defense of Williamsburg. — His Opinion about the future Operations of the Ene.my. — Steuben suffers Privation in Every Thing.— The State remains Inactive.— Steube.n .marches with Seven Hundred Militiamen to Cabin Point, and sends Lawson after the Enemy. — The L.a.tteb arrives, on the 19tii of January, at Portsmouth.— A Council of War pronounces against ax Attack of Ports- mouth— Steuben shuts Arnold up in Pokts.mouth, and makes his Dispositions. —Misery and Want everywhere in the State. — The People are Indolent. — Eeason why no Cavalry e.kists.— The Militia plunder and rob in Ricilmond. — Jefferson supports Steuben as much as he can. — Difference between them about the Division of Expenses between the Continent and the State. — Dad Effects of this Dispute ox the War. — Jefferson to Washington about Steuben. — Colonel Meade to Alexander Hamilton. — Davies' and Howell's Leiteks to Steuben about the Want of precautionary Measures on the Part of the State.— Evil Consequences of this Policy. i FTER the transfer of the seat of war to the South, Yir- Ix. ginia, with her rich resources, was repeatedly invaded by the British. The exposed situation of the country, her scat- tered popuhition and easily accessible streams, inlets, rivers and creeks contributed much to assure success to an invading army, as was proved in May, 1779, when General Mathews made a descent upon Virginia with two thousand men, and burnt, ravaged and plundered the whole sea-board wilhout opposition. So soon aa Virginia was invaded and the great store-house LIFE OFSTEU BEN. 3Vl destroyed, as some had justly called this State, which chiefly supplied the South, and was so conveniently situated midway between the northern and southern theater of war, all resist- ance in the Soutli was rendered fruitless, and the operations of Lord Coi'nwallis, in the Carolinas were greatly facilitated. The breaking up of Virginia, therefore, soon became one of the principal designs of the British. In the fall of 1780 another attack was made upon that State. Lord GornwalUs, after his victory at Camden, sent a considerable body of troops, under Ferguson, towards Vir- ginia, and, at the same time, an expedition sailed from New York, under General Leshe, for the same destination. They entered the mouth of James river on the 15th of October, 1780, but lindhig a strong opposition from the forces under General Muhlenbex-g, who then commanded in Virginia, they were confined to Portsmouth, and having miserably failed in their object returned to New York on the 25th of November, a few days after Steuben's arrival, Colonel Ferguson liaving been previously defeated at King's Mountain. The appointment of Greene to the southemi army, and the command of Steuben in Virginia, made it a matter of impor- tance to the British to renew their efforts to cut off the sup- plies of men and provisions which Virginia was destined to furnish for the southern army. The notorious Arnold was deputed to accomplish the task which Leslie had filled to perform, lie could not have arrived at a more inopportune moment for the Americans. The militia, which had been collected to operate against Leslie at Portsmouth, was just disbanded ; the first enlistment of troops and forwarding of men to the South had scarcely begun, and the general con- fusion appeared greater than at any time before, when the news of Arnold's arrival spread over the defenseless and panic- stricken country. Although the government of the State had been informed, as early as the 9th of December, 1780, of the approach of a 372 LIFEOr STEUBEN. hostile expedition, notliing was done towards meeting at least the first difficulties and embarrassments. Everybody looked upon Steuben as their chief reliance in their hour of pressing need ; but we have seen, in the preceding chapter, how little could be expected from the feeble force, if such it can be called, at his disposal. We can not give a better description of the invasion than the reports which Steuben made to Generals Greene and Washington, on the 8th and 11th of January, 1*781, and which we quote in full. "On the olst of Decembci-," writes Steuben to Greene, " the governor informed me of a fleet of twenty-seven sail having arrived at Willoughby Point, in consequence of which I immediately dispatched Colonel Senf and Captain Fairlie down the south side to jirocurc intelligence of their strength and destination ; and General Xelson was sent, the same day, down the north side, to act as circumstances might require. Notwithstanding these precautions, we did not receive the least inteUigcnce till the 2d of January, when the governor informed me that nineteen ships, two brigs and ten sloops and schooneis were in Warrasquiack Bay, and were getting under way to proceed up the river, and that their destination was Petersburg. I directly waited on the governor and council, and requested four thousand mihtia might be called out, esti- mating the enemy's force at twenty-five hundred. "The distressed situation of the Continental troops at Chesterfield Court-house Avould only permit one hundred and fifty of them to be ordered out. These I formed into a bat- talion and sent to Petersburg to cover the public stores, and at the same time sent Colonel Carrington there to remove them. I also took proper measures for the removal of the stores and hospital from Chesterfield, in case the enemy should move that way. "The next day, on the 3d of January, wo were advised of the enemy's arrival oft' Williamsburg, where General Nelson LIFE OF STEUBEN. 373 liad collected about one hundred and fifty militia. Here a flag was sent with a letter, to which General Xelson returned a A'crbal answer, that he would defend the town. They landed a few troops at Jamestown, but reiimbarked them again immediately and proceeded up the river. At midnight their foremost vessel passed Hood't;, where we had a battery of two iron ten pounders and a brass howitzer. Three shots were €red, two of which struck the vessel, on wliich the rest of the fleet brought to. A party landing below, the militia (about seventy) evacuated the battery, and the cannon and howitzer fell into their hands. They burnt the carriages of the guns and carried ofi'the howitzer. " The 4th, in the morning, we received intelligence that the enemy's fleet lay at Westover, and were preparing to dis- embark. It was then evident their object was Richmond, and orders were immediately given for the removal of the public stores. As the enemy had twenty-five miles to march before they reached the town, I was in hopes a force would collect sufficient, at least, to check their progress, but, to my surprise, about one hundred men were all that could be as- sembled. These I sent down under the command of Major Dick, a State officer, to whom I gave orders to harass the en- emy by firing at them from every favorable piece of ground. These orders were, howevei', badly executed. The enemy moved that evening to Four 3Iile Creek, where they en- camped at about eleven o'clock. " What few Continental stores were in town I sent out to Westbam, having previously ordered Major Claiborne up the river to collect boats there to transport them across. I also ordered the one hundred and fifty Continental troops to march from Petersburg and take a position opposite to Westham ; and Colonel Davies, having sent all the stores and the hospi- tal from Chestei-field, was ordered to the same place with the i-emainder of his naked troops. The State stoics, of which great quantities were in town, were under the direction of 374 LIFEOFSTEUBEN. Colonel M., by whose inactivity and downright negligence a grerrt part was lost. Of their artillery, I secured, myself, five pieces which were mounted ; the rest, consisting of three brass, and a great number of iron pieces, fell into the enemy's hands. Not a single man, except those I had sent out, imder- took to oppose the approach of the enemy. I thought it pru- dent to cross the river in the evening, and took my quarters in Manchester, and next day, about twelve o'clock, the enemy took possession of the town, having marched twenty-five miles with eight hundred and fifty men and about thirty horse, with- out receiving a single shot. They left about half their force in town, and proceeded immediately with the rest to West- ham, where they burnt all the public buildings, consisting of a foundery, with a boring-mill, powder magazine, and some small shops, and returned to Richmond the same evening. The Continental stores had been all sent across the river, and some of the State stores. What part was left I have not yet learned. About three hundred militia had arrived at West- ham on their way down, and arms were actually recrossing for them, but hearing of the enemy's approach, and being un- armed, they dispersed. " The next morning, I ordered the battalion of Continen- tal troops, to which I had attached two of the State pieces of artillery, to Manchester, where there were about two lumdred militia collected. With these I intended to oppose any at- tempts they might make to cross. They, however, did not attempt it, but about eleven o'clock began to set fire to the public buildings, and before one o'clock, had entirely quitted the town. They burnt a rope-walk, the public work-shops and two or three public stores. Two of the inhabitants came out with propositions from Arnold to pay for half of the tobacco on their giving hostages for the delivery of the whole to ves- sels he should send for it. The governor refused to agree to it, and as they did not come out as a flag, I refused their re- turn. The tobacco, however, was left unhurt. A great part LIFE OF STEUBEN. 375 of the inlialjitants liaving removed, their houses were plun- dered by the soldiers. The enemy marched that night to their former position at Four Mile Creek, where they en- camped, and yesterday got to W^stovei*. On their return, great excesses were committed by straggling parties. As there were great quantities of grain and flour at the mills near Warwick, I marched my little force, on the 6th, in the evening, to that place. Yesterday I advanced to Osborn's, and this day arrived here at Petersburg. I find about four hundred and fifty militia here under Colonel Gibson, whom I had ordered to take the command in the absence of Generals Muhlenberg and Weedon. On the first intimation of the en- emy's approach, I wrote these gentlemen, but have heard nothing from them. The jnxblic stores, of which great quan- tities were in this town, were all removed by the great exer- tions of Colonel Carrington and Colonel Gibson. Yesterday General Smalhvood arrived here, and has been so obliging as to stop and aftbrd us his assistance. Some vessels of the en- emy were sent up this river yesterday to take or destroy some merchant vessels lying thex'e, but by the disposition which Gen- eral Smalhvood made with some ship guns and the militia, they were obliged to abandon their enterprise. " General Xelson, during all this time, was on the other side of the river. On the 3d, he was twelve miles above Wil- liamsburg, with one hundred and seventy-five men ; the next day he moved four miles higher, and wrote me that he ex- pected to have three hundred and fifty militia by the 5th at noon ; the 7th, he wrote me from Long Bridge, on Chicka- horainy, that the enemy were moving down to their shipping, and that the rain the preceding night had incapacitated his men for immediate service. In fact, the enemy returned as they went, without a single shot, and have lain quietly at Westover, in a scattered manner, all this day. " As the stores were all removed hence, and a consider- able force of militia collected, I do not imagine the enemy 3^6 LIFE OF STEUBEN. •will attack this place. I have some hopes of being able to annoy them from Hood's on their return. The river there is verj narrow, but we have yet no guns. I have sent to have those which are there remounted, and shall march there my- self, with all the militia I can arm, so soon as I hear the enemy are moving down. " The greatest distress Ave now feel is the want of arms ; gi-eat part of those belonging to the State were damaged by the militia during the late invasion, or were scattered at differ- ent places and never collected or repaired. Those at Rich- mond were, on the enemy's approach, sent off in such disorder that part of them are not yet found. The militia are coming in, and no arms to put in their hands, while, on the other side, General Nelson has fifteen hundred stand, and only five hun- dred men. " I can not conclude without mentioning how much I am indebted to Colonel Davies and Lieutenant Colonel Carring- ton for their assistance on this occasion." " The enemy," continues Steuben," at camp near Hood's on the 11th of January, 1V81,'* " lying still at Westover on the 9th, and some vessels which had lain at the mouth of the Ai>. pomatox', dropping down that day to their fleet, I thought it evident they had no design against Petersburg, and therefore ordered the few militia who were assembled there to march to Prince George Court-house, and went there myself, that I might be more at hand to prepare against any movement of the ene- my. The 10th, in the morning, I was informed they were em- barking their troops, and on reconnoitering them myself from Coggin's Point, I found their embarkation completed, and the vessels preparing to sail. " It had been found impracticable to remount the cannon at Hood's, or to prepare any obstruction to their passing that place. Of this, however, the enemy were ignorant ; and think- * Greene's MS. Papers and Sparks's Revolutionary Correspondence, iii., 203, LIFE OF STEUBEN. 3V7 ing it very probable they would land a party to examine these works before they attempted to pass, I ordered three hundred infantry and about thirty horse, under Colonel Clark, to lie in ambush to receive them. About twelve o'clock the fleet got under way, and at four o'clock I saw them, from Hood's, come to within cannon shot. At dark they landed troops from eighteen boats — deserters say five hundred — who immediately attacked a small picket we had, and pursued them to within forty paces of the ambuscade, when our troops gave them a fire ; but on their returning it, and charging bayonets, the militia immediately fled. After throwing the cannon into the river, the enemy returned to their sliips, which, at daylight, were five miles below. I ordered three hundred infantry and two troops of horse down to Calvin Point, and encamped with the remainder, about five hundred men, at this place. As an attempt might be made at "Williamsburg, and as General Nelson had only four hundred men, I ordered five hundred and sixty militia, who were then on their way to join me, to cross the river and reinforce him. The next great object for the enemy being Hunter's works and the stores at Fredericks- burg, I wrote the governor to countermand the militia from that quarter. General "NVeldon had already advanced with about three hundred and fifty as far as Hanover Court-house before he received the governor's letter. It is left with him to return or not, according as he, from his knowledge of the force that can he collected, may think necessary. " I can not yet form any judgment of the future operations of the enemy. Should they mean to pillage Williamsburg, Nelson's corps may harass, but can not prevent them. If they take possession of Norfolk, I shall collect what force is necessary and endeavor to keep them en ec/iec y or if they should go into the Potomac, I shall immediately march to form a junction with the militia under General Weedon, and cover Fredericksburg. " The militia are coming in from all quarters, but without 378 LIFE OF STEUBEX, arms, for which they apply to me. I have deUvered ahout five hundred we had belonging to the Continent. Those of the State were so scattered in removing them on the alarm, that their ofiicers can not collect them again. The troops have neither tents nor camp kettles. It is impossible to describe the situation I am in — in want of every thing ; and nothing can be got from the State, rather for want of arrangement than any thing else." " The enemy," says Steuben, in concluding his report to the board of war, "having passed Hood's on the 13th, I marched with seven hundred militia to Cabin Point. The Continental troops being too naked to keep the field, were sent back to Chesterfield Court-house. On the 14th the ene- my landed at Hardy's Ferry, twenty-two miles below Cabin Point, and began their march toward Smithfield, Supposing Colonel Parker, with the militia of the lower counties, would oppose them in front, I detailed Major Willis with three liun- dred infantry and fifty horses to harass their rear. My orders were badly executed, and the enemy entered Smithfield on the loth without opposition. Having that day received a rein- forcement of four hundred men, I immediately detached them under General Lawson, with orders to march towards Smith- field, and act in conjunction Avith Colonel Pai'ker, who, I sup- posed, had retired towards Suftblk. " On General Lawson's approach the enemy crossed Xan- simond river at Sleepy Hole, and encamped on the opposite bank, and General Lawson being joined by the troops under Colonel Parker, occupied Smithfield. The 19th the enemy inarched to Portsmouth, where Arnold established himself* and their vessels fell down to Hampton Roads." At a meeting of officers, convened for the purpose of de- termining the question, Avhether the Virginia militia had the means of forcing Arnold to quit Portsmouth, it was their unani- mous opinion, founded on their acquaintance with the ground, that they were not in a situation to undertake such an enter- LIFE OP STEUBEN. 379 prise. The operations of Steuben and his generals were, there- fore, necessarily confined to preventing the enemy from mak- ing incursions into the country on either side of James river, or, should they undertake to come out with their whole force, to rendering any enterprise of theirs ditHcult, always having in view the keeping open the communication across the James river. To secure this object Steuben repaired to Smithfield, and having reconnoitered and obtained all possible information concerning the ground, he made the following disposition, in which lie had in view a primary object, the keeping up as small a number of militia as possible.* Colonel Parker, with the Suffolk militin, at Reddock Mills, a very strong pass, with a small advanced post at Cooper's Mills, four miles in his front, had to prevent the enemy's par- ties from making any excursions, and, if forced, to fall back on General Lawson. General Lawson was posted at McMay's Mills, four miles from Smithfield, with nine hundred infantry and a troop of State horse ; a small detachment from this force advanced to Suffolk, to support Parker in case of need, and keep open communication. Pickets were also kept at Sleepy Hole and near the mouth of Xansimond river. General Miih- lenberg was at Cabin Point with two regiments consisting of eight hundred infantry, and Armand's cavalry; General Xelson with one thousand infantry, and some volunteer horse at Wil- liamsburg, to keep posts from thence to Newport News. If the enemy came out in force. General Muhlenberg was to support Lawson and form a junction with him, and opjaose the enemy should they march toward South Quay. The correctness of the foregoing reports of Steuben, little flattering as they may be, is established by the statements of persons who at that time took a px-orainent part in public affairs ; and it is also proved, that however glaring the deii- * MS. Lettor3 to Greene and board of war, Riclimond, January 2.jth and 29th, 1181. 380 LIFE OF STEUBEN. ciencies may have been, however culi^able the shortcomings of others were, Steuben discharged his duties to the utmost, and where he could not remedy the defects himself, distinctly showed others how they might advantageously do so. A few instances will suffice to demonstrate the condition of affairs. When Arnold ascended the river and demanded the sur- render of Williamsburg, General Nelson, who was so destitute of all the necessary appliances that he even had no telescope, returned a verbal answer, stating that he would oppose him as long as he had a man to fight, and apologizing for not writ- ing, as he had no pen and ink. It is unnecessary to mention that the militia's arms were unfit for service, and the little am- munition they had, almost destroyed, as it was at that time almost a matter of course. Nelson was one of the most ener- getic and patriotic officers in the State; but in consequence of the general confusion and slowness of the militia he could not act as he wished. He could form no communication with Steuben, nor aflbrd him the necessary assistance. " Our ex- presses," he writes, on the 4th of January, to Steuben, " be- have most infamously ; the conduct of the county lieutenant of New Kent is censurable, and the situation of this country and other causes, which your knowledge of our affairs will readily suggest to yon, have defeated my utmost exertions." One of the greatest deficiencies on the part of the Araeii- cans was the Vv'ant of cavalry. Armand's corps, the only cav- alry at the disposal of Steuben, consisted at that time of only forty horses, and it was extremely difficult to supply even it with remounts. In spite of the absolute necessity of employ- ing that corps the governor did nothing in the matter, giving as a reason, that the executive was not authorized to impress horses for the Continental service. The people did not like to sell their horses on credit, and pi'eferred to keep them until they vrere afterAvards seized by the British. The officer whom Claiborne, on the 10th of January, had sent out to impress horses, returned with only five. Under these circumstances LIFE OF STEUBEX. 881 the enemy, witli his one hundred horses, had even a superior- ity in cavuhy, and ravaged the country unmolested. Tliis want of cavahy during tlie whole campaign prevented the Ameri- cans not only from harassing the enemy, or in any way inter- fering with their operations, but from striking any decisive blow at them, as will hereafter appear from the narrative of subsequent events. , " I was pleased to see," writes W. Smallwood to Steuben, dated Petersburg on the 7th of January, "that Colonels Gibson and Carrington had accomplished in their respective depart- ment every thing that circumstances would admit, though at the same time I lament the defenseless situation of the country at this alarming crisis, and tlie peculiar difficulties you have to encounter. Perhaps timely and vigorous exertions in this quarter might prevent or suspend the enemy's approach here, which would have a salutary effect with respect to the public and private stores." As if the invasion of the country were a misfortune not sufficiently great, some classes of the inhabitants of Kichmond availed themselves of the opportunity afforded by the British, to enrich themselves by robbing and plundering, and forced the officers of the Slate to employ their men for the protection of the public property against the native population, instead of against their foreign invaders. "The welfare of my country," writes the brave Claiborne to Steuben, on the 8th of January, 1781, dated Richmond, " the comfort of the soldiers and the orders of my superiors, I have ever exerted myself to promote and execute, but empty handed as I am at present, and the little assistance I get, al- most render all my efforts ineffectual. There is no commander here nor will any body be commanded. This leaves what pub- lic stores a few of the virtuous inhabitants have collected, exposed to every passenger, and the property of the individ- uals to the ravages of the negroes. Both public and private property have been discovered to a considerable quantity, that 382 LIFE OF STEUBEN. was secreted clandestinely in and about town, and I am soiTy to say that there is a stigma which rests upon the conduct of some of our own men with respect to the pillaging of public and private goods, that does not ujjon the British troops ; the one acted as an open enemy, but the other in a secret and infa- mous manner. I shall take proper measures to lind them out and have them collected. I had a party of the militia given me by Colonel Haskins and patrolled the streets of Richmond during the night. I am sorry that the militia differ so much from the Continental soldiers!" Jefferson appreciated the difficulty of the situation in Avhich Steuben was placed, and used every exertion to assist bim iu repelling the blackest traitor who had ever disgraced the American history. lie did every thing that Steuben sug gested for the benefit of the service, provided subsistence for the troops, and contributed to carry out Steuben's orders as far as the power with which he was invested, allowed. At this period their correspondence manifests mutual confidence, good will, and community of opinion, and though the limits of their respective departments and relations were not at all regulated or distinctly drawn, they found no difficulty in ar- ranging them. One of the principal items of controversy was the ques- tion, what expenses were to be considered as Continental and what as belonging to the separate States ? Jefierson under- stood that the rule of Congress was to admit no expenses to be Continental which were incurred by any State merely under an appi'ehension of an invasion, but that when a State was actually invaded, all expenses became Continental. Con- sequently he wished Steuben to consider the militia of every place under his command from the moment of their being enlisted, and to direct their movements and stations as he pleased. " This," remarks Steuben, in a letter to Jefferson, dated the 11th of Januaiy, 1781, "naturally throws the pro- vision for such troops as shall be employed on such particular I LIFE OF STEUBEN. 383 occnsioii into the liaiids of Continental officers upon the great scale ; but as it would be impracticable for those officers to take up the business before it is brought -within the view of those under whom they are acting and whose orders they are bound to obey, it certainly must of necessity be incumbent on the State officers to bring it to that point from which it will regu- larly be taken up by the Continental officers. I think that this might take place from the time the troops are armed, iitted for the field and brought to tlie place of rendezvous ; tlien the general commanding has charge of them as a part of his force, and at tlie same time all his suboi'dinate officers, both military and stalf, have them under their view. As the arms to be i)Ut into the hands of the militia are the property of the State and subject to the direction of officers not imdcr my command, I do not conceive those troops connected with me or subject to my ordei-s before they are armed and equipped for the field." Jeffi-M-son, although he could not state the exact time at which the exi)enses attending an invasion became Continental, nevertheless, maintamed that the militia, as soon as they had received their call, were subject to Steuben's orders. This ditterence of opinion existing between the general commanding and the governor, was a great drawback to the State itself and to the progress of the whole southern war. Steuben only executed the design of Congress and acted in accordance with its special ordeis, when he asked of the State to deliver to him, at its own expense, the militiamen, fit for. service and properly equipped. It was, however, the interest of the State to keep up such a difi:erence of opinion, as thus no immediate effijrts were needed and no sacrifices were to be made. Owing to the constant disorder, things were advanced so far in Virginia, that the people only looked to their own safety, and cared notliing about the evil consequence of such a policy to the United States, and especially to the South. As Congress had not the means of enforcing its decrees, but 3S4 LIFE OP STEUBEN. on the coiiti-ary depended for the execution of them entirely on the good will of the individual States, it was Virginia which remained in the right, Steuben had to suffer the worst C(Mi- sequences from this want of help, which the State would not or could not afford. Moreover, the Continent did not aid him, and always directed him in an off-hand manner to the State. The governor, in his account of the invasion which he sent to Washington on the 10th of Januaiy, 1781, speaks in very high terms of Steuben's merits. When, in a letter addressed to the latter himself, he said that he was very sorry that the means with which he was furnished were not likely to add to his reputation, except that by undertaking to make the most of them Steuben's zeal would be still more fully displayed, Jefferson wrote to Washington in the following terms about him :'* " In the meanwhile Baron Steuben, a zealous friend, has descended from the dignity of his proper command, to direct our smallest movements. His vigilance has, in a great meas- ure, supplied the want of force in preventing the enemy from crossing the river, which might have been very fatal. He has been assiduously employed in i)reparing for the militia, as they should assemble, pointing them to a proper object, and other offices of a good commander." " I congratulate you," writes Colonel William Davies, at this time, to Steuben,f '' upon the enemy's leaving this part of the country, and hope, sir, you may never again experience the mortifications which the very destitute and unprepared state of this country must have occasioned. The nakedness of the troops at this place (Chesterfield Court-house) exceeds descrip- tion. Above sixty of them are so naked as to be unable to do duty in quarters, and much more so in the field. To all such who live within forty or fifty miles of this place, and can return in eight or ten days, I have given furloughs for the j^urpose * Revolutionary Correspondence, by J. Sparks, iii., 202. f Steuben MS. Tapers, vol. iv. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 385 of getting clothing. The troops here have been one day en- tirely out of meat, and without j^articular care I fear they will be distressed frequently for that article. I shall endeavor as well as I can to secure a sufficiency, but every thing in this country seems in so ruinous a train, that despondency has almost taken possession of me. I hope your exertions and in- fluence will in some measure check the rapidity with which we are rushing to ruin ; but something extraordinary must happen to put us on a good footing." " Arnold, you know, was coming here," writes Colonel Meade to Alexander Hamilton on the 13th of January, 1781.* " He has really been here, and, icith shame be it said, marched twenty-five miles and back without having a single musket fired at him; but let me observe, in justice to the people at large, that there are fewer disaftected by far in this State than any other in the Union, and that the \>QO\Ae turn out with the utmost cheerfulness. The misfortune on the present invasion was, that in the confusion the arras were sent everywhere, and no timely plan laid to put them into the hands of the men who Avere assembling. The baron has no doubt given the general the particulars of the whole affair. He can hardly he himself and say any thing on the subject that ought not to be credited.''^ " I am still unable," writes James Lovell to Steuben on the 22d of January, I781,f "to promise you a supply of arms and clothing. But I can not refrain from expressing to you, by this opportunity, how much I am affected with pleasure by any occurrence which redounds to your glory. The Governor of Virginia mentions very honorably your conduct with a small body of militia, of which you have condescended to take the command, while a traitorous villain was striving to make ex- tensive ravage on James river. Your own letters to Congress have confirmed the propriety of the governor's grateful senti- ments. I would to God you Avere at the head of a body suit- * Alexander Hamilton's Works, i., 208. f Steuben MS. Papers, vol. iv. 17 386 LIFE OF STEUBEN. ably equipped to execute the directions which your great military knowledge enables you to give whenever you are in a field action. I regret much the mortification which I know your warm zeal in our cause must have met with from your inequality of men, artillery and, in short, every means of giving a final blow to Ai-nold's schemes. I regret more, that you have no prospect but the continuance of such disadvan- tages. The chapter of disadvantages has heretofore been greatly in our favor." Unfortunately it was far from being closed, as will be seen from the following chapter. I CHAPTER XVIII. Arnold's Ixvasiox interrupts the Measures for the Support of the Southern Arm v.— Steuben's Task.— Its Difficulties.— The Govers.mest does Little ok Nothing-. — Jefferson and Steuben.— Their Conflict.— Steuben tries to raise three Thousand Recruits to be fup.xisiied by the State.— They arrive very slowly.— Characteristic Anecdote.— Good Effect of Steuben's Severity.— Bad Conduct of the Militia. — Letter of E. Meade. — Complaints of Innes and Muhlenberg. — The Desertion tolerated and protected by the State. — Kea- S0N3 WHY. — DaVIES'8 PROPOSITIONS FOB RE.MEDYING THIS EviL. — ThE APATHETIC People make no Sacrifices. — Claiborne's Complaints.— Want of Necessarif.s. — Government does not kf.80rt to energetic Measures.- All Burden and Eesponsibility fall on Steuben.- Colonel Mumfokd's punishable Negli- gence.— Steuben's Orders against squandering Provisions. — Greene appreci- ATF.S Steuben's Efforts. — Greene's Operations in the South after his Depart- ure from Virginia.- He divides his Forces and separates from Morgan.— Morgan's Victory at Cowpens.— Greene advances to the Great Pedee.— Corn- WALLIS follows HIM. — GkEKNE .JOINS MORGAN AGAIN. — IIe RETIRES TO VIRGINIA. — CORNWALLIS .\T HILLSBOROUGH, THE CENTER OF THE TORIES. — TlIEIR ENTHUSIASM FOR TU:-; ROYAL C.iUSE. — GP.EENK BEATEN AT GuiLFORD CoURT-HoUSE. — CoRN- WALLIS GOES TO WILMINGTON.— GBEENe'S DIFFICULTY WITH THE VIRGINIA MiLITIA. —Steuben tries in vain to assist him.- He di8p.\.tches a Detachment undeu Campbell.— Steuben's Designs for the further Support of Greene.— He can NOT fulfill his PROMISE, AS THE ReCRUITS DO SOT ARRIVE. rriHE greatest mischief occasioned by Arnold's invasion, was -^ the obstruction wliich it offered to the jn-eparations for the support of the southern army. The arrangements which Steu- ben was making for this purpose were either wholly over- turned or materially delayed, the greater part of the provis- ions consumed, and the raising of recruits and every supply required from Virginia was retarded for two months. "What- ever arras the State possessed were distributed among the militia, who scarcely amounted to four thousand men. While the forces under Mtihlenberg were watching and confining Arnold at Portsmouth, Steuben exerted himself at Richmond to collect pi'ovisions, arms and men foi- the rein- forcement of Greene's army, which, for want of the expected supplies, was in the most distressed situation. The task was 388 LIFE OF STEUBEM. certainl}' a most arduous one, as he could do little or nothing if not supported by the Executive of the State. " Sure am I," said he, " if an officer ordered to superintend and expedite militia movements does not in that service lose his reputation, he may risk it on all other occasions." " I must beg your Excclleney," he wrote at this time to Governor Jef- ferson, " to consider that this shameful opposition made to the last invasion of the enemy falls in some measure on me as the commanding officer in the State, and I can not but reckon it among my misfoilunes to have been here at that time. My wish is to prevent a repetition of the disgrace, but I can do nothing without the assistance of the government." It appears, however, that the latter had not the po\\er to do what it considered to be its duty, and that it was jealous of the authority exercised by the commanding general. It is really surprising that a conflict between the civil and military officers did not break out sooner, as the ground was prepared for such a calamity from tlie moment they entered on the dis- charge of their respective duties, and as the often high-handed, though well-intentioned proceedings of Steuben, and the irri- tability of his temper frequently brought him in collision with the too keen democratic views of Governor Jefferson. " We did not think proper," writes Jefferson, on the 10th of March, 1781, to Steuben,* "to resign ourselves and our country too implicitly to your demands, but thought we had some right of judgment left to ourselves We can only be answerable for the orders we give, and not for their execu- tion. If they are disobeyed from obstinacy of spirit, or want of coercion in the laws, it is not our fault. We can only en- deavor to engage the willing. The Executive have not by the laws of this State any power to call a freeman to labor even for the public good without his consent, nor a slave without that of his master." This is a striking illustration of the inefficiency of the law * Stoubca MS. Papers, vol. vi. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 389 as it existed in cases of public emergency or danger. If the governor's power was insufficient to enforce ser\'ice for the protection of the fatherland, and for the due observance of the orders he issued, what was the utility of his position ? Was it not a clog on the efficiency of the military power, which was exercised only for the good of the confederacy ? Steuben's first object was to raise the three thousand (eighteen months') militiamen, whom, according to the new plan, the State had promised to provide. Virginia was for this purpose divided into ten divisions, each of Avhich had to furnish its quota, and send them to the general rendezvous at Chesterfield Court-house, where Colonel Davies commanded, and formed the detachments for the southern army. But in raising recruits, the State was completely lethargic. On the 12th of February not a man had been engaged on the new plan, and with the greatest difficulty four hundred men had been collected and clothed at Chesterfield Court-house to be sent to the South. The men either came in very slowly, or did not come at all, or they deserted immediately after their arrival in camp, or they sent even dwarfs or children to fill their places. On the 4th of March Steuben remonstrated to the governor in regard to this ill-disposed people, who sent recruits entirely unfit for service, whom he could not accept for the defense of their own country. If, under such circumstances, Steuben gave way to passion, and uttered contemptuous expressions, it is not to be wondered at. Xorth, in his already-quoted pamphlet, mentions a char- acteristic anecdote in this respect. " Men," says he, " sufficient U) form a regiment had, with much pains, been collected to- gether at Chesterfield Court-house. The corjjs was paraded, and on the point of marching, when a well-looking man, on horseback, and, as it appeared, his servant on another, rode up, and introducing himself, informed the baron that he had brought him a recruit. 'I thank you, sir,' said the baron, ' with all my heart ; you have arrived in a happy moment I 390 LIFE OF STEUBEN. Where is your man, colonel ?' for he was colonel in the mili- tia. ' Here, sir,' ordering his boy to dismount. The baron's countenance altered ; we saw and feared the approaching storm. A sergeant was ordered to measure the lad, whose shoes, when off, laid bare something by which his stature had been increased. The baron, patting the child's head M'ith his hand, trembling with rage, asked him how old he was. He was very young, quite a child. ' Sir,' said he to the man, ' you must have sup- posed me to be a rascal !' ' O no, baron, I did not.' ' Then, sir, I suppose you to be a rascal, an infamous rascal, thus to attempt to cheat your country. Take off this fellow's spurs ; place him in the ranks, and tell General Greene from me, Col- onel Gaskins, that I have sent hira a man able to serve, in- stead of an infant whom he would basely have made his sub- stitute ! Go, my boy, take the colonel's spurs and his horse to his wife ; make my compliments, and say her husband has gone to fight for the freedom of his country, as an honest man should do. By platoons ! — To the right wheel ! — Forward — March !' Colonel Gaskins fearing the consequences, let the man escape on the arrival of the corps at the river Roanoke ; nor was he tardy in returning and making application to the civil authority for redress. But Governor Jefferson, Mr. Mad- ison, and other gentlemen of the council, not doubting the purity of the baron's motive, and fully appreciating his hon- est zeal, prevented any disagreeable results attending this high- handed exertion of military power." In regard to the service, these despotic proceedings had at least one good effect, as Davies writing on the 10th of March', 1781, states that "since the treatment that men met with, people seemed afraid to bring in the dwarfs and children they formerly counted upon." In some parts of the State young men who were entirely fit for service, did not answer the call, excusing themselves on the ground of having previously served a few days, because, according to the militia laws, they could not be called out LIFE OF STEUBEN. 391 again after having once been Jiscliarged. On the other hand, by a law of the State, no county was obHged to draft men for the Continental lines while its militia were in actual service. Thus it happened that well populated counties as, for instance, Spottsylvania, the militia of which, during the last invasion, had been under arms for only a week or two, on the 1st of April, 1781, had sent only twenty-three recruits, while the government had fixed its contingent at ten times that num- ber. The militia proved to be of damage and disrepute to the State rather than of honor and advantage. Their conduct was extremely loose and provoking. Complaints were contin- ually made from all parts of the State against them, and be- came from day to day louder and more frequent. " I have experienced," writes E. Meade, from camp at Edmond's Hill, on the 19th of March, " a disagreeable want of duty here — a tine field of dishonor ; no reliance can be put in the major part of the militia ; my feelings have been ex- ceedingly hurt." " I have received," says Jefferson himself on the 24th of February,* in a letter to Steuben, " repeated mformation that the nakedness of the militia on service near "Williamsburg, and want of shoes, is such as to have produced murmurings almost amounting to mutiny, and that thei-e is no hope of being able longer to keep them in service. The precedent of an actual mutiny would be so mischievous as to induce us to believe au accommodation to their present temper most prudent." And at another occasion, on the 27th of April, I781,f "We have found, by experience, that the men of those counties where the enemy are, can not be kept in the field — they desert and carry off their arms." Colonel Innes reports from York on the 11th ofMarch,J " that he has no provisions for the next day, and that the militia, already dissatisfied, wants only a good plea for mutiny and desertion." * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. v. f Ibidem, vol. vi. 1;. Ibidem, vol. vi. 392 LIFE or STEUBEN. Major Fosey informs Steuben, from Stanton, on the 8th oi March, " that not a single man could be raised in the county of Augusta, which had to furnish three hundred and forty-four men, that they had remonstrated to the Legislature against the measure of drafting for eighteen months, and begged that the term of three months be substituted." The militia already under arms did not behave much better. We have, in this respect, Mtlhlenberg's interesting statement of the 8th of April, 1781, in which he says:* "The militia who have served their term of three months have partly dis- charged themselves, and compel me to discharge the remain- der. I tried every method in my power to prevail on them to continue until I could be reinforced from some other quar- ters, but in vain. About one hundred deserted within two nights out of my camp, and this morning about one hundred out of Colonel Duncan's regiment, stationed at Chackatuck, stacked their ai-ms and marched off. The remainder marclied to camp with their arms and accouterraents, and now claim their discharge, which I shall be compelled to grant them, as their stay will ruin the few troops I have left." Among the innumerable complaints against the militia we have found, however, one letter which does not blame them ; but even in this instance the praise resembles a strong repro- bation. Captain A. Singleton, speaking of an engagement of General Greene's army on the 15th of March, 1781, says, that " the militia, contrary to custom^ behaved well for militia." The greatest annoyance, however, and detriment to the service was the wholesale desertion of the militia. The tolera- tion, and even protection, with which it met through the State, was so dangerous and alarming a mischief that Steuben and Davies took every measure in their power to stop it, and to recover those who were already gone. They di-ew memorials upon this subject, which wei-e laid before the Assembly, and wrote to the governor, asking that laws might be made to * Stouben MS. Papers, vol. vi. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 393 remedy the evil. " I am just completing," writes Davics to Steuben from Chesterfield, on the 10th of March, IVSI,^'' "the descriptive list of deserters to be put into the hands of the dele- gates. This I conceive to be a matter of great consequence. Above two hundred have deserted from this jilace, at least five hundred that were enlisted in the counties never joined the army, and they are daily deserting from diflerent places, and not a single measure is yet taken to advertise them. Colonel Campbell has sent me a list of a number who have deserted from him. I mean, therefore, to have a descriptive, alphabet- ical list printed at the expense of the government, and to put three or four copies in the hands of each Assemblyman, to be published and advertised at the court-houses, churches, and other places of public resort. But I submit the matter to your decision." All these steps, however, and the remonstrances were in vain, since it was not in the power of the government to alter this anomalous and revolting state of things, to which we find a clue in a letter of Davics, written ten days after the above quoted, which is one of the most interesting documents of the time, and on more than one account deserves to be given in full. " I find, notwithstanding," writes Davies, " every thing that has been urged formerly, no summary mode is yet estab- lished by the Assembly for the recovery of the bounties the divisions detain from the substitutes they agree with. They bargain with a man for six or seven thousand pounds, pay him at the time one thousand or fifteen hundred, f and prom- ise him the remainder in two or three months. The soldier inquires how it is to be got ; they tell him he is to have a fur- lough after he gets here, or if he does not get one, they will send or bring him the money. When the poor fellow arrives * Steuben ilS. Papers, vol. vi. + Paper money of course, the relation of silver to paper being in the pro- portion of one to one hundred and forty at this time. ]7* 394 LIFE OF STEUBEN. here he applies for a furlough and is refused : the divisions never send him his money, he soon spends all he has, draws no pay, and perhaps no clothing, and finding in the midst of his distresses, that although he has a great deal of money due him, yet he never shall get a copper of it while he continues with the troops ; he, therefore, deserts with a determination to try to get it from his division. When he applies to them they refuse to pay liim a farthing, tell him he is a deserter; but for their own sake they tolerate and even encourage him in his desertion, as by that means they save the remainder of the bounty in their own pockets and evade any further de- mands in the law too. The rest of the people in the country thhik it would be very hard to apprehend the man as a de- serter and bring him to his officers, who probably will punish him, when he did not get half his bounty ; and having no author- ity themselves to compel the division to make up the remainder that is due, of course the whole matter is overlooked, and be- tween fraud on one side and compassion on the other, the pub- lic service is essentially injured. If some speedy check is not put to this growing evil, every law that is passed in future for raising men, will produce two deserters for one soldier, till the numbers of the former will be too considerable to be controlled, and the people at large will be entirely wearied out by the fre- quent drafts that are called for to make up the deficiencies. The only source, therefore, from which we can hope any relief, is in the particular interest of each respective division. The advantage of the public at large is too remote an object to make such impression ; it must be more immediately interest- ing to make them feel. I would, therefore, propose that eveiy division shall be answerable for the conduct of its substitute in this particular, but I would confine this responsibility to de- sertion only ; all other deficiencies in the number of men should be made good by the State at large." In the presence of all these difficulties the government, however, did not dare to resort to energetic measures. In- LIFE OF STEUBEN. 395 stead of removing the existing and menacing impediments, the government only evaded them and made no arrangements to complete the Continental forces. In a similar manner it treated the militia, confining itself to the least possible exac- tions. Thus the governor wrote to Steuben, on the 19th of April, 1V81, "that he should only endeavor to get the militia to the fixed term of two months in the field, with a right to retain them one week longer, if reliefs should not come in," It was not this deficiency in the militia alone that troubled Steuben, and prevented him from supporting the southern array. The measures taken by the government for the defense of the State were so imperfect, that they threw innumerable and unforeseen obstacles in his way, and that other able ofii- cers retired from the service in disgust. The State had no money, no credit, no provision, in short, it was almost desti- tute. R, Claiborne, the quarter-master of the State, wrote on the 4th of Apiil, 1781,* to Steuben, that he was unable to comply with his demands for accouterments, wagons, and camp equipage for five hundred infantry, saying that he had not a farthing of money. "To purchase by contract," he con- tinues, "is impracticable, as there is not a person that will trust the public two days ; and to make and manufiicture in time, would be a vain attempt. My representations to the quarter-master general and the government of this State, have been early and frequent ; but little or no aid is given to me. I have received only five hundred thousand pounds of paper money since I have been in this department, v/hich, at one hundred and forty for one, went but a small way. I am alto- gether disappointed in the wagons that are to come from the counties for Continental use, and have failed in the means of transportation directed in the governor's instructions some time since, to the commissioner of the provision law. The commissary of hides for this State, upon whom I am dejiend- ent alone for leather, is in Philadelphia, and has not a gallon * Stoubcn MS. Papers, vol. vii. 596 LIFE OP STEUBEN. of oil in his whole department. This has been the case for a long time, and whether it will be taken into consideration by the board of war, fiom whom he derives his appointment, I can not say. I have written to the quarter-master general upon the subject. With respect to wagons, I have not one that is not employed in business that can not be dispensed with ; and the horses that are not engaged are such as no one would employ. To hire is impossible, as no one will take the price to which we ai*e limited, when they can get three times as much from private individuals. I am very fearful that noth- ing can be done in laying up a magazine of forage at Peters- burg. Camp equipage you will find we have none. In short, sir, I have no money, no materials, no credit, and beg while this is ray situation, you will place no dependence on any thing to come from the department. Sensible of the increasing diffi- culties in transacting the public business, I find myself obliged to resign. I was in hopes, when I accepted the appointment, that it would be in my power to discharge the duties; but as I am not supported in the purchasing department, I could not expect it in the field. As to my influencing the field duties, I am prei)aring such instructions as will be necessary. If it is for me to do, I beg leave to remind you that I have nothing to begin with, neither people, money, credit nor materials, so that if I fail, I hope you will attribute it to its true cause — want of means." This state of things, animadverted upon by Claiborne, had not only reference to his department, but was to be met with throughout the whole State. Coats could not be made for want of cloth, shoes could not be obtained for want of leather, and shirts were not to be had for want of linen, nor would tailors or artificers work on trust for the country. Even Jef- ferson declared the procuring of hats or leather caps a despe- rate case, and blankets cost too much to be able to provide the troops with them. The fiictories were partly stopped for want of money, pai'tly from tlie r(>fiisal of the Avorkmon to LIFE OF STEUBKIN^. 397 Avork, on account of which refusal the government was com- pelled— as, for example, in the county of Prince George — to offer to each man, who had worked twelve days on the batter- ies at Hood's, an exemption for six weeks from military duty. ISTelson comijlained, on the Gth of April, 1781, to Jefferson,* that for the last twelve months he had received no money for his men. In the same way all the commanding officers were in want of every thing, and, being refused on all hands, ap- pealed as a last resort to Stenben for redress and assistance. To one of them, Avho, on account of insufficiency of means, did not execute his orders, he remarked, laconically, though in very indifferent English, " Yon have not to inquire if my or- ders are riht or rong^ you have to obey them, and the service will be well done." Notwithstanding the scarcity of provisions, they were often wasted by the negligence of officers, or stolen by the commis- saries. Out of one hundred pairs of shoes, for instance, which were delivered to Colonel Davies from Petersburg, only fifty- three were furthcoming, and the one hnndred at Warwick turned out to be only eighty-two pairs.f Fourteen himdred and ninety-five yards of cloth, which the governor estimated to be sufficient for four hundred suits, made only three hun- dred and fifty jack-coats, as the cloth was only half as wide as represented. The shoes were so bad that one day's wear de- stroyed them. The most shocking carelessness, however, is furnished by Colonel Mumford, about whom Davies writes to Jefferson as follows, viz. :\ " From the negligence of Colonel Mumford, the issuing Continental commissary general in this State, there is the most shameful waste of provisions and scandalous abuses in that department that can well be conceived. He has not, for many months, paid the least attention to his deputies, and has even refused to appoint the necessary issuers for the troops * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. vii. f Ibid., vol. v. % Ibid., vol. vii. 398 LIFE OF STEUBEN. below. The provisions delivered by Mr. Brown for the pur- poses of the army in this State, are put into the hands of men appointed by anybody that chooses to call himself a command- ing officer; no account is ever rendered of the issues, nor will the authority of these occasional commandants be acknowl- edged by Congress, and the receipts of these commissaries, acting under these appointments, will, of course, be inadmis- sible as sufficient vouchers to make the United States charge- able with the provision furnished by the State to their service. Independent from the difficulty which may arise hereafter in the adjustment of the commissary's accounts, I would observe, too, the amazing waste which results from the relaxed state of that department, and that, although the resolves of Congress expressly say there shnll be no issuing post of provisions or of forage, at any place where there are not Continental troops stationed, yet in this State there are these petty commissa- ries in a variety of little towns, "where perhaps there will not, and there have not, been ten Continental soldiers in a twelve- month." To prevent a further waste of public stores, and to estab- lish regularity, Steuben, in a general order of the 10th of April, 1781, decreed that in future no issues of provisions should be made for more than three or four days at a time, without a special order from some commanding general or field officer, and only on particular occasions ; and that no per- son should act as issuing commissary at any post or station, who was not properly authorized for that purpose by the com- missary general. Supported only by a few able officers, Steuben had to strive against the stream of popular prejudice, native jealousy, and almost universal apathy. The only comfort which he had was, that the general whom he had to reinforce understood his diffi- cult position ; that Greene, who found himself involved in still greater embarrassments, appreciated Steuben's energetic, al- thouo;li fruilli'ss efforts, and the character of Virginia — that LIFK OF STEUBEN. 399 *' lifeless and inactive State ;" and that he encouraged Steuben, while narrow-minded egotists would have thrown the blame of their temporary want of success upon the insufficiency of his cooperation. Strong evidence of Greene's conviction that Steuben was not to blame for the untoward position of affairs, IS given in the letters which he wrote to Steuben. '* To your address and industry," wiites he on the 3d of February, 1781, "I feel myself principally indebted for what, is coming (of reinforcements). Whatever misfortune may happen for want of force, it is no f:\ult of ours. The southern States are in such a defenseless condition that they must fall under the dominion of the enemy, unless reinforcements are inxmediately sent from the northward. Such destruction of public stores (on the part of the militia) is enough to ruin a nation. These are some of the happy efl'ects of defending the country with militia, from which good Lord deliver us ! O, that we had in the field, as Henry V. said, some few of the many thousands that are idle at home !"* It will be remembered that Greene, when he left Steu- ben, on the 20th of Xovember, 1780, in Virginia, proceeded at once further South. On the 2d of December he reached the encampment of the American anny at Charlotte, Xorth Carolina, while the main body of the British army was lying at "Winnsboiough, South Carolina, between the Broad river and the Catawba. The forces of wliich Greene could dispose were not more than nine hundred and seventy Continentals and one thousand and thirteen militia, of whom eight hundred men only were properly clad and equipped for service. The destitute condition and the want of discipline in which he found them, prevented Greene from hazarding the risk of a general engagement ; all he could do at present was to disci- pline and accustom his troops to active service in the field, and by deceiving the British commander as to his intentions * MS. letter of February 3, 1781, in the Greene Collection. 'f 00 LIFE OF STEFBEN. aud movements, to avoid an unforeseen attack on the part of Cornwallis. For this purpose he divided his forces, and sent one por- tion, under Moigan, to operate on the British left and rear, while he advanced with the main body to a strong post on the frontier of South Carohna, on the Great Pedee, to threaten the right wing of the British army, and, if possible, cut oif its communication with Charleston. Cornwallis sent Tarleton against Morgan, and a battle was fought at the Cowpens, in which the American arms were victorious. Cornwallis him- self broke up his camp at Winnsborough, and marched north- ward, in order to cut off Morgan's communication with Greene. He did not succeed m this project, as Morgan, a few hours be- fore CornwalUs reached the Catawba, had crossed it unmolest- ed. Greene thus effected his junction with Morgan, and took the command. Pursued by Cornwallis, he retired to the left bank of the Yadkin, and joined, at Guilford Court-house, the main body of his army. It was the design of Cornwallis to prevent the Amei'ican army from falling back on Virginia, whence they had the means of obtaining supplies and recruits. Marching up the Yadkin, he moved toward the Dan, but Greene succeeded in retiring, on the 14th of February, into Virginia, whereupon CornwaUis, master of North and South Carolina, estabhshed himself at Hillsborough, the center of the Tories, who were so enthusiastic that in the course of a day he obtained seven companies of volunteers. Shortly after this reinforcements arrived, and Greene was in a position to re- cross the Dan and to follow Cornwallis, who, for want of pro- visions and for the better pi'otection of the Tories, had left his quarters, and encamped at Allimance Creek. Greene's army now consisted of about four thousand five hundred men, among whom were sixteen hundred Continentals. He felt strong enough to offer a battle to Cornwallis, who accepted it, and defeated the Americans, on the 15th of March, at Guilford Court-house. Cornwallis, however, gained nothing bv this i LIFE OF STEUBEN. 401 victory ; he found uo pro\isions in the neighborhood of Guil- ford, and withdrew his forces to Cross Creek (Fayetteviile) ; but being disapjiointed again in his expectations of obtaining supplies, he fell back on Wilmington, at the mouth of Cape Fear river. Greene, instead of pushing forward, was obliged to discontinue the pursuit of Cornwallis, as the Virginia mili- tia claimed their discharge. He, therefore, was compelled to transfer his operations to South Carolina, and marched, on the Tth of April, toward Camden. A few days before, he was obliged to disband the militia, whose term of service was ex- pired, and who, in spite of all entreaties and remonstrances, I'cfused to serve a day longer. The volunteers who had joined him, dropped off by hundreds, nor was it in the power of per- suasion or threats to prevent them. Had they continued with him, Greene would have been able to strike an effective blow against Cornwallis ; now he had to wait for reinforcements from Virginia, 3Iaryland, and Delaware. His expectations rested chiefly on Virginia ; but notwithstanding his energetic exertions to assist him, Steuben effected little or nothing. Before the invasion of Arnold, as detailed in chapter XVT., Steuben was only able to send a detachment of four hundred and fifty-six men to General Greene. After the withdrawal of the enemy to Portsmouth, he endeavoi'ed to collect a new force and forward it to the South, but for the reasons we have given above, this was now much more difficult than at any previous time. On the 17th of February, 1781, he informed Greene that a thousand militia were ordered to join him im- mediately from Botetourt, Montgomery, Pittsylvania, Wash- ington and Henry counties, and that he had strained every nerve to dispatch from Chesterfield a detachment of four to five hundred men. " I can not yet say," he continues, " what we may be able to do, but be assured that no other object shall draw off one moment my attention from succoring you. The others are but secondary objects ; they must and shall be considered in that light." Steuben ai^plied for this purpose 402 LIFE OF STEUBEN. to Jefferson, and agreed with him that the militia of Rock- bridge, Augusta, Rockingham and Shenandoah counties, would be the most speedy and effectual reinforcements for General Greene ; but as there were no other troops to supply their places, and as they refused to march, the governor and Steu- ben were forced to abandon the project out of regard to the safety of the State. Steuben communicated at the same time with General Sraalhvood and Governor Gist, in order to as- certain what reinforcements he could expect from Maryland and Delaware for the southern army. " General Greene's situation," he says, in a letter from Richmond, on the 12th of February, 1781, to Smallwood, " not- withstanding his last success, is very disagreeable, and calls for the immediate exertion of this State and Maryland. I must beg you, my dear general, to push your State to raise and send on a reinforcement to the South without delay."* On the 25th of -February Steuben succeeded in getting off the detachment, under Lieutenant Colonel Campbell, while four hundred, rank and file, marched from Chesterfield via Petersburg and Taylor's Ferry. " My plan is," he concludes a letter to Greene, on the 27th of February, I781,f "to send off the third detachment of infantry on the 1st of April, the fourth detachment on the loth of Aj^ril, and the fifth on the 1st of May. With the latter I intend to join you myself, and to leave Colonel Davies to send off the others in the same or- der. The object of supporting you has taken a very great part of my attention, and I can only lament that my success tails so far short of my zeal." Instead of the five hundred recruits, however, whom he expected to find at the rendezvous towards the end of March, 1781, and to send forward on the 1st of April to Greene, only seven had come in, and even of these, two deserted. General Muhlenberg did not fare much better. He had expected to receive one hundred and four men as the contingent from * Stcubcu MS. Papers, vol. xi. f Greene's MS. Papers. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 403 New Kent for service within the State, but only nine ar- rived, thus j^roving that not only were the people disinclined for senuce out of the State, but even for the defense of their own homes. Steuben was consequently unable to fulfill his promise, both in this and subsequent cases. The slowness with which the militia assembled, and the difficulty to keep them together, rendered it impossible to collect the troops necessary for the defense of Virginia, and therefore it was out of the question to weaken it still more by sending detach- ments to the South, The militia, under Colonels Green and Campbell, thus remained tlie only reinfoi'ccraents which were sent, through Steuben's exertions, to the southern army. CHAPTER XIX. MUHLENBEKG TrATCHrSG POKTSMOUTU. — HiS ISVOLTIXTAEY IxACTiriTY. — GeSERAI, "Waxt of Necessaeies in the American Camp. — Aknold keeps Quiet.— Tukee Fkencu Ships in the Bat taken for tue whole French Fleet. — The Mistake discovep.ed. — Stecbex prepares for an Attack against Ports.moutu. — The Commander of the French Ships refuses to assist him.— Washington induces the French Admiral to set Sail for Chesapeake Bay.— Eochambeau detaches Troops there.— A decisive Stroke against Portsmouth prepared.— Hope of TAKING Arnold Prisoner. — Washington sends Lafayette to Virginia. — Rea- sons -nnY.- Instructions given to Lafayette.— His Letter to Steuben.- La- fayette expects to capture Arnold. — The State does Nothing towards fur- thering THE Objects of the Expedition. — Steuben's Correspondence with Jefferson and ^»elson.— Steuben and Lafayette.— Parallel of Washington Irving between them incorrect. — Instead of the French, an English Fleet arrives.— On Accou:«t of its Arrival, Lafayette, who had just left the State, returns.— General Phillips arrives at Portsmouth, and takes the chief Command in Virginia.— Eejection of Steuben's Plan for the Expul- sion OF the Enemy from the State.— Want op Horses and Arms.— Steuben IN Chesterfield.— He desires to join Greene.- His Letter to Greene.— Greene's xoble Answer. — Stf.uben for the Present remains in Virginia. TO return to the operations in Virginia, where we left Gen- eral Miihlenberg watching Arnold in Portsmouth. On ac- count of the scarcity of provisions, want of arms and supplies, and the general destitution which prevailed in camp as well as in the whole State, Miihlenberg was unable to attack the ene- my, still less to strike a decisive blow. He spent the greater part of February in inactivity, and although thoroughly dis- gusted with this state of things, had no power to mend his condition. He had two thousand men, but it must not be for- gotten that they were militia, and as ill provided as the re- iTuits at Chesterfield, whose condition has been described in the previous chapter. Among his whole force lie counted about three hundred bayonets and only two brass six pound- eis. He, therefore, could not think of a regular siege of the strongly fortified place, and the only thing left to him was to LIFE OF STEUBEX. 405 skirmish Avitli the enemy as often as possible, and thus to ac- custom his troojis to action. Arnold, on the other side, was very cautious, and remained at Portsmouth. He expected re- inforcements, and did not want to fight, when his presence alone Avas sufficient to engage the whole military |)ower of the State, and to prevent the dispatch of reinforcements and pro- visions to the southern army. Jeflerson, at the beginning of February had intrusted to Muhlenberg the execution of a plan for the seizure of Arnold, and his delivery into the hands of the governor ; but owing to the extraordinary precautions which Arnold took for his OAvn security, the project failed.* Thus matters stood when, on the 16th of February, three French vessels arrived at the mouth of James river, one of sixty-four guns and two frigates. Colonel Dabney, who com- manded the lower i)OSts, took them for the whole French fleet and reported thus to Nelson. " What you expected," writes the latter on the 16th of February, to Steuben, "has taken place. I give you joy with all my soul. Now is our time ; not a moment ought to be lost !" The mistake Avas, hoAvever, soon discovered. The ships came from Rhode Island, Avhere a storm had given a tempo- rary superiority to the French, Avho had hitherto been block- aded by the British fleet, and were under the command of Mr. De Tilly, Avho Avas on a cruise betAveen New York and Charles- ton, Steuben immediately sent Captain Duponceau on board, to inform the French comraander of his situation ; and expect- ing a cooperation on his part against Portsmouth, at once made all the necessary preparations, both for this enteiprise and for the security of the French vessels in case of danger. For the first project he ordered General Gregory to assemble all the force in his power on the other side of the Dismal Swamp, and hold them in readiness to second Steuben Avhen- ever he should be ready. A line of expresses was established betAveen his jjost and Suftblk, by means of Avhich he could * Uowen's Life of Steuben, p. 59. 406 LIFE or STEUBEN. have given him the necessary advice in less than twenty-four hours. General Mtihlenberg advanced with about one thousand men to within sixteen miles of Portsmouth, leaving the posts at Cooper's Mill and Suffolk properly guarded to cover his retreat. General Nelson had orders to hold himself in readi- ness to march at the first notice. General Weedon formed a corps of eight hundred militia at Fi-edericksburg, with orders to march toward ^V^illiamsburg in case of an attack on Ports- month. This corps was to have marched to ]SI"ewport Xews, and if the French vessels had been obliged to retire to York river, it was to have covered the battery erected there for theii' defense. Six or seven armed merchant vessels in James river were to have joined the French vessels and assisted Steu- ben's operations ; all the boats that could be found were col- lected at Sandy Point to transport the troops; eight eighteen pounders and two mortars were got in readiness. Such were Steuben's preparations, when Mr. De Tilly informed him that he was not to remain in the bay, that bis orders were to cruise between Charleston and New York, and that he should sail the moment the wind would permit him. The appearance of those vessels had much alarmed the enemy in Portsmouth and encouraged the Virginia militia. General Muhlenberg advanced near Portsmouth, surprised a picquet, made one sergeant and twelve men prisoners, killed two yagers, and took a wagon and eight horses. He remained within a mile and a half of the town, all next day, but the enemy kept close in their works. The departure of the French vessels, however, destroyed all hopes of succeeding in an at- tack on Portsmouth.* Mr. De Tilly alleged as a reason for not cooperating with Steuben, that the size of his ships ren- dered it unsafe for him to attempt to go up Elizabeth river, where Arnold had drawn up his vessels; but this was a flimsy * MS. letter of Steuben to Greene, from Chesterfield Court-bouse, on the 22d of Febraary, 1781, in the Greene Papers. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 407 exi-use, as by stationing himself at the mouth of Elizabeth liver, De Tilly would have cut off Arnold's retreat and forced him to sunender.* While Steuben and Muhlenberg were subjected to this disappointment, Washington, most anxious to seize the traitor Arnold, had prevailed on the French admiral to promise the cooperation of his whole fleet in the attack against Ports- mouth, Accordingly, Admiral Destouches resolved to sail for the Chesapeake in order to block up Arnold in the bay and prevent his receiving succor. Count Rochambeau, the com- mander of the French troops, sent a corps of eleven hundred and twenty inOmtry under Baron De Viomenil, on board the P'rench fleet, to carry out more eftectually "Washington's plan. Every thing warranted the hope of decided success. At head-quarters they considered Arnold already as a doomed man, and to judge from the importance which was attached to his captuie, it would almost appear that the expedition was undertaken more with the view of taking personal revenge against Arnold, than with the more important and real object of relieving Greene and saving the whole South by the defeat of the enemy in Virginia. It is strange, that, even in the reflecting and comprehensive mind of Washington, so much stress should be laid on making a prisoner the detested leader of the British forces — a project that was nothing but a roman- tic fancy. In like manner, in the beginning of 1778, Washing- ton had formed a plan to abduct Sir Henry Clinton from New York, and only the shrewd suggestions of Alexander Hamil- ton prevented the attempted execution of the plan.f Steuben, after having forwarded Colonel Campbell, with four hundred men, to the southern army, had no Continentals left, and only militia under his orders. " Convinced," w^rites Washington to him on the 20th of February, 1781, from New * Life of General Peter Muhlenberg, by Henry A. Miihlenberg, p. 230. f Washington Irving's Life of Washington, iii., 392, 393. 408 LIFE OF STEUBE^f. Windsor,* " that a naval operation alone will jDrobably be in- eiJeetual, and that militia would be unequal to the reduction of Arnold in his works, I have detached a corps of twelve hundred men from this army, chiefly consisting of the light infantry, and of couise commanded by the Marquis De Lafay- ette, which will, I hope, arrive at the Head of Elk about the 6th of March, to embark there and proceed down the bay to Hampton Roads or the point of operation. This corps will carry with it some heavy artillery, but if you can procure any in addition, it will be of great importance. I am to desire you will make such "arrangements ^vith respect to the militia and suj^plies, and will take such a position as you judge will be most conducive to the success of the enterprise. The Marquis De Lafayette will open a correspondence with you for this purpose," Li the instructions given to Lafayette in regaid to the enterprise against Portsmouth, Washington says :f " When you arrive at your destination you must act as your own judgment and the circumstances shall direct. You will open a correspondence with Baron Steuben, who now commands in Virginia, informing him of your apjiroach, and requesting him to have a sufticient body of militia ready to act in conjunc- tion with your detachment. It will be advisable for him to procure persons in whom he can confide, well acquainted with the country at Portsmouth and in the vicinity; some who are capable of giving you a military idea of it, and othei's to serve as guides. You should give the earliest attention to acquiring a knowledge of the diflerent rivers, but particularly the James river, that you may know what harbors can best afibrd shelter and security to the cooperating squadron in case of blockade by a superior force. You are to do no act what- ever, with Arnold, that directly or by implication may screen him from the puuishment due to his treason and desertion, * Washington's Writings, by J. Sparks, vii., p. 421. ■j- Ibidem, p. 419. t LIFE OF STEUBEN. 409 which, if he should fall into your hands, you will execute in the most summary way." Lafoyette could scarcely wait to reach Virginia ; liis sole aim and purpose, the object of his most ardent desires, was the capture of Arnold, who, he constantly dreaded, would evade the snares in which he hoped to catch him. " Xothing will be wanting," he wrote from Morristown, on the 24th of Feb- ruary, 1781, to Steuben,* "to hurry the detachment, which you will find to be an excellent body of troops. I hope that the French ships will strictly blockade Mr. Arnold, and as your i:)osition will no doubt exclude the possibility of his taking any advantage by land, I hope we may, before long, give a good account of him. Should he by chance make any proposition, no communication ought to be held with him that might countenance any pretension to his being a prisoner of war." "The article of ray letter of the 24th inst.," he continues on the 26th of February, in Philadelphia,! " relating to any terms Arnold might propose, is the more important as it is the more positively expressed in my instructions." On the 3d of March, when he arrived at the Head of Elk, he wrote to Muhlenberg :J " In all cases I am to request you that no communication be held with Arnold that may in any way give him the least claim to the advantages of a prisoner of war." It can easily be imagined that Steuben, who had done every tliuig in his power to defend Virginia, and since his arrival in the State had suftered under the most embarrassing difficulties, was looking with uneasiness xipon the sudden in- trusitm of Lafayette, just at the moment when he had the agreeable prospect of taking Portsmouth. " To-morrow," he writes on the 3d of March, 1781, to Greene,§ "I set out for WilUamsburg to finish my preparations for the arrival of the * Gates MS. Paper?, vol xix., p. 12. f Ibid., p. 13. X Ibid., p. 16. § Greene MS. Papers. 18 410 LIFE OF STEUBEN. marquis and the fleet. I have communicated to him the plan of operation I should have followed had the fleet been here to assist me. I think the same plan, with very little alter- ations, should be now adopted. I flatter myself that a mar- quis and minus six hundred troops that are coming, it Avould have been in my power to have delivered to you Mr. Arnold, but this honor is reserved for another. But do not think, my dear general, that this idea, however mortifying. Mill in the least relax my zeal in the aflair ; on the contrary, I hope the marquis will find every thing prepared for his ar- rival." The State of Virginia was unable to furnish the articles which were required for the expedition against Portsmouth. They had no money and no credit ; the only thing they could do was to issue impress warrants for horses, boats and pro- visions. Even Steuben asked the governor in vain for sur- geons, with instruments and bandages for the troops. The Executive promised to provide every thing that was wanted, but put Steuben ofl' from day to day. There was no powder even to be had. In ^Mtihlenberg's camp the whole ammunition amounted to eight rounds a man and provision for four days. But what was worse than all, the reinforcements which the State had promised did not arrive, yet it was on the strength of the promise, and on a belief in the energetic cooperation of the State, that Steuben had represented to Lafliyette " the facility of taking the fortifications of Poi'tsmouth, sword in hand." " On my arrival yesterday afternoon," writes Lafayette to Washington, from Yorktown, on the loth of March,* "I found that Baron De Steuben had been very active in making prep- arations, and agreeably to what he tells me, we shall have five thousand militia ready to operate. This, with the Continental detachment, is equal to the business, and we might very well do without any land force fi-oni Xewport. In your first letter * Revolutionary Correspondence, by J. Sparks, iii., 264. I I LIFEOFSTEUBKN. 411 to tlie baron, I wish, my dear general, you would write to him that I have been much satisfied with his preparations, I want to please him, and harmony shall be my first object." The preparations which Steuben had made for the attack on Portsmouth are detailed in his letter to General Greene, on the 16th of March, as follows : "Four eighteeu-i^ound cannon, two thirteen-inch mortars, eight field pieces, seven or eight thousand pounds of powder, with sliells and balls sufficient ; four troops of cavalry, each thirty, one hundi-ed and twenty ; nine regiments four hundred each, three thousand six hundred men ; five hundred riflemen, six hundred mifitia from Carolina and Princess Ann coimties : in all four thousand eight hundred and twenty militia." Unfortunately, however, the greater part of these supplies, both of men and arms, existed only on paper, and Steuben Avas again forced to complain to the gov- ernment about the unfulfiUment of its promises, as will be seen from the following letter to Governor Jefferson, dated the 9th of March, 1781 :•• " I have received a letter from General Mtihlenberg, dated the 7th instant, informing me that the reinforcements which were to have joined him on the 5th, had not then arrived, and consequently he was prevented from detaching the eight hun- dred men destined to join General Gregory, and to secure the passage of the Great Bridge. At the same instant arrived twelve men, being all of the one hundi'ed and four Avho were ordered from New Kent. They are unarmed and demand my orders. I am extremely sorry to declare that I shall give neither arms nor orders. On the assurance I received from government by Colonel Walker, I had the weakness to write General Washington and Marquis Lafayette that every thing- was ready for the expedition. My credulity, however, is pun- ished at the expense of my honor, and the only excuse I have is, my confidence in government. The quarter-master writes me, that he has implored the assistance of government in ]iro- *Steubeu MS. Papers, vol. xi. il2 LIFE OF STKUBEN. curing stores for the expedition. In fact, if the powers of government are inadequate to the furnishing what is indispen- sably necessary, tlie expedition must fail. In this situation I suspend giving any orders till I receive your Excellency's an- swer to this, which answer I vn\l lay before the marquis and the commander of the French fleet, that they may not engage too far in an enterprise for which there is no prospect of car- rying it through." These apprehensions and hopes are confirmed in a letter of Steubens', dated the 10th of March, to General Nelson. "An event is approaching," he says,* " which will have much influ- ence on the operations of the next campaign. Your indispo- sition at this time is particularly unfortunate, as it deprives me of your counsel and assistance at a time I am in the greatest want of them. You are better acquainted than I am with the strength and weakness of this State, and you have the confidence of the people. Judge then how much I regret your absence. I am in want of every thing, and government have not the power to assist me, in consequence of which I am disappointed in the most essential arrangements. Even the militia, ordered out for this expedition, refuse to come. . . . Here we have a pleasing prospect before us. We may, I think, be certain that a fleet will come to cooperate with us, and in that case the grand traitor can not escape. If we, through neglect, fail in this, it will have a bad effect on the rest of our operations this campaign." Irving, in the fourth volume of his Life of Washington,! in order to prove that "the youthful mai-quis was not so san- guine as the veteran baron," quotes Lafayette's letter, dated the Tth of March, 1781, to Washington, accoi'ding to which Steuben declared the taking of Portsmouth, sword in hand, a veiy easy aftau-. But he docs not mention under what con- I ditions and suppositions Steuben thought thus. The above letters, which are by no means sanguine, fully ex^ilain the * Stcubeu MS. Papers, vol. xi. ] Page 435. I. I F K O P S T K U B K N . 413 grounds on which Steuben's opinion was formed, and on this account deserve particular consideration. Tlie French fleet left Newport on the 8th of March, and its arrival in Chesapeake Bay could reasonably be expected about the middle of March. Lafoyette reached the camp of Muhlenberg, near Sufiblk, on the 19th of March. This gen- cial had been very active in the meantime. He held the ac- tual command of the troops in the field, while Steuben was occupied in making preparations for the arrival of the French, fleet, and gained many advantages over Arnold, by cutting off foraging parties, driving in his outposts, and even taking his post at Great Bridge. Surrounded on the land side by Mtihlenberg, Arnold could not expect to keep the place, if he did not soon receive relief Every thing was ready to effect the capture of the place, should the French fleet arrive and lend the expected assistance by sea. At last, on the 20th of March, a large fleet was seen in the bay. The hopes of all parties were excited in the highest degree. The Americans were jubilant at the idea that Arnold could not escape, and that the British must suffer a decided defeat. But their joy was short, and was soon turned into ])ittcr disappointment. On the 23d it was discovered that tlie fleet which had arrived was the British squadron under Arbuthnot, -which had sailed two days after the departure of the French from Newport, that about twenty leagues off the Capes it fell in with the French fleet and engaged it for an hour and a half, and that Admiral Destouches, though not beaten, had decided to retui-n to Newport, while the British, coiisiderabl}^ damaged, steered off and anchored first in Lynn- haven Bay, and then opposite Portsmouth, to repair their damages and send their wounded to the hospital. This inde- cisive engagement on the part of the British amounted to a complete victory, as Arnold and Portsmouth were saved. Thus the Americans were once again disappointed in their hopes of a saccessful <^.xpedition. 414 M F E O F S T E U B E N , Lafayette, whose troops had not advanced farther than Annapolis, returned by water to the Head of Elk, and prepared to join the main army on the banks of the Hudson. It would be impossible to understand this movement on his part, were it not for the reason, that in consequence of the failure of the arrival of the French fleet, he presumed his task at an end. With true French ardor for flourish he expected to capture Arnold, and withdrew when he found that the glory at which he aimed could not be won. The critical state of aflfairs in the South should have prevented Lafayette from drawuig ofi" his troops to the northward, the more so as the force of the enemy was lessened in the North by the detachment under Phillips, which arrived in Portsmouth while Lafayette was still in "Williams- burg.* Thus Steuben, who, notwithstanding Lafayette's presence, had not been superseded iu the command, was again left alone. Arnold, however, was soon relieved by General Phillips, who, with two thousand men, reached Portsmouth on the 2Gth of March, and being the senior general took the command. His object appeared to be to join Lord Cornwallis ; but in the first instance he remained quiet at Portsmouth with a force of about three thousand five hundred men, " Nothing will hinder," wrote Steuben on the 23d of March to the board of war, " the enemy to penetrate further into the country ; they will even be obliged to do so for subsistence. Virginia asks assistance, and a great part of the people expect it. I am very apprehensive that the invasion will stop all suc- cor from this State to the southern army. The magazmes will be exhausted, and all this merits the consideration of Congress and of our allies."f Steuben's force was still so small that he could scarcely take the precautions indispensable for the security of the State. His first care was to save those articles which at so much * Greene's letter to Steuben, dated the 3d of April, 1731. f Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xi. t LIFE OF STEUBEN. 415 trouble and expense had been collected for the expedition against Portsmouth. On this occasion the State assisted him with great energy. Steuben's next task was to prevent, if possible, the enemy from making incursions into the country, and from forming a junction with Cornwallis. On the 27th of March he directed Muhlenberg to collect the whole of his force at one point, and to recall the two regiments which, under Colonel Parker, were detached to the Great Bridge. Ko time was to be lost, for if the enemy were, in the mean- time, to send their new troops, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to execute this project. Colonel Parker, how- ever, by making night marches, and crossing a considerable portion of the Dismal Swamj) on logs, succeeded in effecting a junction with ]\[alilonberg, who now removed to his old camp near Scott's, leaving two regiments at Cooper's 3Iills and a battalion at the Cliackatuck. " I am now,-' says Muhlenberg, on the 3d of April, in a letter to Steuben,* " in my opinion, in the best position this place affords, either to prevent them making incursions into the country, or to keep pace with them, should they move up James river, which I am inclined to think they will attempt. Report says, that Arnold is to march by land, whilst the fleet, with part of the troops on board, moves up the river." But the Avholesale desertion of the militia forced Miihlenberg to retire still further and higher up the country, as the enemy would have broken him up if he had continued within their reach. Shortly previous to this, and just before the departure of Lafayette, Steuben had foi-med a project foi* effectually delivering the State from the enemy, and laid it before the Executive, Lord Cornwallis being then in the environs of Hillsborough, X. C. Steuben proposed to the government to march with the whole of the militia, and by forced marches cross the Roanoke, and in conjunction with General Greene engage the forces under his lordship before the enemy in Virginia could have time to form any plan. This * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. vii. 416 LIFE OF STEUBEX. maneuTer he flattered himself would at least drive Cornwallis from North Carolina, and probably, by obliging General Phil- lips to follow Steuben with all his forces, liave removed the seat of war from Virginia. Steuben submitted this plan to Lafayette, General Wee- don, and Colonel Gouvion, who approved it. On his way to Richmond he met Lieutenant Colonel Morris, who came di- rectly from General Greene, and informed him that Cornwallis had already begun to retire to Cross Creek, and that General Greene wanted a reinforcement to enable him to pursue the British with vigor. This served to strengthen Steuben's opin- ion, and as he had then upwards of four thousand militia to- gether, he confined his requisition to two thousand men, whom he only required for thirty or forty days. The State govern- ment, which, according to General Wcedon, " had not an idea beyond local security,"* answered that, although the proposi- tion seemed to them to be founded on very probable princi- ples, yet, as the number of arms that such a detachment would necessarily carry with them was greater than the number that would remain in the State, it would be a measure unjusti- fiable in the present circumstances of aftaii-s, the enemy having lately received a great reinforcement ; that although the mili- tia at present in service would be unable to resist the whole force of the enemy in any quarter, yet, being strangers to their certain intentions, the militia would be able to repel the in- cursions of detachments, which otherwise would be rendered utterly impracticable for the want of arms. Steuben, tlierefore, had to remain in Virginia. He re- paired to Chesterfield Court-house, in order to accelerate the departure of the new levies destined for the southward. " My Bituation," he says, in a report to Washington, dated on the 15th of April, 1781, f " is not the most agreeable, as I am ob- liged to undertake the defense against three thousand regular * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xi. •j- Revolutionary Con-cspondence, by J. Sparks, iii., 291-293. LIFE OF STKUBEN. 417 troops, with nothing to oppose to them but militia, whose numbers decrease every day. Those who have served since the beginning of the invasion have discharged themselves, and are not yet replaced by others, in consequence of which Gen- eral Miihlonberg is left on the south side of the river with only seven hundred men, and General Weedon on the north side with about six hundred men. If the enemy have any in- tention to penetrate the country, the opposition which we can make will avail little. "A very great evil resulting from this invasion is, that it stops the recruiting for the army. So long as a county has any militia in the field, so long that county is prevented from dratVing ; and as most of the counties have had i)art of their militia either here or with General Greene, little or nothing has yet been done in the business. Only fifly-two have yet come in, and of these some have already deserted. Some who came as substitutes have received twcnty-Hve and thirty thou- sand pounds for eighteen months. " I am much at a loss what to do for arms, when th(^ re- cruits do come in. I had reckoned on those by M. De Tilly ; and I must entreat your Excellency to order them on by land, as we have not the least prospect of a single musket any other way. We shall also be much distressed for ammunition. General Greene presses mo for a supply, Avhile I can scarcely tiad enough to supply the militia. The marquis has sent one hundred thousand cartridges to Fredericksburg ; these I will take care to forward to General Greene. Your Excellency has, I presume, been informed that the lead mines have given out. This article is not now to be had here. If the eastern States do not send us a supply we shall be sadly at a loss. Powder is also scarce. A powder mill near this was blown up some time since, supposed by an emissary of the enemy. I imagine Maryland would furnish some, on application of the board of war. " Another important and very difficult object is remount 18* 418 T-IFE OF STEUBElSr. ing the cavalry. The Assembly have passed a law limiting the price of horses for the cavalry at live thousand pounds — a price inadequate to the purchase of the meanest horse. Very indiifercnt horses, which have been impressed, have been val- ued at from twenty to thirty thousand pounds, and upwards.* Kothing, therefore, can possibly be done till the meeting of the Assembly. The southern army will require, at least, three hundred cavalry horses for next campaign. I suppose thirty guineas to have been the old price of such horses. Allowing now forty guineas, the whole will amount to twelve thousand guineas. The price must be limited, or the Continent will not be able to pay the expense of remounting two regiments of cavalry. " I beg your Excellency's directions for my guide in mak- ing a proper i-epresentation to the Assembly, which meets on the 10th of next month. Swords will also be much wanted for the cavalry. I have ordered six hundred to be made at Mr. Hunter's works, but dare not reckon on them in time. Cartridge-boxes are an article the State can not furnish. If possible, two thousand should be sent immediately from Phila- delphia. " The httle success I have had in creating tlie line of this State, and in furnishing the necessary supplies for the south- em army, induced me to request General Greene to call me to the army." Steuben communicates his troubles and disappointments in a more confidential manner to his friend General Greene, than he would have done in his official correspondence with the general-in-chief. Greene appears to have fully appreciated his embarrassing situation, and his letters are full of sympathy for Steuben's suflerings, and a vain, though sincere desire, to alleviate them. Greene's letters do credit alike to his head and heart, and are a convincing proof of the ability and fine feeling of that noble man. * Paper money, of course. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 419 " If I preferred," says Steuben, in a letter from Chesterfield Court-house, on the 2d of April, 1781,* " my own inclinations to the public interest, I should immediately set out to join you ; my desire to act under your immediate directions, and the disgust I have from ray situation here, are motives equally forcible to urge my departure hence. I, however, think it my duty to remain here till I am to bring my first detachment with me, which I intend shall amount to five hundred infan- try and sixty to eighty cavalry, and for this I am now exert- ing my utmost." " I see and feel," writes Greene, on the 3d of April, from his camp on the Deep River,f " for your disagreeable situa- tion, and any thing that is in my power to grant you, you may command. But if you leave Virginia all things will run into confusion, and I am so far from thinking that you are dis- graced by your command in Virginia, that everybody allows you to have acquired great credit, and though it is not of that splendid kind, it is nevertheless very honorable, and is found- ed upon the same line of conduct from which General Wash- ington has justly acquired so much honor — I mean that of guarding against misfortune. My greatest expectations of support are from Virginia, drawn forth under your regulations and arrangements. If you leave them. State policy and par- tial views will counteract all the support we may expect from that quarter, and we shall all tall together to the southward. Nothing in my power shall be wanting to do justice to your reputation, and I feel my obligations to you for your exer- tions. Should you continue to wish to join the army, you shall most readily have my consent, for I am greatly in want of your aid here as well as there ; but it is ray opinion that you can be more extensively useful there than here," " However, my dear baron," continues Greene on the 6th of April, " when you consider the critical and disagreeable situation I am in, the little prospect I have of acquiring glory, * Steuben MS. Papers. f Greene MS. Papers. 420 LIFE OF STEUBEN. and ihe nlmost certain disgrace that will accompany my ma- neuvers, from the nature and constitution of our army, and from the many difficulties I have to combat, and compare your situ- ation with mine, you may think yourself happy that you are not in as perplexing a state as I am. I wish both our pros- pects were better, but mine, of all men, is the most disagreea- ble. Let us labor, and faint not ; happily we may get through the thorny path in due time, and by Avays and means not very clear to eitlier at present." This noble appeal to Steuben's ambition and sense of duty, had the desired effect ; he remained in Virginia. 1 CHAPTER XX. Dark Prospects ix Viegisia. — SxErBEX almost despairs as to an Improvement. — Lafayette appointed to the chief Command in Virginia.— IIe arrives in Richmond on the 29tii of April.— Till then Steuben Commandee-in-Ciiief. — Uis Dispositions at the I.wasio.v of Phillips.— The Latter ascends the James Eivee, lands on Sandy Point, and goes as far as Petersbl-ro.— Steu- ben, everywhere iiampep.ed, can not do much.— The Militia does not arrive. — Steube.v, however, 0PPOSF.S Phillips' Advance.— Stelben's Report.— Jeffer- son's Acknowledgments. — Phillips' and Arnold's plundering Lnroads to- wards RicH.MOND. — Lafayette puts a Stop to them. — Phillips retires. — Coen- WALLIS MARCHES FRO.M 'VVlLMINGTON INTO VIRGINIA, AND FORMS A Ju.VCTlON WITH Phillips AT Petersburg.— Lafayette GOES to Wilton.— Steuben on the Chick- AIIOMINY ACCELERATia THE LeVY OF THE ReCBUITS.— HlS LETTER TO GeEENE ABOUT HIS Position in Vieoinia.— He wants to join Greene.— The Latter consents to uis Wish.- Point of Fork the general Rendezvous.— Fifteen Hundred Re- CEUITS OEDKEED TO ASSEMBLE THERE.- StEUBEN FINDS ONLY TlIREE IIUNDRED AND Forty.— He provides them with Arms.— He transports the Magazines to the Point of Fork. — The State does Nothing for the Protection of its Inhabi- tants against the Devastations of the Enemy. — It has no Credit. — Clai- borne's SAD but trub Report.— Negligence in recruiting. — General Deser- tion.—Steuben iris ONLY Five Hundred Men under him.- He intends to join Greene with them.- His Reasons for this Plan explained in a Let- ter TO Lafayette. — He asks Greene by what Road ue wishes him to march to the South.- Greene's Answer does not arrive.- It is intercepted ON THE Way.— Steuben secures, in the meantime, the Magazines as well as possible. IX the meantime it became every dny more api^arcnt that the whole South must be abandoned to the enemy, and Greene's army sacrificed, if he were not speedily reinforced. The clouds hanging over Virginia were growing darker and darker ; and even Steuben seems to have become somewhat discouraged. On the 11th of April he wrote to General Hand, then adjutant general of the army, as follows : " I wish it was in my power to give you a pleasing account of affairs in this part of the continent ; biU indeed every thing is gloomy, very little in our favor, and appearances entirely against us. How- ever, we must do and suffer ; and if by any means we may 422 LIFE OP STEUBEN obtain the prize we figbt for, the price can scarcely be too great."* The apprehended junction of Phillips with Cornwall is proved the danger of delay, and determined Washington to order Lafayette, on the 6th of April, 1781, to march to the South, and put himself under the orders of General Greene, ^v'lio appointed him to the chief command in Virginia. Notwithstanding his forced marches, and every possible exertion, it took Lafayette fully three weeks to reach Rich- mond, where he arrived on the 29th of April. Steuben, there- fore, continued to hold the command in the State, and if not crowned with success, he at least had the satisfaction to prove on the occasion of Phillips' invasion, that even the militia could be disciplined into soldiers, and, when properly led, make an honorable stand against the English regulars. Im- mediately after the arrival of Phillips in Virginia, Steuben made the following disposition of his forces :f " Should the enemy penetrate into the country, the whole militia will turn out, receive all the spare arms and be em- bodied in battalions, regiments, or detachments, as General Muhlenberg thinks proper. Should the enemy dislodge Gen- eral Muhlenberg from Broadwater, his retreat will be Peters- "burg, whence his movements must be such as to enable him to keep the upper country. Should the enemy direct his march toward North Carolina, General Muhlenberg's corps will still endeavor to keep their right flank at the same time ; the troops on the other side of the river Avill follow the enemy and march in the rear. Li case the enemy should move up James river so far as Richmond, General Muhlenberg's first movements will still be to Petersburg, and from thence the further move- ments of the enemy will regulate and determine his move- ments. " The corps under General Nelson will consist of eight * MiiJileubcrg's Life, by H. A. Muhlenberg, Philadelpliia, 1849, pp. 285 ana 24^.. f Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xiv. I LIFE OF STEUBEN. 423 hundred men infimtry, and as many horses as can be collected, should the enemy land below. ... * river. This corps must cross said river and govern his retreat and movements as those of the enemy may make it necessary. But as soon as the enemy lands at the south side, General Nelson's corps must endeavor to cross James river at the most convenient place, in order to follow their march in the rear. Should the enemy come up by the way of York river, General Nelson's corps must act according to circumstances in order to annoy the enemy. As the fort at Hood's is not in a state of defense, and our force in the field not sufficient to make the necessary re- sistance so low down the river, the stores and arms from Prince George Court-house are directed to bo carried to Peters- burg." General IMiiHips, after having fortified himself at Ports- mouth, on the IGth of April ascended James river, lie em- barked his men in twenty-five flat-boats, each of which carried one hundred men. Mtlhlenberg, agreeably to Steuben's orders, had previously removed all the stores on the right bank of the river, from the lower parts of the State to Prince George Court-house ; but even this place was too near James river to ' be secure as a depot. Steuben, therefore, thought it prudent to remove them still further into the country beyond Rich- mond. x\t the same time Colonel Innes had packed the pub- lic stores on the left side of the river, and held them in readi- ness for removal at a minute's warning. On the 18th of April the British fleet came opposite the mouth of Pagaa's Creek. ]\Iuhlenberg, in order to keep ahead of the enemy and to ad- vise Steuben of their movements, on the 19th broke up his camp at Broadwater, and marched via Wall's Bridge to Cabin Point, while the enemy proceeded on the 20th to Jamestown, and the next day landed at Sandy Point. Steuben had fixed the rendezvous of the cavalry at Petersburg, and ordered the other troops to retire before any superior force toward Rich- * Left blauk in the original. Probably the CliicAalio.ainy. 4"24 LIFE OF STEUBEN. moncl. He was at this time at Chesterfield Court house, and engaged in forming a corps of cavah-y, and in removing, with the assistance of Davies, the stores from Powhattan Court- house to Cumberland old Court-house and the Point of Fork. On the 23d the enemy arrived at Westover, where two hun- dred armed and three himdred unarmed militia were unable to offer any effective resistance. Thus the enemy was able to commit considerable depredations. The number of the miUtia in tl)e field being too small to offer battle, Steuben ordered his officers to avoid as much as possible the risk of a general action, which would inevitably have led to a defeat. He, there- fore, tliought it best to harass the enemy by small detach- ments, which could easily retreat, when beaten, to some place of rendezvous. "The militia," writes Steuben, on the 21st of April, 1781, from Chesterfield Court-house, to Washington and the board of war,* " come in very slowly. Arms will be wanted for them and swords for the artillery that might as- semble. The battery at Hood's is not half finislied ; every thing is in the same confusion as Avhen Arnold came up the river. There is not a single company of regular troops in the State, and the militia are too inexperienced to hope for the least resistance from them." On the 24th of April the enemy reached City Point at the entrance of the Appomatox into James river, about twelve miles from Petersburg. Steuben had left Chesterfield Court- house on the 22d, from which place he had directed the re- moval of the stores and the movements of the troops, and went down to Petersburg, where he took the command of the American forces. As some doubts are entertainedf whether Steuben was present at the ensuing engagements, we think it best to insert here the report which Steuben made to "Wash- ington and Greene, about the affair near Petersburg, and which proves that he and not Muhlenberg commanded the Americans on that occasion. * Steutaon MS. Papers, vol. xii. f Muhlenberg's Life, p. 247. I LIFE OF STEUBEX. 425 " On the 2411^,'" he writes on the road from Petersburg to Chesterfield Court-house, ten miles from Petersburg, on the 2oth of April,* " I reconnoiterecl the enemy's fleet, then lying off Westover, and consisting of thirteen topsail vessels and twenty-three flat-bottomed boats full of men. The whole num- ber of troops on board I judged to be about two thousand five hundred ; a Hessian sergeant who deserted to us made them three thousand. The fleet of the enemy soon came to sail and stood up the river toward City Point, which continued to keep me in doubt on which side they would debark. I, therefore, ordered the militia under command of General Muhlenberg to retire to the vicinity of Blandford. The same evening the enemy landed all their force at City Point, which fully evinced that their first object was Petersburg. Being obliged to send large detachments to the neck of land between Appomatox and James rivers, I had not more than one thousand men left to oppose the enemy's advance. In this critical situation there were many reasons against risking a total defeat — the loss of arms was a principal one ; and on the other hand to retire with- out some show of resistance, would have intimidated the in- habitants and encouraged the enemy to further incursions. This last consideration determined me to defend the place as far as our inferiority in numbers Avould permit. I made choice of Blandford as the place of defense, and the bridge of Poca- hontas as our retreat ; the troops were disposed accordingly and passed the night under arms. " The morning of the 25th I was informed that the enemy Avas within three miles of our advanced posts, and that elev- en flat-bottomed boats, with troops, were at the same time moving up Appomatox river. Towards noon the enemy came in sight, formed themselves and displayed to their left ; but it was near three o'clock before the firing commenced, which continued from post to post till past five o'clock, when the su- perior number of the enemy and a want of ammunition obliged * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xii., and Greene Papers. 426 LIFEOrSTEUBEN. "3 f me to order the retreat, and the bridge to be taken up, which ^ was executed in the greatest order, notwithstanding the fire I'f- of the enemy's cannon and musketry. The troops with the same good order retreated to this pLice, where they are just encamped. " I am not yet able to ascertain our loss, but believe it not great. I do not think the enemy took a single prisoner. The enemy's loss I am also unable to form any judgment of " General Muhlenberg merits my particular acknowledg- ments for the good disposition which he made, and the great gallantry with which he executed it. Indeed the gallant con- duct of all the officers, and the particular good behavior of the men, must, I am persuaded, have attracted the admiration of the enemy. I have the pleasure to say that our troops dis- puted the ground with the enemy inch by inch, and the ma- neuvers were executed with the greatest exactness." Jefferson, on the 26th of April, congratulated Steuben on " this initiation of our militia into the business of war," and found Steuben's opinion justified, that the more the mihtia were employed in a small way, the more contented they would remain, and the more they would improve. In his let- ter to Washington, on the 9th of May, 1781,* he said that, " The enemy was received by Steuben" — mind, not by Muh- lenberg ! — " with a body of militia, somewhat under one thou- sand, who, though the enemy were two thousand three hundred strong, disputed the ground very handsomely two hours, du- ring which time the enemy gained one mile only, and that by inches." " I am happy," says Greene, on tlie 14th of May, 1781, m reply to Steuben's report,f "that you came to so judicious a determination of not hazardhig a general action, and yet not permitting the enemy to advance without considerable oppo- sition. Your report of the good conduct of General Milhlen- berg, and the troops under his command, aflbrds me great * Revolutionary Corrospoadence, iii., p. 308. f Groono MS. Papers. i LIFE OF STEUBEN. 427 pleasure, and claims my entire approbation. This spirited op- position will have a most happy effect upon their future opera- tions." Phillips, after having destroyed the vessels lying in the river at Petersburg, and burned the tobacco warehouses, pro- ceeded to Chestertield Court-house, where he continued his work of de\astation. Arnold pursued a similar course near Warwick, and having set tire to all the tobacco magazines, soon after joined Phillips in Manchester, opposite Richmond. It was their chief design to capture this latter place, because it was of importance as the capital of the State, and the key to the strategical operations in the interior of Virginia. Steu- ben alone was too weak to keep the city against the attack of the united forces of Arnold and Phillips. All depended upon the arrival of Lafayette, who might be expected at any mo- ment. Fortunately he arrived in time, and as he was soon joined by about two thousand militia, the enemy did not dare to cross the river, which was at that time without a bridge. Lafayette took up a position at a point above the falls of James river, at which all the boats had been collected, and assumed the chief command of the American forces in Virginia, while Phillips, on the 2d of May, slowly descended the river, and halted opposite Cobham, where his movements were closely watched by Lafayette. On the 5th of May, Phillips, while still below Burwell's Ferry, was informed, by a dispatch from Lord Cornwallis, that he was on his march to Virginia, and that he intended to form a junction with him at or near Petersburg. Lord Cornwallis, after having arrived at Wilmington, X. C, at once understood that little or nothing could be done against the enemy from this remote place, and that in the Carolinas and Georgia no deci- sire blow could be struck. lie therefore eagerly seized the ad- vantage which Phillips' arrival in Virginia opened to him, and resolved to march across Xorth Carolina, and, after having joined Phillips, to effect a junction with CUntou. Ho remained 428 LIFE OF STEUBEN. only eighteen days in Wilmington, to rest his army, and on the 24th of April commenced his march northward. It was one of the most daring and noble enterprises during the whole war, and deserves the admiration of both friend and enemy. When the orders of Cornwallis reached Phillips, the former was in HaHfax, some seventy miles from Petersbm'g. Phillips ascended the river again, and landed his forces at City Point, whence he marched towards Petersburg. Lafayette, who had received the same news of the approach of Cornwallis, tried to prevent a junction ; but he came too late, and on the 9th of May Phillips entered Petersburg unmolested. This British general died on the 13th, and Arnold had the tem- porary command, when, a week after, Cornwallis arrived in Petersburg, and took the command of all the British forces in Virginia. Lafayette, thus defeated in his design, recrossed James river, and established himself at Wilton, some twenty miles below Richmond, on the north side of that stream ; but Lord Cornwallis, on the 24th, followed him, crossed the river at Westover, and, being reinforced by the arrival of two Brit- ish regiments and two Anspach battalions, drove Lafayette towards the back country. The first object of Cornwallis was, of course, to beat La- fayette ; his next, to destroy such of the enemy's stores as might be within his reach after the American army had been either defeated or obliged to retire.* It is not the purpose of this work to follow in detail the movements of Lafiyette, except so far as they were connected with Steuben, who remained with him as long as there Avas any probability of coming to action. While Phillips lay in the river, Steuben commanded the militia, and formed the rear of the American forces on the upper part of the Chicka- hominy, at New Kent Court-house and Bottom Bridge ; but when the approach of Cornwallis became certain, and when his operations carried the American forces too far from their * Stedman, History of the American "War, ii., 430. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 429 rondczvous, he exclusively devoted bis time to accelerate by bis presence tbe levy of the recruits for the South, to protect the stores, and regulate their supply on and near James river, beyond Richmond. " When tbe marquis arrived," says Steuben, in a letter to Greene, dated Carter's Ferry, on tbe 15th of INIay, 1781,* " I looked on myself discharged from attending the operations in tbe field, tbe more especially as he had three brigadiers under him. I therefore again turned my attention to collecting and equipping the recruits, and, with tbe marquis's consent, fixed the general rendezvous at Albemarle barracks. We have as yet only four hundred and thirty recruits assembled, unarmed, unequipped, and without clothes, nor do I expect above four hundred more. All the south side of James river, and those counties on the north side, which lay near the coast or river, are not obliged to draft their levies so long as they have any militia in the field. If, therefore, the enemy continues here, near two thirds of the State will not furnish any recruits. In fact, if, with our greatest efforts, wo get a thousand men from Virginia, it willJje the utmost. " Notwithstanding this, my care to keep together and equip tbe few we have got, has not failed to diaw on me the censure of many of tbe great men here, who pretend that these recruits ought to be sent immediately into tbe field, and relieve so many of the militia ; other wise men ridicule the distance from the enemy to which I have sent them, while their respective plantations are exposed. "I am sorry to say that the desertion that prevails among tbe recruits equals that of tbe Virginia troops with you. I despair, my dear general, of ever seeing a Virginia line exist. Every tbing seems to oppose it ; with all the trouble I can take I find it impossible to assemble either officers or men, and even when a few are got together, I hear of notbiT)g but of furloughs for the officers, and of the desertion of tbe men. * Greene MS. Papers. 430 LIFE OF STEUBEN. The few recruits we have are formed into a regiment, under Colonel Gaskins. About one hundred and fifty of them are armed. I shall order them in a couple of days to the fork of the river, which will, in some measure, gratify the peoj^le by protecting their magazines, which are all assembled at that place, and they may, at the same time, be disciplined and equipped there. I shall also send some officers to Albemarle barracks, to receive the recruits that may be sent in from the other rendezvous, to equip them and send them on to join the regiment at the Fork. " Having completed these arrangements, I shall join the marquis till I receive your orders, and I must give you notice, that, from the many difficulties wliich daily occur, and of which I have mentioned only a small part, my presence in this State has become entirely useless. I shall, with great pleasure, fly to put myself under your more immediate com- mand, and I beseech you, my dear general, to call me as soon as possible, for never was a man more disgusted than I am at the conduct and proceedings in this quarter." A few days after the date of this letter, Steuben received one fi-om General Greene, of the 1st of May, in which he an- ticipated Steuben's desire to join him, and gave liim the fol- lowing directions :* " The ]\[arquis De Lafayette writes me that he is ordered to Richmond with his detachment, agreeable to my applica- tion. This will afford me an opportunity of indulging your wishes in joining the army. And it is my wish that you should march with all the Virginia drafts that are fit to take the field as soon as you can. General Wayne, I am told, is on the march for this army with the Pennsylvania line. You will please to write him to follow as soon as possible. Our situation requires immediate support. I beg you to get the best state of the stores you can, and bring with you, and write to the board of war our deplorable condition respecting * Greene MS. Papers. LIFE OF STEUBKX. 431 nrnis. Unless a new supply can be had, or larger armories established lor their re]>airs, we can not koej) the Held. I beg yon to take every possible measure to improve botli. Bring forward also the cavalry with you that is lit for duty, ours be- ing much broken down, and the enemy having more than two to our one, and should we meet with another defeat, and the enemy have a superior body of horse, nothing less than total ruin must follow. You will please to furnisli the marcpiis with the best information you can respecting the state of things in Viiginia, I lind myself so beset with difficulties that I need the counsel and a.ssistanc<> of an officer educated in the Prus.sian school, and I pei*suade myself I shall have in you both the friend and the general I want." Steuben immediately communicated this letter to Ciovcrnor Jeflerson and Lafayette at an interview in the council cham- ber at Kiclimontl, and as the barracks at Chestertield Court- house hail been burnt by the enemy, and as the situation was no longer projter for the rendezvous of the troojis, he men- tioned to the governor the necessity of fixing on some place less exposed, where he might collect the recruits, equip and form them; and with the consent of Lafayette, Albemarle barracks was agreed on for the place. As the governor had said that those counties who had militia in the field would not I)roceed to draft, JSteuben itskcd him what would be the num- ber of the recruits of those counties that were not so circum- stanced ? " A))out tifteen hundred men," answered Jeffer- son, in the presence of Lafayette. All that had been col- lected at that time were three hundred men at Manchester, badly armed and worse clothed. Steuben determined, there- fore, that they should march immediately to Albemarle bar- racks, to be clothed and equipped for the field ; that the other recruits should join them as soon as they came in, and that af- terward they might join General (irecnc or the marquis, as cir- cumstances might require. Orders were accordingly given to llivm to march by way of Carter's Ferry. The day after, Steu- 432 LIFE OF STEUBEN. ben received a letter from Colouel Davies, in which he repre- sented that Albemarle barracks was a very impi-oper place on many accounts ; that a great difficulty would occur in trans- porting provisions there ; that there was no wood near it, and that the barracks were nearly destroyed. He pointed out the fork of James river as the most proper place. " Many articles for the equipment of the troops, were," he said, " already there ;" and he promised to make every necessary arrange- ment for the reception of the troops at that place. On this letter, Steuben joined Lafayette at Wilton, and he having bo objection, the Point of Fork was determined on. The mar- quis desired him to repair there to hasten the equipment of the fifteen hundred recruits whom they expected, and who were to join either General Greene or Lafayette. On his arrival at the Fork, Steuben found, however, that not more than five hundred and forty men had yet come in, and of these a great number were unfit for the service. They Avere Avithout arms and clothing, and badly equipped, and every day diminished in number by desertion and sickness. It was with difficulty that they were provided Avith arms, which had just arrived from Philadelphia. While Steuben was thus occupied, Lord ConiAvallis crossed James river, and Lafayette retreated up the country. The principal part of the Continental stores Avas then on the south side of the river, at Prince Edward, Charlotte and Halifax Court-houses ; those of the State Avere dispersed every- Avhere, and a great part of them, by order of the government, Avere deposited at the Point of Fork. The retreat of Lafay- ette induced Steuben to represent to the agent and to the commissioner of the State the necessity of removing them higher up into the mountains. He told them that the troops Avere by no means destined to guard the stores, but that he should remove them as circumstances might direct. The greater j^art of the stores was accordingly removed, and those Avhich, by the negligence of their own officers fell into the hands of the enemy, Avere very inconsiderable. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 433 III general, all the preparations for the protection of the State against the enemy continued as insufficient as ever. All the departments were in disordei", which increased to the high- est degree when the Executive and Legislature, at the approach of Cornwallis, moved hurriedly from Richmond to Charlotte- ville. The enemy seemed more determined to destroy prop- erty than to fight. The forces which were left to protect the stores were so inefficient and careless, that at the first ajipear- ance of the enemy they would have been lost. At Prince Edward's Court-house, for instance, all the officers and inspect- ors superintending the stores, laboratories, etc., were absent when Steuben sent an officer to look at them. The guards there were without an officer, and only a few militia present under the command of a tavern keeper. For want of wag- ons the stores there could scarcely be removed, and upwards of fifteen hundred arms were unfit for service. Only two men had been employed by the State for the repair of arms since January, and there was no hope of any abatement of this shameful neglect. The government had to furnish arms and wagons, horses and drivers, and all the necessary means for the defense of the State ; but it was impossible to get any material assistance from the powerless commonwealth. The officers, who pledged their personal credit for meeting the present exigencies, lost the confidence of the people when they could not pay on ac- count of the failure of the State, and instead of the support which they expected from the public, they received only exe* cratfons for their sacrifices. The noble Claiborne,- deputy quarter-master for the State, who, as he justly remarked of himself, had made it his study and practice to promote the pubUc interest, tried in vain to protect the State against the evil consequences of this carelessness. " It gives me much concern," he writes to Steuben, from Richmond, on the 18th of May,* " to assure you, that w^hat I have repeated to you a long time * Stcubeu MS. Papers, vol. viii. 19 434 LIFE OF STEUBEN. since Las really come to pass. For want of material from the merchants, and security at our posts contiguous to navigable rivers, all the manufactories that I had established are so un- fixed and broken up that I get little or nothing from them. I have never been able to get any leather worth mentioning from the commissioner of hides in this State. Private trade is broken up, and I am without money. I have made every trial in my power to procure horses and every thing else, by certificates, and employing gentlemen of interest and influence ; but they assure me th:it there is such a general dissatisfaction and sus- picion among the peoi^le, that they are determined not to suf- fer themselves to be deceived any longer by being connected with contracts on pubhc account. I can assure you, sir, that faith in general among the people towards the pubhc is totally lost, and that nothing is to be had, unless necessity obliges them to it, without cash, or some personal private obligation is rendered to them." Nevertheless it was evident that if the military stores, which Davies had been laboring to collect for many months, were not at once transported beyond Carter's Ferry, they would have been lost, and the whole wealth of the State could never have replaced them ; nay, the only dependence for General Greene's army would have been almost totally cut off". The loss of these stores would have proved the loss of the whole countiy. " Faults in war," remarks Steuben on this occasion, " sel- dom go unpunished, and this State now feels the effects of its indolence. With a formidable enemy in the heart of their country, they are destitute of arms, or any of the resources necessary for their defense." The same improvidence prevailed in regard to the recruits. Of the three thousand expected in February from Virginia, only five hundred had come in on the 18th of May, and that was only two days before Cornwallis' junction with Arnold ! "Captain Reed informs me," writes Davies, on the '24th of May, LIFK OF STEUBEX. 435 to Steuben,* " that he lias received but seven soldiers, two of whom have deserted ; that it is uncertain when the draft in the neighboring counties will take place, and that indeed he does not know fi-ora what counties the men are to come who are to rendezvous there. Major Posey writes from Stanton, that of deserters and others he has collected twenty-one ; that no draft has yet taken place in any of the back counties, nei- ther could he inform me when it would, as the people are much averse to it, and in Augusta and Rockbridge have pre- vented it by force, lie says he has a deserter or two deliv- ered to him every five or six days, and expects to send a com- pany of them down in a short time." Steuben had formed his five luindred men in a battalion, under Colonel Gaskins, which he disciplined and equipped with the utmost dispatch. He, at the same time, sent ex- presses to all the rendezvous to forward immediately all the recruits they had. He consulted with Lafayette and deter- mined to join Greene with what recruits he had, expecting to be able to equip them towards the end of May. " It is cer- tain, my dear marquis," he writes from Point of Fork, on the 20th of May, I781,f " that if General Greene does not receive other reinforcements than mine, the handful of men whom I can take with me, he will not be very formidable. I have but five himdred and fifty men collected, and no hopes that their number will be increased, unless I defer my departure for a fortnight ; but if Lawson could join me, if perhaps North Caro- lina could make an effort, our force would probably be a little more respectable. But be it as it may, I am of opinion that my five hundred and fifty men, and even if I had a thousand, joined to those under your orders, Avould never prevent Lord Cornwallis from going wherever he pleases ; but the five hun- dred men who pass James river with me, will probably oblige him to send a detachment after me, or at least to observe me. By such a detachment hLs force against us would be dimin- * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. viiL f Ibiduuj, vol. xii. 438 LIFE OF STEUBEN. ished, and his plan, I dare say, a little deranged. The letter of General Greene to Lawson, by which he summons him to the South, is of the 12th instant. I, therefore, do not doubt that at that time he was already informed of the maneuver of Cornwallis. But suppose even that it was not the case, as long as we can carry on the war in the Cai-olinas, the South is not conquered. This is my opinion, and I confess, that if it de- pended upon me, I would not postpone my departure for the South for twenty-four hours, and that I regret extremely that I can not collect all the necessaries as quick as I wish. I have arms, but no cartridge-boxes. I expect to-day a little ammu- nition and a few blankets, shoes and shirts. That's all I can ex- l^ect from the State. Thus I hope to be able to march hence within live or six days. I propose to pass the Roanoke at two places. The troops Avill probably cross at Taylor's Ferry, and the baggage a little higlicr up. I am so fully convinced that my appearance on the other side of James river will annoy Lord Cornwallis, that I am most impatient to get away." On the '26th of May, Steuben informed Greene, from Albe- marle Court-house, of his approaching march for the South. "In obedience to your orders," he says,* "I have been here since the 21st, assembling the recruits and preparing them for the march. About five hundred are now together, and to- morrow I expect about sixty more. This, I believe, will be all I shall be able to bring with me, except about thirty of Armand's corps, whom I am endeavoring to equip. The arms from Philadelphia I expect here to-day. But they are without cartridge-boxes. I have, however, some old ones, and some hopes to receive some from Fredericksburg. The confusion into which every thing has been thrown in this State, makes it extremely difficult for me to collect those articles which are necessary ; but be assured, my dear general, that nothing shall be left undone to hasten my march. I shall not wait for coats, I only desire shoes, overalls, shirts and blankets. Not- * Greeuo MS. Papora. LIFE OF STEUnEN. 437 M-itlistanding this, I shall be happy if I get off from here the 4th or 5th of June I must beg you to determine by what route I shall join you." Steuben proposed to employ his time in better securing the military stores of the State, until his men were in readi- ness to commence their march. lie hoped to receive, in the meantime, another letter from Greene, as this general, when he wrote his last, on the 1st of May, was ignorant of Corn- wallis' moving towards Virginia, and of his subsequent con- junction with Arnold, and as since that maneuver the aspect of affairs had much changed iu this State. I>ut no new orders from Greene arrived ; they were inter- cepted by the enemy. CHAPTER XXI The State's Magaiines at the Point of Fork. — Stecces's Measukes foe saving TnEM. — His Lettee to Lafayette. — Stkubex complains of his isolated Position, AND Of the desperate CONDITION OF HIS MeN. — MOVEMENTS OF COENWALLIS AND Lafayette. — The Latter joined by Wayne. — The Foumer sends Taeleton AGAINST CiIAELOTTEVILLE, AND SiMCOE AGAINST StEUBEN, -WHO HAS ONLY FiVE HCNDBED Mf.N under HIM. — MaJOU GaLL"S INEXACT RePOET TO StEUBEN ABOUT THE Destination of the Enemy. — Steuben transports Stores and Baggage to THE BIGHT BaNK OF THE RlVER. — IIlS MeN NOT RELIABLE. — SiMCOE, ON HIS ARRI- VAL AT THE Point, finds the Magazines on the other Bank of the Eiver. — Steuben hastens his Bf.treat.— Simcoe's Strata ge.\l— A Part of the Stores FALLS INTO THE HANDS OF SiMCOE. — StEUEF.n'S LeTTERS TO GOVERNOR NaSH AND Lafayette.— His Motivf.s foe his Ketee.\t to Willis' Cref.k.— Is strongly ASSAILED foe HIS KeTEEAT. — SiMCOe's AND LeES ACCOUNT. — ThE LoSS GEEATLY exaggerated. — Statements of Lafayette, H. Lee, and Langboene. — Davies' Letter.— Steuben's Measures for secuelng the Magazines in the Interior of the St,\te. — He marches to Cole's Ferry and su.mmons the Militia. — Ui8 Proc- lamation to the People, and Requisition from Governor N.vsn. — Steuben eecefves at Eliz-vbeth Court-IIousethe first indirect News fro.m Greene — Greene's Letters intercepted by the Enemy. — Greene directs Steuben to join Lafayette against Cornwallis. — Steuben's characteristic Letter to Captain KiRKPATRicK.— Steuben .marches back to James River to join Lafay- ette.—Lafayette's Letter of the 13th of June.— Cornwallis in Richmond. — Steuben effects his Junction with Lafayette on the IDth of June. — Corn- wallis EVACUATES RICHMOND AND GOES DOWN TO THE COAST. — AFFAIR NEAR Jamestown.— Lafayette almost annihilated.— Cornwallis fortifies hlmself, FIRST IN Portsmouth, afterwards in Yorktown and Gloucester. — Washington AND THE French Army and Fleet arrive from the North. — Cornwallis be- sieged.— Steuben, after his Junction with Lafayette, Sick. — Goes into the Country near Charlotteville. — Greene orders him to march fob the South. — Steuben's Answer of the 13th of August. — Steuben ee.mains in Yikginia- -He goes to Williams but.g.— His Letter to Greene.— His happiest Time in America. — Opee.4.tions before Yorktown. — Steuben receives the Commant) of A Division. — Is the only American Officer ever present at a regular Siege. — He opens the second Parallel. — Wayne his Brigadier. — Anecdotes. — Dis- pute between Steuben and Lafayette. — Steuben co.m.mands in the Trenches WHEN Cornwallis offers to capitulate. — Anecdote of Captain De Kalb. — Description of the Capitulation by an Eye Witness. — Close of the Cam- paign. npHE greater part of the stores of the State, with the ar- -*- tillery, was still at the Fork, where they were by no means safe, consideriug the superiority of the enemy. Steuben ordered all the boats to be sent up from Richmond to the Fork, to secure the communication across the. river. On the L I F !•: OF S T J2 U C K N . 439 29th of May he took up a jiosition at the Fork, and covered the removal of the stores. " Here I am," writes Steuben on the 3d of June, 1781, to Lafayette,* "with five hundred and fifty men in a desert, without shoes, shirts, and, Avhat is still worse, without cartridge-boxes. I write everywhere, send ex- presses to all parts of the world, but I receive no answer. If I did not expect Lawson, with a reinforcement, I would go to Charlotteville to sing a jeremiad to my sovereign masters. Please let me have news from you. I am here as I Avould be in Kuraschatka; I do not know where you are nor what has become of Cornwallis." To Mr. Gary, Speaker of the State Senate, he wrote on the same day detailing his troubles, and complaining loudly of the desperate condition of his men: "The object of the present," he says,f "is to acquaint you of tlic condition of the men now collected here. Most of them arrived destitute of every article of clothing. On my orders all the shoes, shirts and other things in the pubUc stores were distributed among them. It is painful to me to see the number_of sick men* increasing every day, although tliis is only the natural consequence of their being exposed to the wet without even the most necessary clothing. Frequent desertions are another consequence of this circumstance. The soldier who would be willing to lose his life in battle, objects to being sacrificed to misery and destitution. " As concerns the particular articles of clothing, I expected to find here shirts, shoes, overalls, linen, jackets or hunting shirts, and blankets, all of which I was the more sure to be provided with as they are to be manufactured in the State. I would never have believed that during the whole month of June the entire State of Virginia could not furnish those objects ibr five hundred men, being the sixth part of the supply voted by the Assembly in the month of November. Colonel Gaskin's battalion has been provided with arms sent * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. sii. + Ibidem. 440 LIFE OF STEUBEN. from Philadelphia ; but there is not a single cartridge-box in store. General Greene has repeatedly insisted, with me, on being provided with those articles in our statement of last November, and I mentioned it several times to government as absolutely indispensable. Saddles for cavalry and cartridge- boxes for infantry should always be the first things to be cared for, as they need more time to be made. And notwith- standing this there is not a single one ready in the whole State ; nay, I doubt whether they have ever been ordered. " I sincerely request you, sir, to lay this before the honor- able Assembly. It is disagreeable to dwell on such a state of things ; but it is a matter of imiDortance for me to be justified in the eyes of that estimable body and before the people of this State, lest the delay before these troops can take the field be charged to my negligence. Think of this poor body of men camping in the woods, perishing without seeing the enemy, without even being drilled, as they are destitute of shirts and shoes ! " I beg most fervently to ask you, sir, whom I may ad- dress, to have this melancholy state of things mended ?" While Steuben was thus engaged, Cornwallis had pursued Lafayette, and finding that he could not prevent the latter's junction with Wayne, he directed his attention to the more attainable olyect of breaking up the Virginia Assembly at Charlotteville, and of striking a blow at Steuben, Mhoiu he knew to be at the Point of Fork. To obtain the first object he sent Tarleton with two hundred and fifty men to Charlotteville ; but only seven members were taken. At the same time Sim- coe, with some five hundred men, was detached against Steu- ben, and Cornwallis, with the main body, followed him ; while Tarleton, having left Charlotteville, went down the Rivanna to cooperate Avith Simcoe, if occasion should require. This com- bined movement, which made Steuben's position very danger- ous, was kept so secret that he heard nothing of it till the 2d of June ; and when he received intelligence that the encmv LIFE OF STEUBEN. 441 ■were at Goochland Court-house, mo\'ing up the river, he supposed that Lord Cornvvallb and the whole British army were marching against him. This news, however, Avas not posi- tive. Steuben, therefore, only repeated his orders for remov- ing the remainder of tlie stores and collecting all the boats on both rivers above and below his position, in order to cross, should tiiere be occasion. At live o'clock in the morning of the 4th of June, Major Call, of Washington's corps, arrived, and informed Steuben that the enemy had divided his forces into two parties, one of which had taken the route by Louisa Court-house, and the other by Goochland Court-house : that he had seen both columns on their march ; with difficulty had escaped being taken. This report removed every doubt of their intention. Steuben, therefore, gave immediate or- ders for transporting the baggage of tiie troops across the river, placed a picquet of eighty men on the point oj^posite which he expected Lord Cornwallis would soon appear in order to engage Steuben's attention, while the other party crossed the north branch a little above, in order to catch him between the two rivers. Steuben then marched the battalion on the road, by which the party who, he expected, would cross above, must come, and waited there till tlie M'hole of the bag- gage had crossed. lie left a picquet of fifty men on the road, and crossed the remainder of the battalion. On the same day General Lawson arrived and informed Steuben that he had two hundred and fifty militia, whereof fifteen were horsemen, who were on the other side of the river. Steuben ordered them to join the recruits, who were at that time reduced to fom- hundred and twenty men. On the same evening Colonel Davies arrived to secure the State stores, in which Steuben gave him every assistance in his power. lie unloaded the wagons of the regiments and sent them to bring away the stores ; but this business was very illy executed by the State officers. On the morning of the 4th of June, Steuben sent Lieuten- 19* 442 LIFE OP STEUBEN. ant Verdier of Armand's corps with four dragoons, up the road on the Point of Fork, to give intelligence of the enemy's approach ; but himself and party fell into their hands. About ten-o'clock he received inteUigence that the enemy were with- in four miles of the Point of Fork, on which he sent Mr. Fair- lie, one of his aids, to call in the picquet. He executed the order ; but was himself taken prisoner. About noon, while on the bank of the river, Steuben per- ceived the approach of the enemy. He afterward learned that it was Simcoe with between four and five hundred horse and foot, that Tarleton was above him within supporting dis- tance, and that Lord Cornwallis was on the other side of the river about six or seven miles below him ; although, in fact, Cornwallis was much further off. As an instance of the reliance that could have been placed in the men whom he had under his command, Steuben men- tions that when the enemy first arrived, they fired only one shot from a three pounder they had with them, and that a picquet of fifty men he had posted at the landing, left their posts, and that it was with much persuasion and many threats they were brought back again. Contrary to Steuben's order a number of canoes were still left in the north fork, and con- sequently fell into the enemy's hands, and besides that, both rivers Avere at many places fordable. Steuben, therefoi'C, de- termined to retire toward Willis' Creek, which he did as soon as it was dark. When Simcoe arrived at the Point of Fork, he found that not only the stores and boats were secured, but that Steuben's whole force had crossed the river, with the excejition of some thirty men who, waiting the return of some of the boats, were taken prisoners. Thus tlie principal object of the British ex- pedition was frustrated by Steuben's foresight. The appearance of Simcoe, however, whose troops Steu- ben, cut oif as he was from any communication with the neigh- borhood, had taken for the van of Cornwallis, accelerated his LIFE OF STEUBEX. 443 march to the South. Simcoe, in order to make him beheve that the main British army under Cornwallis was directed against him, lighted numerous watch-fires on the surrounding hills, and by this stratagem confirmed Steuben in his mistake. A striking proof of the fact that it was not the arrival of Sim- coe \Ahich induced Steuben to retreat from the Puint of Fork, is furnished by some letters which he wrote at this time. " I was informed by Major Call, yesterday morning," writes Steuben to Lafayette, from the south side of James river, one mile above the Fork, on the 5th of June, 1781,* " that he had seen, himself, a party of cavalry at Goochland Court-house, in the morning, and another large party at Lou- isa Court-house, in the afternoon ; the latter, of at least one thousand men ; that both parties seem to direct their march this way. The northern branch being fordable in several places, my position became critical, and I therefore changed my situation. This I executed immediately and came here, first crossing the baggage and a quantity of State stores which were at Fork Point. I have since heard nothing of the party which were at Louisa ; those at Goochland remained there yes- terday. General Lawson has joined me with three hundred militip, and we expect about four hundred more to day or to- morrow. I had ordered all the boats below this place to be brougiit up ; but the current was too strong to permit it. I intend to move from here, as soon as the weather clears up, and take a position at the mouth of Willis' Creek, where I shall collect every boat on the river, and from there I have a com- munication everywhei-e." On the same day he informed Governor Xash, of North Carolina, that in the present situation of affairs he found it expedient to march directly to that State, Steuben, therefore, in his retreat was not surprised by Simcoe. It is true, nevertheless, as stated, that seeing a Avhole row of watch-fires upon the left bank of the river, he hastened * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xii. 444 LIFE OF STEUBEN, his retreat, and abandoned such of his stores as were not trans- portable. Considering, however, that Steuben had taken for granted the approaching of a hostile body under Tarletoii against his left wing, and that the advancing of Cornwallis towards the James river was probably intended to act in con- nection with this movement; bearing also in mind that Steu- ben had no cavalry, and only five hundred raw recruits, who had never seen the enemy — under such circumstances, and in such a situation as we have left Steuben, we can not only comprehend, but, moreover, we must find it quite natural that he preferred sacrificing a part of his stoi-es to that of his men, and that he, in consequence, retreated. Notwithstanding, Steuben has been assailed outrageously on account of his retreat, and particularly by the government of the State. The joy of his numerous enemies became appa- rent when they discovered one assailable point in him. In the following chapter we must once more return to this mat- ter. In order to view Steuben's conduct strategically, Ave pro- pose to examine what his gallant and, at this time, successful adversary, the British Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe, says while speaking of his triumj^h. All the absurd and insipid talk of the Virginia Solons appears in its proper light when we read in Simcoe's Military Journal the following :f " Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe, who, from his childhood had been taught to consider the military as the most extensive and profound of sciences, had no apprehension from the talents of such men as had been educated in diftereut professions, and whom accident had placed at the head of armies ; and ho had always asserted it as a principle, that from the superiority of the king's troops, and of the ofiicers who led them, if he should ever have a command in which he should be superior in one species of troops, whether cavalry or infantry, he would be totally unconcerned for the event of any action he might have with the enemy. Baron Steuben had no cavalry, yet in * Rimcoe's Militury .Tournal, p. 218-220. LIFE OF STEUEEN. 445 the present situjition there was great room for anxiety, since the immediate ground of encampment was not fiivorable for the exertions of his few, but well trained, well officered, and invincible body of cavalry, and the enemy were led by a Prus- sian officer. The very military instructions of his king were capable of forming better officers than any other theory could possibly do, or probably could be effected by the ex])erience often campaigns under incompetent masters. In the exercise also which he had given the rebel army, the Baron Steuben had shown himself an able officer, and that he knew well how to adapt the science of war to the people whom he was to in- struct, and to the country in which he was to act. He ]>ad passed the Fluvanna, but he had done this in consequence of his orders to join General Greene's army. An express sent to countermand this order, Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe knew had been taken a few days before by Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton, and it was fair to suppose that he might now have further intelligence ; that he might be perfectly acquainted with the number of his -opponents, and might possibly determine to attack Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe, as well as the detachment which the intercepted letter mentioned that he was preparing to meet. Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe was, therefore, appre- hensive lest Baron Steuben, having secured his stores, which were of great value, ov-er a broad and unfordable river, and being in possession of all the boats, should rejiass his troops in the night, higher up the river, and fall on him, so that if the British troops should be beaten, they would have no retreat, being shut up between two rivers, while those of the Ameri- cans, should they be repulsed, were preserved from the pur- suit of the cavalry by the thick woods, which came to their encampment ; and from that of the infantry, by the fatigues they had undergone in a march of nearly forty miles the pre- ceding morning. These ideas occupied the mind of Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe, and he Avould have quitted his cnmp had he not thought the troops too much fatigued to se;ireli for a more 440 LIFE OF STEUBEN. favorable position, which was not to be attained for some miles, and partly, had he not hoped that Steuben would believe him to be the advance of Earl Cornwallis' army, particularly as the light troops had no soldiers among them clothed like the seventy-first regiment, in red. That regiment and the Queen's Rangers occupied the road with rail fletches and other de- fenses." Simcoe's statement is confirmed by Henry Lee, who, in his Memoirs of the War in the Southern Department of the United States, thus describes Steuben's and Simcoe's move- ments :* " Cornwallis, with the main body, followed on the route of Simcoe. The former ofticer conducted his march with the utmost secrecy ; and by detaining as prisoners all whom he overtook, he concealed his advance from the baron. Although unapprised of the intended attack upon his own post, Steu- ben became acquainted with the movement of Tarleton. In consequence of this information he engaged with diUgence in i-emoving our stores, of every sort, to the southern banks of the Fluvanna ; which being done he passed the river with his corps, securing all the boats on the south side. Simcoe reached the Point of Fork about the conclusion of the baron's passage over the river, and captured a few of our troops wait- ing the return of some of the boats. Chagrined at this dis- appointment, the British commander determined to recover by stratagem what he had lost by his enemy's foresight. He encamped on the heights opposite to our camp, and by the number of his fires suggested to the baron the probability that the whole British army was only divided from him by the river. Thus impressed, and knowing that the corps of Tarle- ton were on his left, Steuben believed himself to be in immi- nent danger, and decided on saving his corps by the sacrifice of his stores. During the night the baron drew ofl', and marcli- iiig diligently, placed himself thirty miles from his foe." * Pao-o 204. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 447 Another rej^roach cast on Steuben in connection with this retreat has reference to the loss of the stores, and is equally- unjust. We have two different statements: one on the part of Simcoe which, adopted by the State of Virginia and Sted- nian, says: "There were destroyed at the Point of Fork two thousand five hundred stand of arms, a large quantity of gun- powder, case shot, etc.; several casks of saltpeter, sul})]iur, and brimstone, and upwards of sixty hogsheads of rum and brandy, several chests of carpenters' tools, and upwai'ds of four hun- dred intrenching tools, with casks of flints, sail cloth and wag- ons, and a great variety of small stores necessary for the equip- ment of cavalry and infantry : such linen and necessaries, as would be of immediate service, were divided among the captoi-s. There were taken ofl:* a thirteen-inch mortal-, five brass eight-inch howitzers, and four long brass nine pounders, mounted afterward at Yorktown : all French pieces, and in ex- cellent order." Lafoyette,* however, relates that no important harm was done on this occasion (quelques effets pen importants sont de- truits) ; Lee mentionsf that most of the arms found were mus- kets out of repair ; Steuben himself, in a report to Greene, says, that only a few articles fell into the hands of the enemy through the negligence of the commissaries and storekeepers. But even admitting that Steuben underrates his loss, we have already seen that before the arrival of the enemy, the princi- pal part of the stores had been safely removed. It was impos- sible to save all, and Steuben succeeded in saving as much as possible. That the buildings and laboratories at the Fork were destroyed by the enemy was a matter of course and a conse- quence of his 'superiority in number. Colonel William Lang- born writes, that the enemy got hold of only twenty barrels of powder, and except a few canoes, did not get a single boat, * x\Iemoires du General Lafayette, tome i., Paris, 1838, pp. 272 and 478. f Lee's Memoirs of tlio War in tlie Southern Department of the United States. Force's edition, 8vo, ii., 294. 448 LIFE OF STEUBEN. as they were all sunk by the order of Steuben. The clothier stores and manufactories were, by the energy of the indefati- gable Davies, removed to Stanton, from which place he writes to Steuben, on the 23d of Jime, as follows:* . . . "The As- sembly were at first much mortified at the losses we had sus- tained by the rapid incursions of the enemy, and in their dis- content were really clamorous ; they moderate iu their vexa- tion, as they have since found that the mischief done by the enemy was inconsiderable compared ^vith the plunder of the inhabitants, of whom we expect to recover a great deal." After having efifected his retreat to Willis' Creek, Steuben sent back an oificer to observe the movements of the enemy, Avho reported that on the morning of the 6th the enemy had constructed two rafts, each capable of transporting from eighty to one hundred men, and that they had thrown a bridge across the Xorth Fork, by which they communicated with their forces opposite Elk island. " I could not see," says Steuben in a memorial, referring to this subject,! " what could hinder the enemy from detach- ing a sufficient party to disperse my force and render them- selves masters of the stores at Prince I^dward, Charlotte and Halifax Court-houses, I thouglit it to be absurd making a bravado with a sniall number of bad troops against such a force, while the marquis, being near one hundred miles off, could make no diversion on that side. I therefore gave orders for dispersing the stores in such a manner that only part could fall into the enemy's hands on any route they could take, and sent off" three officers successively to acquaint the marquis of my situation. I wrote circular letters to the county lieuten- ants to call out their militia, and leaving Genoi-al Lawson at Charlotte Court-house, I marched the recruits to Cole's Ferry, on the Stanton." Steuben reached Charlotte Court-house on the 9th of June, and Cole's Ferry on the 10th. Here he halted on his march * Pl^ubeu MS. Papers, vol. viii. + Ibidem, vol, xiii. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 449 South ill order to hear farther from General Greene, wlioso last letter was dated on the 1st of May, or till he should re- ceive orders from Lafayette. As it did not appear that the enemy proposed to follow him immediately, he left the militia at Charlotte Court-house and ordered it to be employed in the defense of the State. At the same time he directed Gen- eral Lawson to secure the stores, to remove those nearest James river to Albemarle old Court-house, and to disperse those which were further in the country, at different places in a parallel line with the river, so that if the enemy marched by one route to the South, they would only be able to destroy or take what they found precisely in their way. In a circular addressed to the county lieutenants, he appointed Prince Ed- ward, Cumberland, and Amelia Court-houses, as the places of rendezvous for the militia, by which he expected to increase his forces, and endeavored to convince them of the necessity of caUing out every man that could possibly be armed. " Let me intreat you," he said,* "in the most earnest manner, im- mediately to gef together every man in your count}-, who can possibly be armed, and in doing this permit me to hint to you the necessity of your own and your officers' exertions in persuading those people to bring out their arms, who do not usually bring them out, and it will depend much on the offi- cer to convince them how highly ciiminal such negligence will be in our present distress. If we succeed in collecting such a body of militia as can offer resistance to the enemy, I have not the least doubt that we shall not only preserve this part of the State from their depredation, but that in a short time they will be driven back to their shipping, and proba- bly convinced of the impossibility of conquering a country de- fended by freemen." To be better secured against any attemjrt of the enemy to pass through the southern part of the State, Steuben requested Governor Nash of Xorth Carolina to reinforce him with as * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xii. 460 LIFE or STEUBEX, many of the armed militia from the counties bordering Vir- ginia, as possible, and to engage as many horses as he could procure, for the superiority of the enemy in cavalry had been extremely prejudicial to Steuben. "When he made these dispositions he was still without news from General Greene, and as late as the 9th of June he in- formed him, from Charlotte Court-house, that he was on his march to join him, Avith about five hundred and fifty reciuits and a number of stores, while he left General Lawson behind him with six hundred militia to prevent the enemy from ravaging the country in small parties. On the 12th of June Steuben received intelligence from General Sumner, that he was ordered to march with the Carolina line to Virginia and join him. This order enabled Steuben to form an adequate opinion of Greene's position and intentions, and having ascer- tained that Greene's force was sufiicient for his task, and that his troops were more numerous than he could support, he resolved to return to James river and cooperate Avith Lafay- ette. His course soon after proved to be the right one, as Greene's letters of the 14th and 23d of May, and some of Lafayette's, to join the latter against CornwaUis, had been intei'cepted by the enemy. At this time Steuben wrote the following letter to Captain Kirkpatrick, who had communicated to him the censure of the North Carolina gentlemen, of his intended march south- ward : "It is the fate of a general in this country," he says,* "to have his actions criticised by every person without a knowledge of either his reasons or orders. I am happy that my conduct can bear scrutiny. I have halted here two days waiting for General Greene's orders, in the meantime en- deavoring to collect a sufiicient body of militia to cover this side of James river, and promising, if they turned out with spirit, I^ would vjenture to remain in the State and join my small force to theirs. My reasons for marching southward * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xii. Letter of Juno 12, 1V81. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 461 (as I find a general must give reasons to every citizen for his conduct), were positive orders from General Greene, my ovra hopes tliat my moving this way would alarm Cornwallis and induce him to detach a part of liis army in my pursuit, which would be of more essential advantage to the marquis than if live times the number of my recruits would join him."* Steuben arrived at Prince Edward Court-house on the 13th of June, and having ordered General Sumner to join him with all the men he could collect, armed or not, and having re- quested Governor Nash to reinforce him with all the militia that he could arm, on the borders of Virginia, he sent a de- tachment of the raiUtia towards Carter's Ferry, while he pro- posed with the balance, to take a position opposite the Seven islands in James river, where he hoped to assemble all the mihtia that would come in. While on his march to James river, Steuben received Lafayette's order to join him without delay. Lafayette had retired before Cornwallis as far as Kacoon Ford, on the Rap- pahannoc; but on the 7th of June he was reinforced by Gen- eral Wayne, with eight hundred Pennsylvanians, and by a rapid night march ho was able to protect the stores along the Rivanna against an attack of the British. CornwalHs there- fore gave up the pursuit and returned to Richmond. On his march he was closely followed by Lafayette, who, from Me- chunck Creek, Albemarle county, on the 13th of June wrote as follows to Steuben : " I request you, my dear sir, that you will immediately re- turn tliis way, and with the Continentals and militia under your command, hasten to form a junction with us. I am afraid General Greene's letter requesting you to remain with us has not yet got to hand, but unless you have received orders subsequent to General Greene's march against Ninety- six and Augusta, I can assure you his desire was then to form a junction. * Gates MS. Papers, voi. xix., p. 44. 452 LIFE OF STEUBEN. " Should the enemy cross the James river, which I do not believe they will do, and which none of them have yet aitempt- ed, it must be with a view to reconquer Carolina. In this case you would be in their way, and I should request every obstruction to be put in theii- way, as I shall myself follow them as expeditiously as possible. But, on the contrary, should they make the conquest of this State their main object, our united force is not too much to resist them. Xo news from the northward ; it is reported General Washington is coming to Virginia with French and American troops, but I had no letter from liim." Steuben made long and fatiguing marches to answer La- fayette's order. As eai'ly as the 16th of June he crossed Carter's Ferry, and marching across Goochland county, on the 19th effected, in Hanover county, some twenty-five miles north-west from Richmond, his junction with Lafayette. This junction induced Cornwallis to evacuate Richmond and to retire to the lower country. On the 25th he arrived in Williamsburg, where he received an order from Clinton to send a part of his troops to New York, the British general-in- chief, from Washington's feints and sham dispositions, believ- ing that the latter place was menaced. The decrease of his force would have weakened Cornwallis too much to allow him to continue in Williamsburg. lie therefore, in conformity with his instructions from the ministry, to establish at some place in the Chesapeake a permanent post to serve as a central point for naval and military operations, resolved to establish himself in Portsmouth. Crossing James river at Jamestown, Cornwallis allured Lafayette into an action, which, only for the bravery of Wayne, and for the inability of Cornwallis to pursue his advantage on account of the night, would have resulted in the annihilation of the whole army. The troops for Xew York were already embarked when Cornwallis received counter orders, and Clinton's permission to disembark and keep them in Virginia. He at the same time 1 LIFE OF STEUBEK. 453 WMs directed to establish a defensive post for the protection of tlie shij)S-of-the-line at a favorable point on the south side of the river, Cornwallis, finding that Portsmouth would not answer tlic purpose, evacuated that place and fortified himself at York- town and Gloucester, where his whole force was concentrated on the 22d of August, 1781. In the meantime Washington took care to kcej) Clinton under the belief that he intended an attack against New York. From the end of June he made all ajjparcut jircparations cal- culated to fortify Clinton's illusions, and while the latter pre- pared himself for a protracted siege, Washington with his whole army and the French clandestinely left the Hudson, and before Clinton even suspected their dei>arture for the South, they were in Virginia in the immediate neighborhood of Corn- wallis. Every thing worked well in this enterprise. The French fleet arrived in time in Chesapeake Bay, and from the 25th of September, Cornwallis was closely surrounded by the American and French forces. A retreat was impossible, and Cornwallis, expecting reinforcements from Clinton, strength- ened his fortifications as much as possible agahist the combined ojterations of the Americo-French army, which, on the 28th of September, marched iVom Williamsburg toward Yorktown, and on the 1st of October began to invest the latter place. The first parallel was opened in the niglit of the Gth of Octo- ber, and on the 19th Cornwallis capitulated with liis whole force. The foregoing sketch of the principal features of this event- ful campaign was necessary to lead the reader to Yorktown, where Steuben resumed active duty. A few days after his junction with Lafayette he received Greene's positive orders to act with the Virginia recruits under the marquis. Thus no change took place in the disi)Ositions of Lafayette j but Steuben, immediately after his arrival at head- (piarters, fell sick, and with a body worn by the disease of the country, and a mind harassed and chagrined, retired to a couu- 454 LIFE OF STEUBEN, try seat near Charlotteville, where, fortunate in the society of two or three respectable gentlemen, he remained till the begin- ning of September. Here it was that at the end of July he received General Greene's order of the 18th of July, to join him as soon as he could be spared from that quarter, even if lie should not be able to bring a single man with him. " I Jiave received," answered Steuben, on the 13th of August, 1781,* "your favor of the 19th of July, in which I am ordered to join you. If it had pleased God, my dear general, that this order had reached me a few months sooner, I should have escaped a gi-eat deal of pain and chagrin ; but what I have to say on that subject shall rest till I have the pleasure to see you. My duty and incUnation would have engaged me to set out immediately on the receipt of your letter, had not my ill state of health prevented me. An eruption of blood, which has covered my whole body, obliged me to retire to a coun- try house. It is near Mr. Walker's, whom you saw at Phila- deli)hia, a member of Congress, and his father, M'ho is my phy- sician. The heat of the season, uneasiness of my mind, and a thousand other things have so used me up that I can not yet sustain the fatigues of a journey. I shall, however, prepare to take up my Une of march the last of this month, and hope to join you before your operations begin. " I can say nothing to you on our affairs, either political or military ; a sick man, you know, looks on things worse than they really are. I have t-.e consolation to hope I shall soon be with the general I esteem and the friend for whom I have the strongest affection." Steuben's health improved toward the end of August. He "was just about to set out to join Greene, when he heard the news of the arrival of the French fleet, and received a letter from Lafayette, who intreated Steuben to come to his support, without wliich he was afraid of incurring blame or of being involved in ruin.f * Grccno MS. Pupers. f Gales MS. Tapers, xii:., p. G6. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 455 Tlie following letters nre given in full, as they strikingly illustrate this important epoch, and are of a special interest, "In the moment," writes Steuben to Greene, from King Williams county, the 9th of September, 1781,* "of my de- parture to join you I received the glorious news of the ariival of the French fleet. The whole country is flying to arms. I had reason to apprehend that my departure at such a time as this would have been made to operate against me, by persons who seek to destroy the reputation of every honest man. You are, without doubt, informed, my dear general, of the trouble and vexation to which I have been exposed in this State. The greatest sacrifice I can make to the public interest, is to sus- pend my endeavors for redress until the present scene is fin- islied. To have quit ed the State before that period, would have armed my enemies against me. Two days before the arrival of the fleet, tiie m^fquis wrote me to hasten to his as- sistance ; but your-orders and my wishes to join you, made me decide for the southward. I beg you, my dear general, to permit my assisting this expedition which is preparing. Con- sidering how small the number of your troops is, I think my ])rescncc may be dispensed with for some time ; nevertheless if you jiulge it necessary, and should you think the motives which induce me to stay, insuftieient, the moment I receive your com- mands I shall begin my journey. To-morrow I shall join the marquis. I shall give him every assistance in ray power." Lafayette was then in Williamsburg, from which place Steuben, on the 19th of So2:)tember, wrote to Greene as fol- lows :t "Two days after joining the marquis I had the pleasure of seeing General Washington and Count Rochambeau. Every thing is preparing for our grand enterprise, and, as far as we have gone, fortune seems to have seconded all our endeavors. The Count De Grasse's fleet has formed a junction with that of Mr. Barras before the face of Graves and Hood ; two British * Greeao MS. Papers. f Ibidem. 450 LIFE OF steube:n^. frigates were taken by our brave allies, aftei- which the ene- my's fleet disappeared. Cornwallis is fortifying himself like a brave genei"al who must fall ; but I thmk he will fall witli honor. The day before yesterday General Washington and Count Rocharabeau went on board the admiral ; we expect their return to-day. Our troops, and those of our allies from the Xorth, are expected every hour. They embarked at Bal- timore on the 15th instant. As soon as they arrive, our oper- ations will commence. This, my dear general, is the decisive moment — the happiest time I have spent in America. Every advantage appears to declare in favor of the righteous cause. Young Colonel Laurens called to see me yesterday ; he is just back from France, and brings with him every thing which will be necessary to finish the war. The court of France has answered the emperor on his proposition of a mediation, that they can enter into no negotiation without the consent of their allies ; and as the haughty Briton will not consider this ally as an independent State, the negotiation is broken off. I trust the success of this campaign will render our enemies moi'e tractable." When the operations against Yorktown commenced, Steu- ben asked Washington for a regular command, and Washing- ton, with great pleasure, gave him the combined division of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania. It numbered, in all, two thousand three hundred and nine men, of whom one thou- sand thiee hundred and forty-six were from Wayne's brigade, and nine hundred and fifty-three from the brigade of Gist. On the 3d of October, 1 vSl, according to a report made at that time, Wayne had only seven hundred and thirty men, and Gist four hundred and forty-five, fit for service ; no less than six hundred and seventeen were sick.* Steuben was the only American ofticer who had ever taken part in a regular siege, and he had acted also at the celebrated siege of Schweid- nitz, as aid-de-camp of Frederick the Great. His services were, * Steuben MS. Papers, Spraguc. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 457 therefore, the more important, as the staff of Washington had to consult and act in common with tlie staff of the Fvench army, and as Steuben, as an expert in both the theory and practice of the art of sieges, was also able, in this particular, where his brother officers had no experience, to mamtain most decidedly and energetically the honor of the American arms, " I am happy," writes William Davies, from Richmond, on the 6th of October, 1781,* "that you are still in Virguiia, and I sincerely congratulate you on the pleasing prospects before us. You had long expressed your opinion of the necessity of more attention and assistance toward us- from the northward; and I doubt not that your representations in our tavor have had an influence in procuring the aid we have received." Of Steuben's activity during the siege, very little mention has been made. We only know that, on the 11th of October, he opened with his division the second parallel, and finished the same the next moniing,f after having advanced, during the night, within three hundred and sixty yards of the ene- my's batteiies. On this, as on other occasions, Wayne was with Steuben. " The fact is fixed in my memory," relates North, " by a circumstance that happened at the time. A shell, thrown from the enemy, fell near them. The bai'on threw himself into the trench. Wayne, in the jeopardy and hurry of the moment, tell on him. The baron, turning his eyes, saw it was his brigadier. ' I ahvays knew you were brave, general,' said he, 'but I did not know that you were 80 perfect in every point of duty ; you cover your general's retreat in the best manner possible.' " " Baron De Viomenil," says Steuben, J " commanded in the trenches on the 10th of October. At four o'clock in the evening- he sent Count Deuxponts to tell me that he had observed, while * Steuben MS. Papers, vol viii. f John C. Hamilton : History of the Republic of the United States, New York, voL iL, 267 . I Steuben MS. Papers, Sprague. 20 458 LIFE OF STKUBEN. visiting the trenches, that my di\dsion was extremely weak, and as it was probable the enemy might make a sortie that niglit, he wished to reinforce my left wing from five to eight hundred men, if I should think it necessary. In presence of General Wayne I answered Count Deuxponts that I did not think that I wanted any reinforcements, and that if the enemy were to attack rae, I should answer for being able to hold the battery until the Baron De Viomenil could arrive to support me, and further, that in case he was attacked, he might rely on me to support him with eight hundred men in two columns. When Count Deuxponts had gone away, Wayne remarked that I had only one thousand men in my entire division. ' No doubt of it,' I replied ; ' that is my calculation, too, but if it should so happen, I should, on my own responsibility, leave two hundred men to defend the battery, and with the remain- ing eight hundred men attack forthwith in two columns.' I added that if I was guilty of a certain amount of gasconade with regard to the number of men, it was for the honor of his country, whereupon Wayne took me by the hand, and address- ing himself to the officers present, said : ' Now, gentlemen, it is our duty to make good the exaggeration of Baron Steuben, and to support him just as if he had double the number of troops that he has.' " Steuben was so fortunate as to i-eceive the fii-st overtures of Lord Cornwallis, during his tour in the trenches. "At the relieving hour, next morning," relates North, " the Marquis De Lafayette approached with his division ; the baron refused to be relieved, assigning as a reason the etiquette in Europe ; that the offer to capitulate had been made during liis guard, and that it was a point of honor, of which he would not de- prive his troops, to remain in the trenches till the capitulation was signed, or hostilities recommenced. The dispute was re- ferred by Lafayette to the commander-in-chief; but Steuben remained until the British flag was struck. The capture of Cornwallis closed tlie campaign. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 459 As there is not much known about the particulars of the surrender of Lord Cornwallis, we thiuk ourselves justified in giving the few facts which we have gleaned from the sources within our reach, although they have no direct bearing upon the conduct of Steuben. Thus at the storming of one of the redoubts of Yorktown by the French, on the 14th of October, the first French offi- cer who, at the head of the royal grenadiers of the German regiment of Deuxponts, entered the works, was Captain Henry De Kalb, a cousin of the American genei-al who fell at Cam- den. Captain De Kalb had lost one of his shoes in climbing the parapet ; he nevertheless kept on, and, entering the fort, made a British officer prisoner.* Wo have found in a raanuscrijjt diary of an Anspach ser- geant, John Conrad Doehla, the following description of the closing scenes at Yorktown :f "The 19th of October was a day most unfortunate for England, Avhen the heretofore so renowned and valorous gen- eral, Lord Cornwallis, was compelled to surrender, with all his troops and ships, to the allied French and American armies, under the command of General Washington and of the Count De Rochambeau. It was on the morning of this day that I mounted, for the last time, the engineer guard. At noon precisely all the guards and posts were withdrawn ; only one military guard, consisting of a sergeant and sixteen men, was, for an hour or two longer, on duty. "'The capitulation and the terms for the surrender were then agreed upon. The French and Americans immediately occupied all our works in the line, and all the magazines and stores. We were left in full possession of all our equipage and apparel — nothing belonging to us was taken, or even touched ; we were treated with fairness and respect, as pre- scribed by the usages of war. To speak out plainly, we Avere * Schiller's Lcben und "Werke von Emil Palleske. Berlin, 1853, i., 36-4. \ The German original is in the possession of the author. 460 LIFE OF STEUBEN. rather satisfied that the end of this siege had come at last, escaping therefrom on unexpectedly favorable terms, while, we had been always of opinion that we should be taken by as- sault. Had it lasted a few days longer, a general storm was unavoidable — the French grenadiers were already preparing for it. "The troojjs under the command of the brave general, Lord Cornwallis, and of General O'Hara of the horse guard, were the following: 1, the third regiment ; 2, the light infan- try, consisting of three battalions, composed of detachments of all other regiments — they were all fine men, and had suf- fered particularly during the siege ; 3, the forty-third regi- ment, also fine soldiers ; 4, the seventeenth regiment, which had sufliered a good deal ; 5, the twenty-third regiment, also weak in men ; 6, the eightieth regiment, still pretty strong ; 7, the seventy-sixth regiment, or the ' Green Scotch,' a very strong corps ; 8, the seventy-first regiment, ' White Scotch,' not strong ; 9, a body of South Carolinian militiamen, called .'Volunteers;' 10, the 'Royal American Rangers,' consisting of six companies; 11, a regiment of light horse, or English light dragoons, numbering from five to six hundred men ; 12, two companies of English artillery, each of sixty men, includ- ing the engineers; 13, a number of English 'pioneers,' or carpenters and bridge-builders ; 14, the marines and seamen, including all men belonging to the naval service. These may be set down at fourteen hundred men. "The German troops made prisoners of war were : 1, the Hessian regiment ' Prince Royal,' once strong, but now a great sufierer from death and desertion ; 2, the regiment ' Von Bose,' the weakest of all, having suffered the heaviest losses from the bomb shells and cannon balls of the enemy ; 3, the corps of artillery belonging to these two regiments; 4, the Anspach regiment. Colonel Von Voit ; and, lastly, the Bay- reuthian regiment, Colonel Von Seybothen, both numbering about nine hundred men, and having had about forty killed LIFE OF STEUBEN. 461 and Avounded, besides losing fifty deserters. There was also a body of artillery attached to these regiments, and at Glou- cester Point stood a small body of Hessian and Anspachian Yagers. The trophies conquered by the enemy from these four German regiments consisted of eighteen beautiful stand- ards and eight cannon. " By the capitulation, it was agreed with Lord Cornwallis that he should send two sliips Avith a secret cargo to New York, unmolested and without search. In these were con- cealed many of the light infantry, of the horse guard, rangers, tories of the country, besides a number of marines and sea- men ; above all, however, the P'rench and American deserters who had joined us during the siege. Lord Cornwallis him- self, and Colonel Tarleton, embarked on board these ships after the surrender of the fortress, and sailed on the following day for New York. "It was on the afternoon of the 19th of October, between the hours of four and five o'clock, that all our troops, with arras and baggage, standards covered but drums beating, marched out of the lines and of the whole camp. Brigadier O'Hara commanded at the surrender. We marched on the road to Williamsburg in platoons, arms shouldered, through the whole army of the enemy, the band playing. The whole united army of the French and Americans was marched up by regiments in parade. In front of each regiment were their generals and staff officers. The French, who formed the right wing, had sometimes richly dressed ' heiducks' (fancy ser- vants) in their suite, who, being very tall and handsome men, presented quite a dazzling appearance in their gold and silver- laced liveries. All the French generals. Count De Rocham- beau. Marquis De Lafayette, Count De Deuxponts, and Prince De Lucerne, wore glittering stars and badges of military orders. " On the right wing of each French regiment was gor- geously paraded a rich standard of white silk, with three golden 4b5i LIFE OF STEUBEN. fleurs de lis embroidered on it. Beyond these standards stood the drummers and titers, and in front of them the band, which played delightfully. It must be confessed that the French troops, altogethei', looked very well; they were all tall, hand- some men. They all AYore white gaiters ; a part of them were clad in red, some also in green; most of them, however, were in white regimentals. The German, or Alsacian regiments had blue regimentals. " The left wing of the line through which we had to march was formed of the Americans ; in front of them their generals, Washington, Gates, Steuben, and "Wayne. They were pa- raded in three lines, the first composed of the regulars, who had also a band, playing moderately well. They looked jDass- able, but the militia from Virginia and Maryland, forming the second and third lines, were but a ragged set of fellows, and very ill-looking. " We, now prisoners of war, stared with amazement at all these troops, parading there in lines three ranks deep. We were quite astonished at the immense number of our besiegers, perceiving well that, compared with such a formidable army, we were little more than a mere guard, and that they were strong enough to have eaten us up to the last man. "The lines of both armies extended nearly two miles in length. Think only of an army of forty thousand men, al- though drawn up in two liuQS three ranks deep, what space it must cover ! Our small number quite puzzled the enemy ; they had believed we were much stronger. " After having passed through the lines of the armies, we turned at the right upon a large plain field or flat, where a squad- ron of French hussars had formed a circle. One regiment after the other had to march into this circle, to ].ay down muskets and all other arms. When our colonel. Baron Seybothen, had marched his regiment into the circle, he had us drawn up in a line, stepped in front of it, and commanded first, ' Present arms!' and then, ' Lay down arms!' 'Put otf swords :ind car LIFK OF STEUBEN. 463 tridge boxes !' while tears ran down bis cbeeks ; most of us were weeping like bim. " All tbe officers of tbe English array were allowed to keep their swords, the Englisb as well as the Germans. This was done for military honor's sake, at tbe instance of tbe French, with whom this is the custom. All tbe generals and superior officers of tbe enemy were present in tbe circle. Tbey sbowed much interest towards tbe capitulating troops, and above all tbey seemed pleased by tbe good condition and discipline of our two regiments. " When all was over, we bad to march again througb tbe two lines of the allied armies to return to our camp, but this was done in utter silence, and without further incumbrance, as the poor equipage which we carried in our knapsacks was all we possessed. All the courage and spirit, which at otber times animate a corps of soldiers, were extinguished, the more so as on this our return march tbe American part of our conquerors jeered at us very insultingly. "We were again quartered in our lines and tents, enjoy- ing, however, full liberty to walk anywhere in tbe lines, as well as in the city. And I must say that tbe Frencb behaved very well towards us. Tbey were altogether kind and oblig- ing. But the Americans, witb tbe exception of their officers, were strictly forbidden to come within our lines, or even to enter the city. The Frencb grenadiers, who occupied all our lines, did not allow any of tbe American militia to approacb us, fearing, as tbey were at all times much addicted to plunder, they might not forget to rob us also, or to make mischief, as was their custom. '•During tbe 20tb of October we remained in our camp in order to recover a little from tbe hardships and many sleepless nights which we had gone througb during the siege, and to be better prepared for the march before us. " Tbe French officers and seamen visited to-day the con- quei'ed English vessels, hoisted the French flag, and took the 464 LIFE OF STEUBEN. English colors down. The Americans, on their side, planted a high standard in Yorktown, upon the ' water battery.' There are thirteen stripes in their flag, a symbol of the thirteen States foi-ming the free Xorth American ' United States.' A part ot the French and American troops left also to-day for Williams- burg. "The 21st of October, a Sunday, was the day when we left Yorktown, and commenced the march into captivity." After the capture of Yorktown, the superior officers of the allied army vied with each other in acts of civility and atten- tion to the captive Britons, Lord Comwallis and his family were particularly distinguished. Entertainments were given in succession by all the major generals, with the excei^tiou of Bai'on Steuben. He alone withheld an invitation, not from a wish to be particular, nor that his heart was closed to the attentions due to misfortune. His soul was superior to preju- dice, and, as a soldier, he tenderly sympathized in their fate ; while poverty denied the means of displaying that liberality toward them which had been shown by others. Such was his situation when, calUng on Colonel Walter Stewart and informing him of his intention to entertain the British commander-in-chief, he requested that he would advance him a sum of money as the price of his favorite charger. " 'Tis a good beast," said the baron, " and has proved a faithful servant through all the dan- gers of the war ; but, though painful to my heart, we must part." Colonel Stewart, to prevent a step that he knew must be attended with great loss, and still greater inconvenience, immediately tendered his purse, recommending, should tlie sum it contained prove insufficient, the sale or pledge of his watch. " My dear friend," said the baron, " 't is already sold. Poor Xorth was sick and wanted necessaries. He is a brave fellow, and possesses the best of hearts. The trifle it brought is set apart for his use. My horse must go — so no more, I beseech you, to turn me from my purpose. I am a major general in the service of the United States, and my private LIFE OF STEUBEN. 465 convenience must not be put in the scale with the dutj^ which my rank calls upon me imperiously to perform."* The capture of Lord Cornwallis closed the campaign, and the allied armies returned to the Hudson, Among the Ameri- can generals, whom the commander-in-chief particularly named in the orders issued the day after the capitulation, was Steu- ben, with Generals Lincoln, Knox, Lafayette, and Duportail. * Alexander Garden : Anecdotes of the Revolutionary "War in America. Charleston, 1822, p. 342. 20* CHAPTER XXII. Steuben's Eelations with the State of Virginia and Lafayette. — The Loss op THE Magazines at the Point of Fork made a Peetext for an Attack against niM. — llis Energy and Uonesty made him many Enemies. — Ef.solutions op the Legislature against Steuben. — Teunant and Walker write to him about THE Suspicion raised against him. — Washington thinks an Inqciry the best Way of refuting the Charges against Steuben.— Greene's Letter.— Even Lafayette in Favor of Steuben. — The Latter writes to Harrison and Nel- son to get his Conduct in Virginia officially examined.— Nothing is done. — Steubens Eelations to Lafayette.— Lafayette intrigued against Steuben WHEN HE COMMENCED TO DISCIPLINE THE AeMY. — PrOBABLE EeASONS FOR THE DIF- FERENCES between THEM. — LaFAYETTE, FOE POLITICAL MOTIVES, APPOINTED AS Co.mmander-in-Chief in Virginia. — Steuben obeys his Orders without Dis- pute.— Lafayette's Self-Glorification.— Lafayette of great political but NOT of military IMPORTANCE TO THE UNITED STATES. — IIlS CONDUCT IN AMERICA AND IN EUEOPE. — IIe IS THE COUNTERFEIT WASHINGTON. — IIlS EeLATIONS TO Napoleon, the Eestoration, and Louis Philip. — ^Steuben owes every thing TO HIS personal Value, and WORKS HIS Way Step BY 8tep.— His Sacrifices for THE American Cause compared with those of Lafayette. — The Merits op both Men in Eeference to the American Independf.nce. BEFORE following Steuben to the North, it is necessary to examine the nature of the relations in which, he stood to the government of Virginia, as well as to the Marquis De Lafiyette, while commanding and acting in that State. It is chiefly on account of the misconceptions as to these relations that, regardless of the merits of the case, Steuben has often been assailed and condemned. For the true apprecia- tion of the matter, a thoiT)ugli knowledge of the facts is indis- pensable, and we consider it to be an act of justice, due as well to history as to Steuben, to detail them here, uninfluenced by party bias or personal prepossession ; the more so, as not a word of defense has been spoken in favor of Steuben, and as even those who appreciate his services take all these charges against him for granted. We have seen, in the preceding chapters, how the exag- gerated loss of the stores at the Point of Fork ^ras taken for LIFE OF STEUBEN. 4G7 a pretext by the enemies of Steuben to assail and vilify him It is a high though indirect testimony to the value and ability of the man, that, for more than six months, they could not find any vulnerable point on which to attack him, and that they were forced either to calumniate hira behind his back, or when he was on the point of quitting the State. It was inevitable that the disinterested energy with which Steuben performed his duty in Virginia should make him many enemies there, and that the State authorities should likewise become greatly irritated against him. The preceding chap- ters contain the convincing proof of either the inability or of the unwillingness on the part of the government to provide for the defense of the State, while Steuben exerted himself to the utmost to save as much as possible. But his fiult was that lie called things by their right names, and that, when he did not find the same sense of duty in others, he never w^ithheld his censure. As he was a foreigner, people very often resented his just reproaches as an insult. Lafayette, who caught at every thing that he supposed could exalt himself, against his will be- stows the loudest praise on Steuben, in \n-iting, on the 23(1 of May, 1781, to Alexander Hamilton,* that he is glad that Steuben goes, as the hatred of the Virginians to him was truly hurtful to the service. Steuben himself knew perfectly well this state of feeling and of public prejudice, and for this rea- son, almost from the moment of his entering on his duties in Virginia, wished to join Greene. Steuben himself enumerates ninereasons for the irritation ot the Virginia government against himself, namely, that he insisted •most earnestly on the completion of the Virginia line, according to the plan fixed by Congress ; that he remonstrated against the bad rules and habits of the militia ; that he was utterly dissatisfied with the behavior of the so-called volunteers ; that he did not consent to the scandalous plundering of an English flag-ship, on which occasion the miUtia oflicers acted with such * Alexander Hamilton's Works, i., 263. 468 LIFE OF STEUBEN. flagrant disregard of all subordination, and in such open vio- lation of the law of nations and the honor of the countiy, that they even intercepted Steuben's letters, and treated him as a suspicious character ; that he wanted, in the hour of need, some three hundred recruits, to do service in the line instead of in the militia; that he loudly disapproved of the negligence and waste manifested in the diflerent departments. Thus, for example, the best artillery was under the direction of a col- onel whom Steuben had never seen, as he was traveling as surveyor in the upper country. The head of the corps of engineers was an old, habitually drunken fellow. The depart- ment of war was managed by a bankrupt Scotch merchant, who was always in the company of abandoned women, and who had neither knowledge nor application. The quarter-mas- ter general was at the same time prison warden, and a good-for- nothing fellow. Being compelled to derive his resources from such men, Steuben got an insight into their vileness and de- pravity, and complained of their unfitness. All this created enemies against him with the government and with the follow- ers of these men. That he complained of the want of repair of the arms, of which, for instance, six thousand were made unserviceable by throwing them in disorder into a salt-house and other wet places ; that he rej^roached the govei'nment, it had not provided a single saddle and cartridge-box during the whole campaign, notwithstanding Steuben's repeated appli- cations from the time he entered the State, and finally that he had a quarrel with the go\'ernor at the time of the expedition against Portsmouth, Avhen the latter answered him that he could not furnish any lead or balls, as the veins in the mines* had been lost, while Steuben proved that the government was unwilling to comply with his request, as with due diligence and care sufficient lead could be obtained. Nothing could be said against this ; but in all such cases the naked truth always hurts, and therefore Steuben's frank- ness met with a very bad reception. Steuben by his zeal in LIFE OP STEUBEK. 409 the discharge of his duties provoked the petty vengeance lurking against him ; but during the whole winter no occasion furnished itself to give vent to it. Steuben's retreat from the Point of Fork however furnished the welcome pretext for an open attack. The State Assembly passed a resolution requesting Lafayette to require an explana- tion from the officers under his command, relative to the loss of the stores at the Point. " I am sorry to see," writes Ter- nant, on the 4th of July, 1781, to Steuben,* "that you have enemies in Virginia, and even men whom I would never have expected to be such ; but as they know my attachment for you they do not make me any confidential communication." "I saw Ternant," writes B. Walker, on the 13th of Au- gust, 1781, to Steuben,! "this morning, and explained fully the afiair of the stores being lost, as I did also to General Var- num. They both saw the affiiir in quite another light to what it had been represented. In fact, from the clamor they have made about this aifair, many people, I believe, imagined it in- cluded all the stores which the enemy have taken or destroyed in Virginia." " Baron Steuben," writes Washington, on the Cth of Octo- ber, 1781, to Greene,^ "from the warmth of his temper, has got disagreeably involved with the State, and an inquiry into part of his conduct must one day take place, both for his own honor and their satisfaction." Notwithstanding his endeavors to get this inquiry made, it never took place. Steuben, however, took all the neces- sary steps which might enable him to justify his course. He wrote to Greene and Lafayette, who both expressed their approbation of his operations since he had been in Virginia. "Your letter," answers Greene, on the 17th of September, 1781,§ " of the 13th of August, gives me most sensible pain. I am sorry that a mind so zealous and intent in promoting the * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. viii. f Ibidem. X "Washington's Writings, viii., p. 175. § Greene MS. Letters. 470 LIFE OF STEUBEN. public good should be subject to chagrin and mortification for its well meant endeavors. But let me beg of you, my dear baron, not to feel too sensibly the illiberal attacks of a mis- guided poj3ulace. Merit is often vailed for a time, and the best intentions subject to partial censure, and this more fi-e- quently in republican governments than any others. But it rarely ever happens that a man of worth is long without his re- ward ; for though society may mistake for a time, men are gen- erally willing to retract and approve when properly informed. And I am so confident of the propriety of your conduct and the justice of the people, that 1 have not the least doubt you will see this verified in your case." Lafayette, soon after his dispute with Steuben, in the trenches of Yorkto^Ti, could not avoid confirming Greene's testimony. " I have been honored," said he in his letter of the 26th of October, 1781,* "with your letter of this date, inclosing one from General Greene, The high terms in which he speaks, particularly on the object you allude to, are certainly suflicient for your satisfaction, so that I would think it need- less for me to add any thing to an opinion for which I have the highest veneration I will, therefore, only sj^eak of what can be supposed to have come under my immediate cognizance, " In the beginning of the campaign I considered you and the new levies as belonging to the Carohna army. The letters in which General Greene and myself were positive for your joining me have been intercepted by the enemy. Lord Corn- wallis' intention (as I have smce still more j)articularly as- certained) was to maneuver me from a junction with Wayne, His endeavors were vain, but his movements towards our stores threw me, for a little time, at a pretty great distance from the enemy. The account you received was given by Major Call, whom I had requested to watch in that quarter * Steuben ^fS. Papers, vol. viii. r. IFE OF STEUBEX. 471 the motions of Lord Cornwallis. Your movements at that moment must have been directed by the intelligence you received, and what you conceived to be General Greene's intentions. I was happy in your reunion with me, and I think it determined Lord Cornwallis to a speedy evacuation of Richmond. Let me add that during all the time we served together I have been so well satisfied with your assistance, that I was only sorry your health forced you to leave the army, where your experience and exertions were so useful. Should I have forgotten any thing that might add to your satisfaction I will spare no pains to convince you of the senti- ments I profess for you." Nothing, however, was done in the matter, by the State, which Steuben wished to get settled before his departure for the North. " As my duty," he wrote from Williamsbui-g on the 1st of November, 1781, to Governor Nelson,* "at })resent calls me northward, I can not quit this State without asking your Excellency to inform me, by an official letter, if govern- ment have any complaint against me since I have had the honor of serving in Virginia, that if there should be any I may justify myself before my departure. A reputation acquired during twenty-seven years' service authorizes me in this point of delicacy." Steuben received no answer to this letter, and as he wanted an opportunity to justify himself, not only to the State of Virginia but to the world in general, he finally a2)plied to General Harrison for a definite reply. "I could but be," said he on the 13th of December, l781,f "exceedingly hurt by the implied censure passed on me by the resolve of the Assembly. The State of Virginia had before honored me with a jDarticular mark of esteem, and conscious that I had exerted my utmost to deserve it, I was unwilling to leave the State before I had fully justified my conduct. I accordingly wrote to Governor Nelson, desiring him to acquaint me with the nature of any * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. yiii. j- Ibidem. 472 LIFE OF STKUBKN. complaint the State may have against me, but never received an answer. I must, therefore, repeat the same request to you, sir. Colonel Davies, General Lawson and Colonel Meade will be my witnesses as to the propriety of my conduct at the Point of Fork." "The resolutions of the last Assembly," answered Speaker Harrison on the 28th of December, 1781,* "respecting the loss of the stores at the Point of Fork, were sent to the Marquis De Lafayette, w^ho informed the present Assembly, by letter, that he had been too much engaged to enter on the inquiry, for which he begged their excuse. Thei-e the matter rests, and I dare say will not be again taken up." It was, therefore, not the fault of Steuben when the matter thus rested. It is only another proof of its not having been near so dangerous as they had tried to make it. They were glad to have found a plausible pretext in the inactivity of La- fayette for letting the accusation drop. As regards Lafayette, we remember that in February, 1781, when Washington expected the caj^ture of Portsmouth, he was appointed, over the head of Steuben, to the chief com- mand in Virginia. Up to that time they had little to do with each other. Except a letter which Lafayette wrote on the 12th of March, 1778, during the Conway cabal, to Steuben on the noble character of Washington, the Steuben Papers and Lafayette's Memoirs contain no written evidence of a friendly intercourse between them. But a few months later Lafayette, with the Generals Lee and Mifflin, is at the head of the officers who intrigue against Steuben's reforms in the army, and who succeed in overthrowing the hardly-commenced new order of thino-s. AVhy Lafayette sided with this clique is not quite ap- parent, as, according to his seniority, he stood above Steu- ben, A positive interest is not likely to have instigated him, as he, as well as every other intelligent officer, was bound to ucknowledge the e\il consequences of the existing disordci*. * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. viii. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 473 It therefore seems that Lafayette either was afraid of SteubeiTs growing influence, and saw in him a dangerous competitor, or that in his catching at popularity, which never quitted him until his death, he made common cause with the other ofii- cers. Occasional remarks of Steuben's aides, as Walker and North, show that they, as well as their general, thought very indiiferently of Lafayette's military abilities. Steuben himself here and there says that he did not like Lafayette, and that he was often shocked at the young man's unbounded vanity and his thirst for glory, which went so far as to claim for its own sat- isfaction the merits and deeds of others. If we consider, in addition to this, the difierence in the age, and consequently in the views, of the two men, the one being a plain, matter-of- fact Prussian soldier, the other a thorough, young and as^^iring Frenchman, we will easily understand the want of mutual at- traction between them. Besides these individual differences of character, taste, and objects in life, there were political consid- erations, which giving Lafayette greater prominence, tended to alienate them from each other even more than nature had done, and accorded to the one especially a preeminent impor- tance, while it threw the other undeservedly into the background. When it was an ascertained fact that the French fleet was to cooperate with the American forces against Portsmouth, Washington acted very wisely in givhig the chief command of them to Lafayette. His appointment was a compliment paid to a powerful ally, on whose good will, just in that emer- gency, so much depended, and he, of course, could not care for hurting the feelings of another, however meritorious offlcer, whose brevet of major general was of more" recent date, and who had no political influence. " There was a necessity," says Washington,* "for sending a general ofiicer with the de- tachment hence ; and political considerations, as it was to be a combined oi^eration depending upon critical circumstances * "Washingtou's WritAngs, viii., 17. 474 LIFE or STEUBEN. Avith the French laud and sea force, pointed to the Marquis De Lafayette." It was of course not at all desirable for Steu- ben to leave the stage just at the moment when the last act was being played, and after he had, with indefatigable energy and endless trouble, prepared every thing for a successful re- sult. He was, on the other hand, too good an officer not to obey at once, and submit, without complaint, to the orders of the commander-in-chief. Thus he formed an honorable ex ception to the general rule in the American army, where the insubordination of the superior officers prevailed ; where even colonels (for instance Neuville) 'refused to obey a major gen- eral ; where newly-appointed major generals, like Sraallwood, preferred to retire rather than put themselves, notwitli standing the express orders of the general-in-chief, under the command of their senior officer. Steuben never complained to Washing- ton, and only in his private letters to Greene alluded to the mortification of his being superseded in the command, but he says, at the same time, that he would not in the least relax his zeal. In this respect, also, he showed himself a model of an old soldier, and the worthy disciple of the greatest com- mander of his age. It was, therefore, not so much on account of his appoint- ment, as on account of the manner in which Lafayette exer- cised the powers conferred on him, that misunderstandings and diflerences between him and Steuben did away with the good feeling which subsisted between them at the beginning. Lafayette was too young and inexperienced, and too greedy for glory and show, to possess the necessary coolness and im- partiality essential to the due performance of his functions, and inborn with -great generals like Washington and Greene. Pie supposed himself to be alone competent to perform the task intrusted to him, and imagined that he gave convincing proof of his own ability by criticising and finding fault with every thing that others had done. Thus he writes a few days after he had anived in Vir- LIFE OP STEUBEN. 475 ginia,* that the enemy's works had not been reconnoitered by Steuben, and that he thought it necessary to see with his own eyes ; but he could not yet appreciate the reasons which had prevented Steuben from examining the works, and at the end Lafayette himself did not execute his purpose. On the other hand he did nothing, and as all the necessary arrangements had been previously made by Steuben, in which even Lafay- ette did not i^ropose any alteration, his silence must be taken for approval, and his duties were, therefore, confined to those of a mere looker on. To Hamilton he wrote, on the 23d of May, 1781 :f " It became my duty to arrange the departments, which I found in the greatest confusion and relaxation ;" and to the general-in-chief he reported, that no departments ex- isted at the time of his ai rival, and that he had to establish them. Aside from the contradiction contained in his own words, the young marquis forgot that all that could be done was already done, that the departments were organized by Steuben and his assistants, that he depended entirely on him for information and advice, and that at the same time he wrote to Steuben in the politest terms to assist him, as without him he would not be able to perform his duties. La fact, all he did was to change the officers with questionable judgment. La- fayette possessed, in a high degree, the talent of coloring and grouping, oi', as the French say, arranging facts. When Steuben left him to join Greene, he wrote to Washington : " The baron is to leave me with the Virginia troops ; Phillips, with his whole force joined with Arnold, is opposite to me ; Cornwallis iu full march from Hillsborough ; it is too much, my dear general, three armies against the little force under my command." All these facts were true in one sense, but they were not so in the sense that the marquis wished them to be understood. "My entering this State,"J wrote Lafayette, on * Eevolutiouary Correspondence, iii., 265. f Alexander Hamilton's Works, i., 263. :j: Revolutionary Correspondence, iii., 360. 4 76 LIFE OF STEUBEN. the 29tli of July, 1V81, to Washington, "was happily marked by a service to the capital ; Cornwallis had the disgrace of a retreat :" the same Cornwallis who had driven Lafayette more than two hundred miles before him in rapid retreat, and after- ward, for quite other reasons than the fbrmidableness of Lafay- ette, retired to the lower country. We will give one more instance of the boastful and arro- gant character of the French lieutenant, suddenly sprung into a general officer. As Lafayette was under the impression that the theater of war would be transferi-ed from Virginia to Xew York, he asked a comruand vmder Washington. "The war in this State," he says, " would then become a plundering one, and great maneuvers would be out of the question. A prudent officer would do our business here, and the baron is so to the utmost ; should the enemy remain quiet in this State, Steuben might do very well."* This self-sufficiency is really admira- ble, and gives a better clue to Lafayette's character than all liis memoirs taken together. There is nothing extraordinary in Lafayette having conceived the idea that his experience as a subordinate officer in the French army, and as a dangler in di-awing-rooms and saloons, was superior to that of a man who had sjient his entire life in active military service, and had won considerable distinction on hard fought fields under the ablest and most distinguished captains of any countiy or age. But it is extraordinary that the American people should accord him any such superiority, or that they should fail to see that, while politically Lafayette's accession to the American cause was of vast importance, in a military point of view a great many foreign officers were immeasurably superior to the marquis. His subsequent career, and his visit to the United States, contributed considerably to increase the popular enthu- siasm and regard for him. Enveloped in a certain romantic mist, he is remembered in this country as one of the greatest heroes of om- modern times. But history is no Fourth of July * Revolutionary Correspondence, iil, 360. LIFE OF STEUBKX. 477 oi'fition ; and duty and justice to Lafayette's cotemporaries who labored with him, require that his position in the American and French Revohitions should be presented calmly and im- partially. In the first place, the part taken by Lafayette in the war of independence must be regarded in two separate points of view, namely, the political and the military. So far as the first is concerned, it is impossible to form too high an estimate of his importance ; indeed it may be said, that were it not for him the alliance with France would not have been concluded, and that in the crisis of the war, when every thing depended on prompt and sufficient aid in arms and money, the United States were chiefly indebted to his negotiations for their final success. Li consequence of his family connections and his relations with the court of France, Lafayette was the most prominent representative of that brilliant host of French noble- men who, influenced by veterans like Von Kalb, in their ha- tred of England, and their new-fangled enthusiasm for Rous- seau's imaginary ideal of a repubHc, aided in bringing about the participation of France in the American war. Lafayette owes his historical prominence and his honorable place in the records of history to this noble enthusiasm and energetic ac- tivity, while his deeds, both as an American general and a par- ticipator in the French Revolution and the events which fol- lowed it, are not only undeserving of particular mention, but are rather calculated to detract from than add to his renown. Lafayette was a young lieutenant of nineteen years of age when he came to America and offered his services to Congress. That he had no military experience, and could have had none, is perfectly manifest. So far as military capacity was concerned, the most obscure French captain was more valuable and pref- erable to him ; but he belonged to one of the first families of France. From the first, Congress saw the great political value to be derived indirectly from engaging Lafayette. It acted like a sharp and calculating man of business when it conferred 478 LIFE OF STEUBEN. on him the highest military rank. The resolution of the 31st of July, 1777, points out so clearly the motives of Congress, that further comment is lannecessary. " Wlweas, The Marquis De Lafayette, out of his great zeal to the cause of liberty, in which the United States are engaged, has left his family and connections, and, at his own expense, come over to oifer his service to the United States, without pension or particular allowance, and is anxious to risk his life in our cause : " Jiesolved. That his services he accepted, and that, i/i con- sideration of his zeal, illustrious family and connections, he- have the rank of major general in tJie army of the United States.-"* Congress had calculated rightly. This resolution tended mainly to win France for the American cause. " As soon as Paris," says Count Segur,f "rang with reports of the first bat- tles, in which Lafayette and his companions in arms had raised the reputation of the French name, the court itself became proud of his achievements, and he became the great object of envy to our young men. Thus public opinion declaring itself more exclusively in favor of war, rendered it inevitable, and drew after it, as a matter of course, a government which had not strength enough to resist the impulse." If Lafayette had been the subject of some small German prince, he would not have been worth one iota more than one hundred others, or any more considered. His advantage and his good fortune consisted in the fact, that by his birth he be- longed to the highest nobility of the country Avhich vxas one of the ai'biters of Europe and the rival of England. The above resolution, however, accurately described La- fayette's position, and we have seen that Washington also re- garded him as an instrument to efiect an alliance between the two countries. The admiration and respect which the young * Journals of Congress (Dunlap's edition), vol. iii., p. 303. f Memoirs of the Count De Segur, L, 111. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 479 marquis felt for the American commander-in-chief was re- sponded to by the latter with a heartfelt friendship, which contributed, in no small degree, to bind Lafayette more close- ly to the United States, Whenever it was possible, Washing- ton placed Lafayette at the head of enterprises, which if they were not of any decisive importance, yet promised briUiant results. The young Frenchman discharged the duties in- trusted to him neither better nor worse than an average gen- eral officer. His operations manifest neither great genius nor a great want of judgment. His chief merit consisted in the address Avith which he got himself out of difficulties. If Lafayette were really what he is here considered to have been, he had abundant opportunities after his return to France to fulfill the promises of his youth. When the French Revo- lution commenced, his consequence and reputation were ex- ceedingly high. He was one of the few who took part in the movement, whose name was generally known and respected. Seldom has fortune been more profuse in her richest favors to any man than she was to Latayette, The empire of the world was at his feet — all parties offered it to him. He had only to accept, and hold the proffered scepter. He did not possess that constant aversion for power, and that forcible conscientious- ness with which Washington indignantly refused the offer of a kingdom. He might have done so, but he did not dare it. Petty views and considerations, ambition and hitiigues, pre- vented his ever taking a decided step, or performing any great deed. He is, on a small scale, the Pompey of modern history ; that same pusillanimous man, great in small things and small in great things, who for a while seemed great, because Coesar had not yet made his appearance. But the original Pompey, at least for some time, occupied a place by the side of Cffisar, while Lafayette was laughed at by Napoleon. Lafayette's ambition was not that of a great character, but that of nar- row-minded vanity. He, therefore, did not use the open and 480 LIFE OF STEUBEN. One day he moved the declaration of the rights of man, and proclaimed A\ar against despotism to be a sacred duty ; the next day he intrigued with the court against the Duke of Or- leans, and the day after he took the field against the Revolu- tion with which he fraternized two days before. He allowed himself to be bent and swayed by the impression of the mo- ment, allowing circumstances to direct him instead of his di- recting circumstances. He broke with every one, and finally had no party to support him. It is therefore an ignorance of historical truth which in- duces many to mistake Lafayette's weakness for moderation, and it is certainly an unmerited honor to consider him, as he is here often styled, the French Washington, Apart from the consideration, that in France a Washington is as impossible as a Napoleon in the United States, Lafayette is one of those weak aristocratic characters who are ready to make any sac- rifice while it is so considered and estimated, and who are even capable of great sacrifices as long as outward honor and glory are to be reaped from it ; but who are immediately the ene- mies of the cause for w^hich they have volunteered their ser- vices, the moment that their enthusiasm and self-devotion are regarded as a matter of course. His boundless vanity allowed him to see in all things nobody but himself. He sided there- fore with the Revolution only as long as it seemed to promise satisfaction to his heartless egotism, and became its declared enemy the moment he ceased to play the first part. He copied in France the simplicity of American manners and pretensions witliout possessing it ; he copied Washington, even as to his white horse, without having one particle of his character or talents. He was the Don Quixote of the American republic in Europe ; the pretender to heroism, without being in any respect a hero. He was nothing but a counterfeit Washing- ton; and when he would play the real, sage, well-informed and lar-seeing Washington before the Legislative Assembly of France, he forgot that Washington addressed Congress from LIFE OP STEUBEN. 481 the camp, while he, iu the hour of supreme clanger, abaticloned his forces, and when the Assembly disapproved his conduct, stole away over the frontiers of his country. If there is any fact that shovfs the character of Lafayette in its true light, and the good luck that invariably followed him, it is this ignominious flight in w^hich he was taken prison- er, by the Austrians, who had declared war to the knife against the same principles for which Lafayette had taken up arms, and been elevated to the rank of commanding general. Had he, by order of a court martial, been shot for treason, he would have deserved his fate. Ho did not deserve a martyrdom cheaply obtained by an imprisonment in an Austrian jail. In this case the question is not whether the Convention was right or wrong : the only question was, whether the general it ap- pointed had to obey its orders or not. Nobody compelled Lafayette to accept the command of a repubUcan army ; but after having once accepted it, he acted shamefully in leaving it for only personal reasons. Napoleon called him a simpleton iu politics (" niais en politique'^) ^ and proved by his acts that that was his real opinion of him. He persecuted and hunted down the prominent generals of the republic, while he put himself out of his way to procure the release of Lafayette, and as if he wanted to make him ridiculous, offered him the ap- pointment of ambassador to the United States. When Nai^o- leon had fallen, Lafayette revenged himself at a small expense by giving him a few kicks. Under the Bourbons he played the role of a conspirer behind the scenes, and as the tutor and protector of young students and soldiers, gained again an in- significant popularity. When the Bourbons were driven to flight, Lafayette, " en cheveux blancs," assisted the financial and industrial aristocracy, as if he was anxious to play to the last act the part of Voltaire's Candide, in establishing the citi- zen king, Avhom he called " la meilleure repuhlique.'''' Steuben's position in the American army is the exact op- posite to that of Lafayette. He owed every thing to himself, 21 482 LIFE OF STEUBEN. and his natioip.lity was more an obstacle than an advantage to him. He had to work his way step by step, and to contend for years against distrust, detraction, and animosities, before he could establish himself firmly, Washington himself, al- though he recognized at once to the fullest extent the value of Steuben's reforms, put him on the same level with the mass of adventurers who at that time were flocking into the coun- try, and were besieging Congress to grant them place and rank. His brothers in arms were hostile to him, particularly at the beginning, and frequently made his efforts for discipline in the troops and creating an efficient inspectorship of the army, a reproach, as evidence of his thirst for power and in- ordinate ambition. By degrees he succeeded in doing away with these prejudices and obtaining that position to which his merit entitled him. His activity in service, from the be- ginning to the end, was a personal sacrifice. A sense of duty, the conviction, perhaps, that his services were indispen- sable, and the hope daily increasing that the American arms would be successful, alone animated him to perform his task cheerfully. There was no officer in the American army who had to contend with so many enmities and slights, and who, notwithstanding, never relaxed his zeal. Steuben's first con- sideration was the common welfare. His own interest was quite a secondary matter. In regard to Lafayette's generosity, it must be universally conceded that he acted in the most high-minded and unselfish manner, and spent enormous sums for the good of the cause of independence. But it must also be conceded that Steuben made equally large, if not larger sacrifices, in proportion to his means. If Congress had not accepted his services, he would have been reduced to absolute mendicancy, since in the au- tumn of his life he had given up an honorable position, and a certain and adequate income for an uncertainty, and in the hope of serving what he believed to be a good cause. Lafay- ette, when he returned to his country, found his fortune and LIFE OF STEUBEN. 483 his home, where he was honored and rewarded, but Steubeu abandoned both interest and capital, and lost his home, when he entered the American army. The amount of the sacrifice is not to be considered so much as the character of him who made it, and the spirit in which it was made ; and in this re- spect, also, Steuben, if he be compared with Lafayette, will stand in no inferior position. It maybe objected that these remarks about Lafayette are beside the question ; but we consider it our duty to touch ujion the most remarkable events of his life, as they constitute the only true index to his political character, and as his ex- ploits have been often made the standard by which those of Steuben have been measured. The greatest honor that can be done to a man of historical eminence, is to criticise him justly by the hght of his time, and not by writing his apotheosis. It is not our intention, by the above remarks, to elevate Steuben by detracting from La- fayette. We believe that, in a political sense, the services of the latter were more important than those of any other for- eigner in the American army. But we do design to correct the impression that Lafayette's military share in the war of independence is entitled to greater j^rominence and praise than that of Steuben. Both men served the cause of the republic with energy and zeal, and if Lafayette's relations with the court of France and social position in that country rendered his cooperation of high political value, Steuben's actual seiwices in the camp and the field, and in Washington's councils, were of equal, if not of more material value. CHAPTER XXIII. Steubex BETrrnxs ■vnxn the Army to tub Noktii. — He resumes nis Office as In- SPECTOE General. — His new Plan for the Establisiiuest of the Isspectoe- snip adoptf.d bv Congress. — ^Tnis Pi,an contains Steuben's original Ideas, set forth from the Beginning in IT'S.— Its Tenor.— Steuben's Parades and Maneuvers excite the Ad.mibation of the French Officers. — His Hospital- ity.— State of the Army. — Nothing is done foe supplying its Wants. — Es- tre.me Misery. — Steuben himself greatly embarrassed. — His Description op the State of the Soldiers. — His Opinions about ax Attack of New York, WHICH, HOWEVER, IS NOT EFFECTED. — INSPECTION OF THE TrOOPS. — A MONTHLY Eeturn. — Washington's General Orders. — The absolute Want of Provision- ing THE Troops. — Poverty of the Officers. — Steuben can not get Ten Dollap.s on Credit. — Walker's Letter about tub Dissatisfaction op the Army. — Steuben asks what is due to him.— He goes to Philadelphia.— His Letter to Congress. — Eesolution of Congress of the .30th of December, 17S2. — Letters of Gates and Howe. — Steuben returns to Head-Quakters. STEUBEN" returned with the army to the Xorth, contin- ually employed in perfecting its discipline. He found it, however, necessary to simplify his system. As the officers were all furnished with the printed ordinance, and knew their duties, the only question was to watch for their execution. . " When the department of the inspection was first insti- tuted," wrote he in the beginning of January, 1782, to Wash- ington,* "the principal object was the introduction of a uni- form discipline throughout the different armies of the United States. This introduction of a system in an army where none had before existed, would at all times be difficult ; in our army it was practically so, and required the utmost pains of a num- ber of officers appointed to assist in that business. By their zeal and attention the business has been effi^cted. The system is introduced, and the officers become so well acquainted with it as to require little further instruction in the several branches * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xii. ii LIFE OF STEUBElSr. 485 of their duty. All, therefore, that is now requisite is a gen- eral inspection of the whole, to see that the discipline estab- lished is kept up, and that no part of the army deviates in any respect fi-om the rules laid down. " I would, therefore, propose that in future the officers of the department be limited to an inspector general and two in- spectors, one for the northern and one for the southern army ; the general duty of their office to be to muster the troops monthly, and to inspect every thing relative to their equip- ment. They will, at the same time, see that the service is can-ied on agreeably to the regulations in the i-espective armies in which they serve. This is only the general plan of what I would propose. Should it meet the approbation of your Ex- cellency, a more particular plan might be made out, in Avhich the duties of the inspectors will be more distinctly defined." Washington supported Steuben's plan, whereupon it was approved by Congress on the 10th of January, 1782, and ex- ecuted with i)erfect success. It contains all the original ideas which Steuben had elaborated and partly reduced to practice in the camp of Valley Forge, when the jealousy of tlie native officers, to their own injury, interrupted his work. It had thus required more than four years before the army understood that unity in the discipline, inspection, and formation of the troops, could only be reached by a simplified organization of the general inspectorship. When Steuben, in 1778, required one single inspector general, subject only to the orders of Congress, the board of war, and the commander-in-chief, the demands which he made in the interest of the service were construed as selfish ambition. In remarkable want of judg- ment, his opponents went so far as to subordinate the general inspectorship to the good, or ratlier bad will of a newly-made colonel or general. Finally, after four years' experience, the original plan of Steuben was adopted, who thus proved, beyond cavil, that he was right in all he proposed. If this plan had taken place in 1778, the inspection would have effected more 486 LIFE OF STEUBEN. and done greater benefit to the army. From this time Steu- ben was inspector general of the armies of the United States, while Colonel Stewart acted as inspector of the northern, and Lieutenant Colonel Ternant as inspector of the southern army. The following resolution repealed all former resolutions relative to the inspector's department, and gave to the latter the following form, powers, and privileges, viz. : " There shall be an inspector general of the armies of the United States, to be appointed by Congress from the general officers, and to be allowed one secretai-y, in addition to the aides which he has in the line of the army. The secretary shall be taken from the line, and be entitled to the pay and emolu- ments of an aid-de-camp. There shall be one inspector for each separate army, to be taken from the field officers of the line of the army, to be allowed thirty dollars per month, in addition to his pay and emoluments in the line. " The inspector general, or inspector of a separate army, shall, once in every month, in such time, place, and mode, as the commander-in-chief, or commanding officer of a separate army, shall direct, review and muster the troops of every de- nomination in service, at whieli review they shall inspect the number and condition of the men and horses, the disciphne of the troops, the state of their arms, accouterments, ammuni- tion, clothing, and camp equipage, and make returns thereof to the commander-in-chief, or commanding officer of a separate army, noting the deficiencies, neglects, and abuses; and, if possible, the manner in which they happened, and, at the same time, pointing out the alterations and amendments they may think necessary in any branch of the military system, dupli- cates of which returns shall be transmitted by the commander- in-chief, or commanding officer of a separate army, to the Secre- tary at War. " At the end of every review, the commanding officer of the corps reviewed shall exercise his corps in the manual and il LIFJC OF STEUBEN. 48V evolutions, before the inspector, so as to enable him to inspect and report the discipline of the troops, agreeably to the fore- going paragraph. And when the inspector general, or inspect- or of a separate army, finds it necessary to have any particular evolutions or maneuvers performed, either by one or several corps, he shall furnish a plan of such evolutions to the com- manding officer of the army, who will approve or amend them, and order them executed, as he may think proper. " At every review the commanding officers of companies and corps shall produce to the inspector returns of their re- spective companies and corps, and such other papers and vouchers, relative to the enlistment of men, as he shall judge necessary ; three muster rolls shall also be made out by the commanding officer of each troop or company, and signed by him, one of which shall be returned to him certified by the insi)ector, one shall be certified and deUvered to the regimental pay-master, to be fixed to the pay roll, and the other shall be retained by the inspector. "The inspector general, or inspector of a sepai-ate army, shall, as soon as possible after every muster, transmit an ab- stract of the muster of the whole army in which he is serv- ing, to the commanding officer, who shall ti'ansmit a duplicate thereof to the Secretary at War. "As soon as possible after every review the inspector shall report to the commander-in-chief, or commanding officer of a separate army, all such soldiers who, from inability or other causes, it may be necessary to discharge or transfer to the in- valids ; and no discharge shall in future be valid unless signed by the commander-in-chief, or officer commanding the ai-niy .where such discharge is given. " The inspector general, or inspector of a separate army, shall be authorized to call on the quarter-master general, clothier general, and field commissary of military stores, or their deputies, for returns of the articles which have been issued from and returned to their several departments by each 488 LIFE OF STEUBEN, corps, that the inspectors may see whether every article so delivered has been regularly and satisfactorily accounted for or charged to the corps, agreeably to the established regula- tions. " The inspector general, or inspector of a separate army, shall be authoiized and required to visit the military hospitals of the United States from time to time, to examine the gen- eral state of them and the treatment of the patients, which he shall report to the officer commanding the army; and the di- rector, deputy director, or superintending surgeon of any hos- pital shall furnish them with such returns as they may find necessary for the better execution of their office. " The inspector general shall himself, previous to the open- ing and at the close of every campaign, or as often as the commander-in-chief shall tliink fit to order, visit every part of the army, to see that uniformity prevails throughout the armies of the United States. " The inspector general, and inspectors of a separate army, in the execution of their offices, shall be subject only to the or- ders of Congress, the Secretary at Wai', commander-in-chief, or commanding officer of a separate army. And that the in- spectors may attend the better to the duties of their offices, they shall be exempt from all other duties, except when the commander-in-chief, or commanding officer of a separate army, shall think proper to order otherwise. " All returns in tlie inspector's department are to be made agreeably to the forms which shall be delivered tlie inspector general. " Each inspector of a separate army Avill be allowed to take an officer from the line of captains, to assist him in the duties of his office, who shall be allowed ten dollars per month, in addition to his pay in the line. " Resolved, That Major General Baron Steuben be, and hereby is, continued inspector general of the armies of these United States, and vested with power to appoint all officers i LIFE OF STEUBEX. 489 necessary to carry the aforegoing plan into execution, they being first approved by the commander-in-chief." Steuben was at this time at or near the head-quarters of "Washington. As many French officers who were his old ac- quaintances, visited his post, he had much pride in showing them the discipline and military expertness which the American troops had attained under his instructions. Many parades were ordered, and the adroitness, and, above all, the silence, with which the maneuvers were performed, were remarked with astonishment by the officers of the French anny. This last particular excited the more surprise, as the French troops were noisy in their marches and evolutions. " Noise ?" exclaimed the baron to General Montmorency, who w\'\s remarking upon this point ; " I do not know where the noise should come from, when even my brigadiers dare not open their mouths but to repeat my orders." On a subsequent occasion, when a violent storm had caused a grand exhibition to be postponed, Steuben M-as asked by one of the French generals, who had retired with him to his marquee, what maneuvers he had intended to per- form. On being told, the officer mentioned an addition of some difficulty which he had seen practiced by the Prussians in Silesia. " But we do not expect you to equal the veteran army of the King of Prussia. All in good time." "The time sliall be next week," said Steuben, after his guests had retired ; " I will save the gentlemen who have not been in Silesia the trouble of going any further than Verplanck's Point for in- struction." The order for the review was brought, and one of his aides wrote as Steuben dictated. The appointed day came, and, amid a large concourse of officers, the pi-oposed evolutions were performed with great precision.* " Alas ! when I think of that day," says Xorth, " and look to that eminence on which General Washington's marquee was pitched, in front of which stood that great man, firm in the * North, 1. c, and Bo-wen in Steuben's Life, pp. 46 and 47, in Sparks'a American Biography, vol. ix., series i. 2V' 490 LIFE OF STEUBEN-. consciousness of virtue, surrounded by French nobles and the chiefs of his own army, my heart sinks at the view ! Who, but how few of all that brilliant host is left ; those few now totter- ing on the confines of the grave ! The baron's tent, that day, was filled and more than filled with Frenchmen. 'I am glad,' said he, ' to pay some part of the dinner debt we owe our allies.' At the siege of York, or rather immediately afterward, he sold such part of his camp equipage, bi'ought from Europe, as was of silver, that he might give a feast. ' I can stand it no longer,' said he ; ' Ave are continually dining with those people and can not give a piece of bratiourst in return ; they shall have one grand dinner, if I eat my soup with a wooden spoon hereafter.' " The whole year, however, passed without an important event. The American army Avas encamped in the neighbor- hood of Xewburg, on the Hudson, and in the Jerseys, in order to be ready for operations against Xew York, which, however, never took place. The pubhc mind felt confident of the con- clusion of the peace, and little or nothing was done to make now sacrifices or even to fulfill old engagements. Thus the army was kept incomplete, their wants were neglected, their pay withheld, and nothing done to answer the exigencies of the present. Steuben felt the bad consequences of this neg- lect, as well for himself as for his department and the whole army. On the 1st of March, 1V82, the United States owed him 80,850 in specie, and being unable to draw bills of exchange at a loss of from thirty-eight to forty per cent., or to borrow money any longer, he requested the commander-in-chief to sup- port his demands for the payment of what was due to him. " Without troubling your Excellency," said he, in a letter of the 1st of March, 1782, to Washington,* "with a tedious detail of the hardships attending my situation, I pray you to consider the pecuharity of iny emjiloyraent compared to that of other officers. The arrangements which are going to take place * Steuben Md Papers, vol. xii. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 491 for furnishing the army with provisions, forage, etc., will not be of advantage to me, and I am bound to travel from one part ot the country to the other, to live at double expenses in taverns, in which I have to pay ready money not only for my personal expenses, but also for the entertainment of ray aides-de-camp and horses necessary to perform our journeys. I would be happy if the pay allowed by Congress were equal to such ex- penses. I do not want to lay up any part of my pay, I ask no addition to it, but I declare it to be totally out of my power, if my appointments, as well those of January and February, as those occuning in future, are not regularly paid me. With regard to the arrearage, I shall be satisfied to leave in the pub- lic funds $G,000, provided I am paid tli^ remaining §850, which are indispensably necessary to enable me to discharge my ex- penses here and provide myself with the necessary equipage for the ensuing campaign." At the special intercession of the commander-in-chief and other personal friends, Steuben obtained these $850, and $500 besides, on account of his pay for January and February, which was all that he had received since he was in service. In the army general discontent i)revaLled, and it is not to be wondered at that the spirit of exasperation and distrust among the officers, and that of mutiny among the soldiers, manifested itself more impatiently, if we read statements like those made by Steuben on the 25th of May, 1782, to the Minister of War, General Lincohi. " Yesterday," says he,* " our army was the tliird day without provisions ; the horses of the oflicei-s will a fortnight have been without forage. Every department is without money and without credit ; that of the quarter-master general appears to be stopped in all its branches. Our army could not make a day's march, as avo arc without the necessary means or provisions. Officers and soldiers are discontented in the highest degree. The last arrangement, by which the rations * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. ix. 492 LIFE OF STEUBEN. have been withdrawn in reality, without the least compensa- tion in cash, has redoubled their clamors. You have doubt- less heard of the jiremeditated mutiny of the Connecticut hne ; it was discovered a day previous to that on which it was to be put in execution. The ringleader was punished with death. A few days after, the sergeants of the Massachusetts line presented a memorial to the commander-in-chief demanding their pay. Wherever I go I hear complaints which make mc dread the most fatal consequences. The officers of the staif of the army, from whom both servants and servants' rations have been taken, will all resign. The judge advocate, as also several others, have already sent in then- resignations. It is certain the distresses o^our country have arrived at the high- est possible degree. The officers can not stand it an)' longer; shall we absolutely drive them to despair? " What I have related is not properly in my department, and I believe it is only a duplicate of what you will hear from the commander-in-chief; but I conceive it my duty to repre- sent to you the calamities of the army, and to express my aijprehensions for their consequences." Under these circumstances it was fortunate tliat the enemy did not know the embarrassments and the want of exertions in the American army, as he probably would have availed himself of the general lethargy and struck an unexpected blow. Thus the British confined themselves to observe Wash- ington, and made no move out of the old channel in which they hitherto had conducted the war. Besides, their force was too inconsiderable to make any impression. On the American side, however, the state of public affiiirs was such as not to promise any decided exertions. Washington, at the beginning of 1782, meditated an attack against New York, and among others, asked Steuben for his opinion about his plan. It clearly elucidates the situation of both aimies, and therefore maybe appropriately inserted here.* * Steuben MS. Paper,^. vol. ix. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 493 " Before I cau give an ansAver to the questions which your Excellency has proposed to my consideration, I conceive it will be necessary to take a comparative view of the troops which the enemy have actually in the field on the continent, and those which we may have the probability of bringing into action the next campaign. In the first instance the force the enemy may have at Quebec and Halifax is not comprehended, and in the latter I will not pretend to estimate the number of militia which may be able to collect iu case of necessity. The balance will then stand as follows: BRITISH TROOPS. Regulars at New York, ..... 9,000 Militia, . . . . . . .3,000 Garrison at Charleston, ..... 3,000 " " Savannali, . . . . .700 ir).700 ALLIED A R JI Y . Northern Continental Army, .... 10,000 French troops, ...... 4,000 Southern Army, ...... 2,000 16,000 " This balance above will be sufficient to prove that supe- riority of numbers can not be the motive with us to undertake a vigorous ofiensive campaign,- much less to undertake the siege of places fortified by nature as well as by art, such as New York and Charleston. "Tiie three propositions simply tend to the entei"prise against New York. The first presupposes the enemy's force in that garrison to be such as I have stated, that they retain possession of the harbor, and have a naval superiority on the coast ; the second that they have the above force by land, keep possession of the harbor, but lose the superiority at sea; in either of which cases any attempt against the garrison ap- pears to me absolutely impracticable, even though our imm- bers were doubled by the militia. 494 LIFE OF STEUBEN, " The position of the enemy is on thi'ee islands. When- ever we attack one the other two must be kept in check. If, then, the besieged should consist of twelve thousand men, and the besiegers of twenty-four thousand, the latter must be di- vided into three parts, each consisting of eight thousand men. The points of attack are the passage at Kingsbridge, the Heights of Brooklyn, and the works on Staten Island. The shortest line of communication between them is from twenty to twenty-four miles, with a river between each. How, then, is the one to support the other in case of a superior attack, which the enemy may easily make, as they possess every pos- sible advantage by water? And even supposing we should obtain possession of either island, what position should we take to cover our flanks from the enemy's force by water ? but if we should be unfortunate enough to have any one division de- feated, what retreat is left while the enemy keep possession of the water? "These reasons alone prove to me sufficiently the impro- priety of such an undertaking so long as the enemy keep pos- session of the port, and the river by which the islands are surrounded. "As soon as a superior fleet shall have blocked up the harbor without, our principal object, I conceive, will be Long Island, in which case the greater part of our strength will be necessarily employed in carrying the works at Brooklyn, ei- ther by storm or regular approaches, and to erect batteries to bombard the city and the fleet in the bay. But even then it will be necessary that our frigates should be in possession of the Sound, and that batteries should be erected on our flanks commanding the river. " The last proposition supposes that we were in possession of the harbor and had the superiority at sea. In this case we should be highly reprehensible if we did not make the at- toinj)t; yet even then I would propose that we should have the most pointed assurances that the fleet destined for this service LIFE OF STEUBEN, 495 should remain long enough to effect a cooperation on the occasion. It would also be necessary to make an exact esti- mate of the number of troops and the means which we possess to make the attempt. "If the enemy should abandon the southern States and collect their whole force at Xew York, it would amount to sixteen thousand men ; and by recalling our troops thence we should amount to nearly the same number. If they retain possession of Charleston and Savannah, General Greene must also remain there, and then we shall be in the same propor- tion of fourteen thousand to fourteen thousand. " It would be no less difficult than hazardous to attack the enemy in their present position, with less than double this num- ber, or twenty-eight thousand men. If the States of Hamp- shire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Xew York, and Jersey, could send four thousand men as rank and file, into the regular array, it would amount to fourteen thousand men (Continental troops), four thousand French and ten thou- sand militia ; with this, and no less than this, I conceive wo might attempt the enterprise. " But independent of the troops we should make an exact estimate of the artillery, engineer, quarter master's and com- missary departments, that we may not find ourselves embar- rassed with the difficulties that always arise from the want of means necessary for the several branches of the army. "Thus, sir, have I given you my opinion on the subject which you did me the honor to submit to my consideration, though I can not help expressing to your Excellency, my fears, that the suppositions on which the questions depend, will never be realized. The late unfortunate defeat of the French fleet in the West Indies, the improbability of collecting a force sufficient to carry on the siege, and the difficulty, I had almost said the impossibility, of supporting them, afford but too just grounds for this suggestion. " However, though our particular situation makes it haz- 496 LIFE OP STEUBEN. ardous to undertake an operation which calls for more force and gfcater resources than we at present possess ; yet I am not of opinion that we should permit the campaign to waste away without improving those advantages which are within our reach. The army should move down and take some ad- vantageous position at or near the White Plains ; and if our force will admit that the two York regiments, with Hazen's, should be added to the two Hampshire regiments who are now stationed on the northern frontier, and march under the command of Hazen, toward St. John's in Canada, by the road lately laid out by the . . . or which other way may appear most proper: if this diversion should be attended with no other advantages it would at least prevent the incursions of the savages, a circumstance of the greatest importance. " Should it, therefore, be ad^dsable to recall the French troops from Virginia, I should conceive the army would be for- midable enough to move down and take an advantageous post at or near White Plains ; and if by the addition of recruits or militia, our situation would admit of a diversion with the two York regiments under Hazen, added to those of Plampshiro, toward the garrison of St. John's in Canada, I am persuaded it would bo attended with the most salutary consequences." But even these diversions were not made. Steuben con- tinued to revievv and inspect the army, and to make his month- ly reports to the commander-in-chief and to the Secretary at War. We select at random a report which we find in Steuben's carefully-written and revised inspection book. It contains all the returns kept in the same way from April, 1782, till 1784, and furnishes a striking proof of the progress of the order and discipline in the army, as well as the final success of Steu- ben's exertions. We give in the Appendix copies of all the returns for the northern arniy. Furnishing as they do an exact account never before published of the numbers and cfii- ciency of the army, they seem to us wortliy of preservation. LIFE OP STEUBEN. 497 General Strength of the different Corps, composing the Northern Army — m taken from the Regimental Rdums accompanying the Inspection of June, 1782. Ist Massacbnsetts, 2(1 .litto 3(1 (lilto 4tli (lilto 5th ditto 6th ditto 7th ditto 8th ditto , 9th ditto , 10th ditto Total, . 10 10 10 10 10 10 10 8 305 16S' 101 Bhodo Island,.. 2 ' 18 ■F V 1st Connccticnt, 2d ditto 3d ditto 4th ditto 6th ditto Total, . 4 li 2 I 1| 4 I 1 1st New York,. 2d ditto TOTA^. 88 19 36 21 1,031 1st New Jersey, 2d ditto Total, , 26,12 1 1 1 1 1 1 ARTILLERY. 2 Rank and 1 File. • ^ j J 1 1 1 E i 1: 1 < 1 1 Massaohasetts,. New York, . . . Artificers, Total, . . . I' 9 10 9! 1 9 id; 20 1 1 I 1 1 8; 'vrr 47 zr> 28,21 1 2 921 I I 22 21 20 '315 12125 18 290 84 46'3S'662^ 17 893 7 343 14 793 498 LIFE OF STEUBEN. How much Washington was satisfied with the progress of the inspection, is evident from the following general order:* " Head-Quartees, Xewbueg, June 18th, 1782. " The general informs the army he had great occasion to be satisfied at the review of the second Connecticut brigade ; and yesterday, especially, with the soldier-like, veteran appeai-- ance of the men and the exactness with which the firings were performed, he felt a particular pleasure in observing the clean- liness and steadiness of the second regiment under arms ; the activity and emulation displayed. by the detachment of artil- lery during the late review deserve encouragement and aj)- plause. " The review of this army by brigade being now com- pleted, the commander-in-chief is happy in having this oppor- tunity to present his thanks to Major General Baron De Steu- ben for the indefatigable assiduity and singular attention, exhibited in the late inspection and review, and for his emi- nent service in promoting the discipline of the army on all occasions ; and at the same time to express his approbation of the present laudable disposition and pride of corps which seem to be diflused throughout the army ; from the spirit of emula- tion and a consideration of the amazing contrast between the past and present appearance of the troops, the general antici- pates the happiest consequences. But being persuaded that appearance alone is not sufficient to estabUsh the reputation and insure the success of our arms, and that frequent and re- peated exercise is absolutely necessary to constitute the per- fection of discipline, be requests in the most pointed terms that the commanding officers of division and brigade, will punctually exei'cise the troops alternately every other day in brigade and by detail. In the course of these exercises the officers are permitted to vary the maneuvers as time, circum- * MS. General Orders from the 1st of June to the 10th of August, l'?S2, in the Steuben Papers (Utica). LIFE OF STEUBEX. 499 stances and inclination may prompt, provided they do not de- viate from the established principles." It was, however, not Steuben's fault that the business of the inspection did not go on as well as he himself wished. There were impediments in his way which ho could not re- move, and first of all the want of the most indispensable means prevented the perfection of that order and exactness at which he aimed from the first day on which he performed the duties of his ofiice. "The more," wrote he, on the 2d of June, 1782, to the Secretary at War,* " I am convinced of the necessity that a state of the army should be regularly laid before you, the greater was my surprise yesterday at finding that the returns for the month of March were still deposited at head-quarters for want of cash to defray the expenses of forwarding them to Philadelphia. The blank muster rolls for the New Hampshire regiments have been detained here two months at the quarter- master general's office, for the same reason. It is in vain, sir, it is absurd, to talk of order, of discipline and arrangements, in our present situation ; musters and inspections are totally useless unless a fund is established to defray the necessary ex- penses of the different departments of the army. For my part, I do not hope to see the troops in a situation to do honor to themselves, or service to their country, while we are de- prived of means of laying their wants before those who alone have the force of sui:)plying them. This, sir, is only a dupli- cate of what I had the honor to mention to you in person, and I now take the liberty to report it officially, that you may have an occasion to procure the truth of it." Such, indeed, was the poverty of the officers in consequence of not receiving their pay, that when Congress ordered that no letters were free except " public business" was written on tnem, and that when several regimental returns not being * Steubeu MS- Papers, vol. ix. 500 LIFE OF STEUBEN. :5ui3erscnbecl as above, arrived at Newburg, they could not be taken out of the post office. The adjutant general would not pay six cents postage, the other adjutants could not, and thus the Minister at "War received only returns of a part of the army. " Several heads of departments," says William North, from whom v/e quote these facts,* " had letters in the same way, which they could not touch, so that it was thought prob- able that Congress would amend their act." To send Major Barber and Captain Popham to Saratoga for the inspection of the troops, Steuben had to pay the money out of his own pocket. When Colonel Stewart was about to review the regiment of Colonel Hazen at Lancaster, the Min- ister at War declared that it was not worth the while to take a round about way. " It is my o^iinion," remarks Steuben, very justly, "that omitting the inspection of only one regi- ment for one month, can cause more expenses to the United States than the insiDCction of the wliole army for a year can cost." " If my hfe, if my honor had depended on it," writes Steu- ben at this time, " I would not have been able to raise ten dollars on credit. The certificate for 86,000, which I held from the United States, I offered in vain for one tenth of its nominal value. There is no resource whatever left to me. I have already lost six horses since I am in service, chiefly for want of forage ; the two best were stolen, as, while in West Point, I had to send them twenty miles from that place to find pasturage for them ; besides that, for want of bolts and bars for my house, my silver and linen were stolen, so that I am re- duced in every thing."f In the meantime the dissatisfaction among officers and sol- diers in the army respecting the arrearages of their pay, and their future prospects, had increased to an alarming degree, which grew still worse when the troops took winter quar- * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. be. \ lljidem, vol. xiv., iu ^Icmorial to Congress. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 501 lei's in the neighborhood of Newburg, and had more leisure to think of and converse upon their really miserable situa- tion, "The army," wrote Walker from Ncwburg, on the 20th of November, 1782, to Steuben,* "are not so quiet a people as you imagine, and as soon as they have settled in their huts, I fear they will be less so. A very dangerous spirit seemed to be rising, but the prudent have turned it a better way than it was going. The officers of the Unes have already appointed a committee to meraoriaUze and to receive communications of other lines. I fancy it will end in a memorial of the whole army to Congress." Tlie generfil officers were in no better condition than the privates. They received no pay, and starvation and misery were staring them in the face ; but they adopted other means to get their claims acknowledged and settled. As to Steuben, we have seen that at the opening of the cam]>aign he liad re- ceived 8850 on account, and his pay for January and Feb- ruary. This money* was spent during the subsequent four months. In June, 1782, he applied again to Congress, repre- senting to the Secretaries of War and Finance the absolute ne- cessity, arising from his peculiar situation in the army, to have his ordinary expenses defrayed. " While other officers," said Steuben, in his memorial of Jime, 1782,f " were stationed within their respective divisions, brigades and corps, and could avail themselves of their ordi- nary supplies, the nature of my duty kept me in constant mo- tion from one division of the army, and even from one army to another, necessarily subjecting me to all the expenses inci- dent to traveling. I ever have been, and ever will be, dis- posed to draw an equal lot with those truly brave men whose sufferings have long since called aloud for speedy redress ; with them have I frequently wanted not only the conveniences but even the necessaries of hfe, and if my duty confined me to * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. ix. \ Ibidom. 502 LIFE OF STEUBEN. camp or quarters, would not conceive myself entitled to any extraordinary privilege. Hitherto I have never made a requi- sition of any kind to Congress, and I entreat your Excellency to be persuaded that it is with singular pain I am compelled to make one at this time ; but the duty I owe to my own feel- ings, as well as the respect I entertain to that august body, required that I should be thus explicit with them." But, although receiving encouragement that proper atten- tion would be paid to his situation, Steuben's expectations were again disappointed, as Congress did nothing. Even the eighty-four dollars per month, which Avere granted to him in 1779 as extra pay to defray his traveling expenses, were over- looked in the new plan of inspectorship, and therefore not paid to him. Thus Steuben stood without any provision for his services as inspector general beyond his allowances as major general.* He, therefore, concluded to go himself to Phila- delphia, reviewing the New York and Jersey lines on his route, and on the 7th of July, for the purpose of better sus- taining his claims, put the following questions to "SVashing- ton:t " Is the department of inspector general necessary in the army, or is it not ? Has this department been conducted dur- ing the course of five years agreeably to your wishes, and have the consequences resulting from my exertions as chief of the department answered your expectations ?" To which queries the commander-in-chief replied : " I give it as my clear opinion that it has been of the ut- most utility, and continues to be of the greatest importance, for reasons too obvious to need enumeration, but more espe- cially for having established one uniform system of maneuvers and regulations in an army composed of the troops of thirteen * Steuben MS. Papers, vol ix., letter of Timothy Pickering of June 25tl-i, 1782. f "Washington's "Writings, vol. viil, 315 and 316, and Steuben MS. Pa- pers, voL viii. I LIFE OF STEUBEN. 503 States (each having its local prejudices), and subject to con- stant interruptions and deviations from the frequent changes and dissolutions it has undergone. It is equally just to de- clare that the department, under your auspices, has been con- ducted with an intelligence, activity and zeal, not less benefi- cial to the public than honoi-ary to yourself, and that I have had abundant reason to be satisfied with your abilities and at- tention to the duties of your ofdce during the four years you have been in the service." But Congress again did nothing, and months passed away before Steuben took up the matter again. " Your services," wrote North, on the 29th of October, 1782, to Steuben,* "to my ungrateful country, have been treated with a neglect shocking to every man of sensibility. The army whom you have formed alone feel how much Amer- ica is indebted to you, and their honest cheeks glow with in- dignation at the ingratitude of their countrymen. The army, the United States, know what you have done, your intimate friends only know what you have suifered, since you took upon you the herculean task of forming the American armies. It is now five years since you undertook this last work. How well you have succeeded the present state of the army will declare ; but unfortunately for our honor, your reward only consists in the consciousness of having acted a great and good part. The war, my dear general, is perhaps drawing towards a close. It has happily been successful, and you doubtless liave acquired a lasting honor by the part you had in it. But honor alone will never compensate for your sacrifices in Eu- rope, nor your sacrifices in America ; a reward of another kind is due. Justice to yourself and to your fi-iends points out the necessity of your endeavoring to procure it." Steuben, however, did not want a reward. He only ex- pected to get what he had a right to ask. At last he could bear the procrastination no longer, and on the 4th of December, * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. ix. 504 LIFE -OP STEUBEN. 1782, appealed, in the following uoble letter, to E. Boudiuot, president of Congress :* " Sir, it is now five years since I was first honored with a major geuei-al's commission, in the service of the United' States. Having given up respectable commands and affluent circumstances in Europe to become useful to this country, it would be doubly mortifying to me to find my endeavors in- efiectual. " The journals of Congress will show that this is the first application I make to their honorable body concerning my private aftuirs. They will at the same time manifest, that while I attended my duty, I wholly neglected, my private con- cerns. I feel this satisfaction, that if I ever partook of the honor, I likewise shared in the inconveniences, toils and dan- gers to which the army was exposed. " My private resources being exhausted, I entreat your Ex- cellency will recommend to Congress their directing a com- mittee to examine into my situation, and report to them the reasonableness of my demands. I shall be happy to evince to their committee, that the internal administration of the reg- iments and corps, with the institution of which I was intrusted, has been productive of the most beneficial savings to the pub- lic, in men, arms, ammunition, accouterments and camp equi^)- age. The testimonials of the commander-in-chief and com- manders of the separate armies, as well as of the generals and other ofiicers of the army, will place this assertion beyond all doubt. " To address this letter to yon, at a time when our army is honored with the approbation of allied troops, remarkable for their order and discipline, is to me a singular happiness. Encouraged by their suffrage, I dare assure you that your enemies can not oppose to you an infantry equal to your own, unless it be superior in numbers. You have ofiicers whoso mihtary knowledge equals their courage, and soldiers w^ho can * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. ix. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 505 execute every possible command. With such ;ui army you will boldly look for a peace glorious to your country and promising happiness to your posterity. " When I drew my sword in the defense of these States I did it with a determination that death only should force me to lay it down before Great Britain liad acknowledged the independence of America, and I still persist in the same reso- lution. Your own feelings, sir, and those of Congress, may enable you to judge of those of an old soldier who finds him- self obliged to mention facts of such a nature as those I have been laying before you. Congress will do me the justice to believe that, in doing justice to the zeal and capacity of the officers, and the docility of the soldiers of the federal army, to speak of mvself is a task highly painful and disagreeable to me." Congress, on the 30th of December, 1782, resolved, that to enable Steuben to take the field another campaign, and for his present support, 82,400 should be paid to him, and that he should be allowed $300 per month, in lieu of his extra pay, and subsistence and forage for himself and family.* " The committee, consisting of Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Clarke and Mr. Carroll, to whom was referred a letter of the 5th, from Major General the Baron De Steuben, having conferred wuth him thereupon, submit to the consideration of Congress the following facts, resulting from the communication made to them, supported by the testimonials of the commander-in- chief and many other principal officers of the army : " First. That the Baron De Steuben was in Europe pos- sessed of respectable military rank, and different posts of hon- or and emolument, which he relinquished to come to America and offer his services at a critical period of the war, and with- out any previous stipulation. " Secondly. That on his arrival he actually engaged in the army, in a very disinterested manner, and without cora- * Resolutions of Congress, viii., 51 and 52. 22 506 LIFJS OF STEUBEN. pensations similar to those which had been made to several other foreign officers. " Thirdly. That under singular difficulties and embarrass- ments in the department in which he has been employed, he has rendered very important and substantial seiwices, by in- troducing into the array a regular formation and exact disci- pline, and by establishing a spirit of order and economy in the interior administration of the regiments ; which, besides other advantages, have been productive of immense savings to the United States ; that in the commands in which he has been employed, he has, upon all occasions, conducted himself like a brave and experienced officer : the committee are therefo re of an opinion that the sacrifices and services of the Baron De Steuben justly entitle him to the distinguished notice of Con- gress, and to a generous compensation, whenever the situation of public affiiirs wnll admit ; the committee further report that the Baron De Steuben has considerable arrearages of pay due to him from these States on a liquidated account, and that having exhausted his resources in past expenses, it is now in- dispensable that a sum of money should be paid him for his present support, and to enable him to take the field another campaign, and propose that the sum of $2,400 be paid to him for that purpose, and charged to his account aforesaid ; where- upon, " Hesolved, That the foregoing proposal of the committee be referred to the superintendent of finance to take order. " The committee further observing, that from the nature of the department in which the Baron De Steuben is employed, he is under the necessity of making frequent journeys, by which he incurs an additional expense, and is often deprived of the allowance of forage to which he is entitled ; thereupon, " Mesolved, That the Baron De Steuben be allowed $300 per month, in lieu of his extra pay, and of subsistence and foi'age for himself and family, including wagon as well as sad- dle horses, and that these allowances hereafter cease." LIFE OF S T E U B E 2<^ . 507 While Steuben was arranging his affairs at Philadelphia, the army had taken up their winter quarters at Xew Wind- sor. In this connection we give the letter of General Gates, who had just arrived in camp, after having lost sight of the progress of the army since tlie last three years. For this rea- son his letter is the more interesting. "Lieutenant Colonel Howard," writes Gates on the 22d of November, 1782, to Steuben,* "does me the favor to be the bearer of this letter. I am happy in so good an op^wrtunity to present you with my most affectionate regards. " Saturday after you left camp, the left wing of the army marched for their winter quarters, and on Sunday they were followed by the right. From the time of our arrival on this side of the mountains we have been constantly employed in hutting, and making every preparation necessary to keep us warm and healthy through the severity of the approaching season. I think another week will complete the business. Our men are become so adi'oit and peifect in the art of hut- ting, that I think they will be more comfortable and better lodged in the quarters they build for themselves than in those any city in the continent would afford them. This mode of covering an army for the winter is now in the art of war, and I wish, for the good of mankind, that the princes and generals of Europe may not adopt it, for then adieu to those respites from carnage which hitherto the winter has so generally given to European armies. "We have just heard that the enemy are preparing for a large embarkation — it may be the whole are going — to the West Indies. I am fully of opinion that is what they ought to do, as here they have little to gain ; there they have every thing to lose. That commerce which is their great resource must be ruined, should Jamaica fall. I therefore believe they will abandon all here to save it. If I am right in my con- jecture, the warfare between us and Britain finishes with the * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. ix. 508 LIFE OF STEUBEN. year; but believe me, my dear baron, my great respect for you will not end with the war. The astonishment with which I beheld the ordei-, regularity, and attention, which you have taught the American army, and the obedience, exactness, and true spirit of military discipline which you have infused into them, does you the highest honor. Gratitude obliges me to make you this declaration. The generosity of the governing powers, both civil and military, will, I trust, be actuated by the same generous principle, and by proclaiming to the world your merits and their obligation, convince mankind that the republics of America have at least the virtue to be grateful." About the same time General Robert Howe wrote a letter to Steuben, which confirms Gates' statements about Steuben's popularity in the army, v,-hile it shows its condition in a more favorable light than we have viewed it. We give it here in full: "I have waited, my dear baron," writes Howe on the 30th of November, 1782,* " a long while, in hopes that some event would have happened worthy of your notice, but thei-e has been such a barrenness of incident, and it is likely to continue, that I will no longer deny myself the pleasm-e of writing to a man I so truly and warmly esteem, were it only to ask what you are doing in Philadelphia. You promised me at parting that I should hear from you upon your arrival, but either the pleasures or vexations you have been involved in have induced you to postpone fulfilling it. I am too deeply interested in your happiness not earnestly to hope that my disai^pointment has been owing to the former cause rather than to the latter. But, in either case, I charge you to let me hear from you ; if the first, the information will make me happy ; if the second, it will induce every sensibility in my mind, and call from me every consolation which can result from aflectionate sym- pathy. " Your children — for so I call our army — have been labor- * Steuben MS. Papers, voL ix. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 509 ing night and day to build their huts, and a wilderness is al- ready changed into a city. Were I writing to a man less acquainted with our troops than you are, I should perhaps ex- patiate upon their endurance of fatigue, their patience under the greatest suiferings, the faithful services rendered their country, without reward and almost without the hope of it ; their resignation to cruel and repeated disappointments with- out a murmur, with ten thousand other virtues with which you know them to be endowed, and therefore now not to be told of. I can not conclude this letter without conveying to you what I am sure your attachment to the army will render pleasing to you, tliat is, that they universally think and speak of you with love, pleasure, gratitude, and applause ; and you will, I am persuaded, hear very shortly from them." Steuben, however, did not return to head-quarters until in March, 1783. CHAPTER XXIV. The Tear 17S3 as devoid of kemarkablk Events as TtiE preceding.— Peace cer- TAix. — It is annocxced to the Army. — The Latter dissolved. — Claims of Officers and Soldiers. — Letter of Richard Peters. — Steuben's Advice asked AT THE Dissolution of the Army. — His Proposals for the Discharge of the Soldiers, about a Peace Kstablishment, and a Military Academy. — Lincoln's Answer. — Closing Scenf^ of the War. — Addef.ss of the Officers of the Two New York Kegimf.nts to Steuben. — Steuben's last official Mission to Canada. —Washington's Instructions. — 'W.vnt of Success of his Demands on General Haldimand.— Steuben's Beport.— He Gor.s to Philadelphia and New York.— Washington's Letter on the Day of his Uesignation. — Steuben's Answer. — Office of Secretary of War vacant.— Knox preferred to Steuben.— Reasons WHY. — Steuben resigns the Inspectorship. — Congress A-ccErTs it, asd votes iiLM A Gold-IIilted Swoed. — Its Description. rpHE year 1783 passed over more quietly than its predeces- -1- sor. The conchision of peace was already certain at its beginning. In ]\Iarch, the intelligence that the preliminaries had been signed reached the camp, and as early as the 1 9th of April the cessation of hostilities was proclaimed to the army. From this date begins its disbandment — a difficult business, considering the just claims of the soldiers, and the inability of Congi-ess to send them home satisfied. " Our means," writes Richard Peters on the 23d of April, 1783, to Steuben,'" "are small, though our wishes are favor- able and sincere. Our circumstances afford an odd contrast to those we have heretofore experienced. The difficulty which heretofore oppressed us was how to raise an army ; the one which now embarrasses us is how to dissolve it. Every thing that Congress can do for our deserving soldiers will be done, but an empty purse is a bar to the execution of the best plans." Steuben was often consulted by the commander-in-chief, as * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. x. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 511 well as theMiiiister.it War, about the business connected with the disbandment of the army, and about the arrangements to be made for the defense of the country after the conclusion of peace. As to the former object, he wrote on the 26th of April, 1783, to Washington :* " Before the dismissal of the men engaged for the war, it will be necessary that each of them should receive a printed discharge, signed by the commander-in-chief. If they leave the army without being regularly discharged, the consequence will be that those who have been engaged for a longer time will take this moment to leave the army also, and entering into the class of citizens with them, it will not be known who are entitled to their dismission and who are deserters. More- over, a discharge signed by the commander-in-chief will give a dignity flattering to soldiers who have served their country Avith fidelity. It would have a good effect if the soldiers, by their discharges, were authorized to apprehend and deliver to their respective governments those who have left the array without a legal discharge. The certificate of the retiring offi- cers ought to be printed on parchment, if possible, signed by tlie commander-in-chief, and scaled with his ai-ms ; they will, in the most honorable terms, express the value of their ser- vices. "The dismissal of the troops must be executed with the greatest dignity possible, for which purpose I submit to your Excellency whether a board should not assemble, to be com- posed of a brigadier general, a colonel, a lieutenant colonel, and a major of each line, at which board the inspector gen- eral could preside. The certificates of the officers and the dis- cliarge of the soldiers to be signed and filled in such a man- ner that nothing would remain for the board but to insert the name, rank, and date of the person discharged. The names of the officers and soldiers so dismissed to be entered by the board in a book, which, in memory of those brave citizens * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xii. 512 LIFE OF STEUBEN. who have fought for the independence of their country, should be i^reserved in the archives of Congress. The troops to be discharged in lines, beginning with Kew Hampshire. The board dismissing those enlisted for the Continent, might be as- sembled at the Temple, the general of the line, the field and staff officers of the regiment, and the officers of the company who are to be discharged, will be present. The troops to be marched to the temple in regiments orbattalions, formed for inspection. Each non-commissioned officer and soldier will be examined as to his pretensions, and if any doubt should arise as to the terra of his engagement, the necessary inquiries may be made, as at this moment every person will be present who can be supposed to give information in the matter. " The Discharging. — When a battalion is finished, the in- specting general, or inspector, will divide them into compa- nies, and divide the officers who are to command them. This formation will exist on the march, and until they arrive at the rendezvous in their respective States, where they will be final- ly discharged. Those who remain will be formed in battalions and companies, for the present, until the new battalions are composed. As soon as the troops of a line are discharged, the senior officer will, with the general's order, conduct them to the place assigned for their final dissolution. If the soldiers could be made sensible that this plan for their dismissal was adopted that they might return to their States with that honor and dignity which their service merits, and that the least dis- order, excess, or w^ant of subordination, would be more dis- graceful on this than on any other occasion, and would .... the merits of their past service, it would, in all probability, liave the best consequence." This prudent advice, though approved by the commander- in-chief, could not, however, be realized, on account of the hurry with which the array, for fear of disturbance, was dis- solved. The troops dispersed without control or order, and vvithout any ceremony. A great many bitter remarks of L IFKOV STEUBEN. 513 Steuben, iu regard to this matter, will be found in the Ap pendix, Washington further asked Steuben's opinion on a final peace establishment, while General Lincoln, the Minister at War, requested his sentiments on the establishment of a mili- tary academy and manufactory. "I had the honor," wrote Steuben on the 15th of April, 1783, to Washington,* "yesterday, of receiving your letter requesting my sentiments on a final establishment. I am sorry that my knowledge of our frontiers and of the sea coast will not permit me to answer your Excellency's wishes. I am firmly of opinion that whatever troops may be kept up, that they should be entirely Continental, forming a division or brigade, from which division or brigade the .... post may be garj'isoned by battalions or companies. By such a form- ation the order and regularity which has been introduced into our service would, in a great raeasui-e, be preserved. The pay for the non-commissioned ofiicers and privates for the peace establishment ought, in my opinion, be less than the pay of those grades are at present. It is but reasonable that troops on a peace establishment should receive less than in time of actual war, and if these emoluments should be paid regularly, a small sum would sufiice to answer all their real wants, and some imaginary ones. I am also of opinion that no rations should be furnished to troops on a peace establish- ment, but the money at which they are valued .... for the troops, provided they are paid weekly. In the present move- ment there are other establishments which deserve to be at- tended to — the establishment of military academies and man- ufactories ; those, as well as the other matters, are, in my opinion, of sufficient consequence to require the deliberation of a committee of Congress and the general officers of the army." And on the 21st of April he continues: "I have the honor * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xii. 22* 514 LIFE OF STEUBEN. to inclose to yoiu' Excellency my thoughts on a peace es tablishment for our interior defenses. How far my plan is adapted to the circumstances of the United States, and whether it will agree with the principles of our government, I am not able to determine. This I am certain of, that we have need of a regular force for the protection of our frontiers* that our militia ought to be on a regular establishment ; and that the establishment of military schools and manufactories will be the best means for providing for our security in future ; and that a system of this nature will make us more respectable with the powers of Europe than if we should keep fifty thou- sand men in pay."* In his letter of the 16th of April, 1783, transmitting hia plan of a military academy to Lincoln, Steuben says, among other things : " Want of time prevented me from detailing the difierent objects I had in view, which I wished the more as I wanted to answer all and any objections and doubts which might be raised as to my statements. The calculation, howevei-, is very just, the expense taken at the highest, and the result at a very moderate rate. The appointments and salaries in all the classes are such, that England, Germany and France will furnish ac- ceptable teachers. The ideas which you communicated to me served me as a direction in regard to the number. Several objects require a more detailed explanation. I, therefore, should like to be present when the plan will be taken into consideration." " I have been honored," answered Lincoln, on the 24th of April, 1783,f "with your favor of the 16th inst., covering a system for the military academy. " I am exceedingly obliged by your attention to this sub- ject ; and for your well-digested and judicious arguments, please to accept my most cordial thanks. * Steuben's views on this subject will bo found in the Appendix. f Steuben MS. Papers, vol. x. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 515 " I am fully convinced as to what is the interest of the United States, but I can not be so certain what hne of conduct they will jiursue. However, the committee have under con- sideration your observations. If I differ from them in my report, it will not be because I think them ill calculated to promote the general interest, but from a full conviction that so necessary and extensive a plan can not be carried in Con- gress, I hope you will be heard before your plan is rejected. " If the very best measure can not be obtained, we must at present be content with the next best." " I have received your plans," wrote U. Peters, to whom Steuben had just given his opinion about the line of conduct to be puisued towards prisoners of war, on the 6th of May, 1783, "and given them to the committee on peace establisli- ment. You know how much I value all your military opinions, and therefore I need not tell you that I find much to ... . in the ....;* but if I were to go into the details my answer would be wordy, and possibly not well grounded. All of them will not be adopted, but they will furnish a very respectable part of any building we may erect." Steuben's plan for the establishment of a military academy and manufactory, which he made at the request of the Sec- retary at War is one of the most interesting of all the drafts he made at this time. How far it served as a basis for the military school at West Point (established in 1803), Ave are not able to judge, but it will easily be seen, by competent judges, from the following particulars, Steuben's leadmg idea in regard to the school was the creation of an institution similar to the Prussian cadet houses, as, for instance, Potsdam and Berlin, in which young men are educated for officers. He says :f "1. The establishment shall consist of a military acad- emy and a military manufactory, the direction and government * The blanks are occasioned by the defects of the original MS. f Steuben MS. Papers, Utica. 510 LIFE OF STEUBEX, of which shall he committed to a director general, the four senior officers of the establishment, and two professors of the academy, who shall be called the council of directors. " 2. The superior and inferior officers, the professors and masters of the academy shall be appointed by Congress. "3. Commissioners appointed by Congress shall yearly examine the administration of the establishment, to whom tlie council of directors shall expose their accounts, and give every information, respecting the establishment, which may be re- quired of them. " 4. One hundred and twenty young gentlemen, under the denomination of volunteer cadets, shall be educated every three years, eighty of whom shall be destined for the infantry, twenty for the cavalry, and twenty for the engineers and ar- tillery. "5. Xo person shall be received as a volunteer cadet under the age of fourteen years, nor without having received what is called a grammar-school education. "6. Xo cadet shall be obUged to enter into the array against his inclination, but shall be at liberty to choose what career he pleases. " 7. Each cadet shall 2>ay for his board, clothing and in- struction, three hundred dollars per annum. " 8. If a cadet leaves the academy before his three years expire, he shall be deprived of a certificate and the benefits thereof " 9. Each cadet shall be instructed in the following sciences and arts: — Xatural and exj)erimental philosophy, eloquence and the belles lettres, civil law and the law of nations, his- tory and geography, mathematics, civil architecture, draw- ing, the French language, horsemanship, fencing, dancing, and music. " Independent of the above, those cadets designed for the artillery and engineers, will receive particular instructions from the officers of this corps. I. IFEOFSTEUBEK. 517 " 10. The cadets sliall live in a couvcuient house; they will eat at four clitFereut tables, which will he cleanly and equally served, and at each of which iin officer will preside in rotation. They will be uniformly habited, and subject to the rules of the academy. The clothing (except linen), and subsistence will be furnished by the establishment. "11. There will be five professors, for each of whom a convenient house will be constructed, and land annexed suf- ficient for a yard and garden. They will also receive the pay and emoluments mentioned in the list of appointments. " Professors : one of mathematics, one of history and geog- raphy, one of the law of nations and civil law, one of natural and experimental philosophy, one of eloquence and the belles lettres. "12. There will be seven masters of arts, who will have convenient houses and gardens, with the pay and emoluments noted in the list of appointments. " Masters : one of architecture, one of drawing, one of the French language, one of riding, one of dancing, one of fencing, one of music. "The rules and statutes for the academy shall be formed by the first council of directors, or by persons named by Con- gress, whose sanction shall be necessary to their existing as a permanent ordinance. " Congress will recommend the passing a law by which no pei'son shall be employed as an officer in the army, who has not served as an officer in the late war, or received his educa- tion at one of the military academies, and can produce a cer- tificate, signed by the director general, of his capacity. " The rank of each cadet will be shown by the date of his certificate, and if an army should be formed, the first class would serve as captains, the second as lieutenants, and the third as ensigns." The manufactory connected with the above school con- sisted, according to Steuben's plan, of six hujidicil men em- 518 LIFE OF STEUBEN. ployed in the different branches; viz., of seven master artifi- cers, twenty artificers of the first class, one hundred and fifty artificers of the second class, twenty-six common tradesmen, three hundred and ninety-six common workingmen. The man- iifactories in which they liad to work, were: 1st. A manufac- tory of cannon powder which was to furnish one thousand barrels per annum, at $1 6 a barrel ; 2d. A manufactory of iron to cast four hundred tons of ore into cannon, mortars, how- itzers, shells and shot ; 3d, A manufactory of bar iron to fur- nish one hundred tons, each ton at $50 ; 4th. A manufactory of carriages to furnish one hundred and twenty carriages a year at $100 a piece ; 5th, A manufactory of fire-arms to fur- nish three thousand four hundred muskets at $6 a piece, five hundred carabines at $4, and five hundred pair of pistols at |4 ; 6th. A manufactory of white arms to furnish three thou- sand swords for the cavalry at $2, three thousand four hun- dred bayonets at $1 a piece, five hundred lances and five hun- dred hatchets ; 7th. A manufactory of leather, to furnish three thousand seven hundred cartridge boxes at $2 a piece, three thousand scabbards for swords, three hundred bridles, three hundred saddles and three hundred halters ; 8th. A brass foundery to cast annually eight field-pieces, six pounders ; eight field-pieces, three pounders ; eight howitzers of eight inches, and eight howitzers of five and a half inches ; 9th. A complete laboratory for the artillery. Steuben computed the costs and expenses of both estab- lishments at $142,036 per year. Deducting from them the articles manufactured, at 895,950, and the tuition fee received from one hundred and twenty cadets at $300 per head, at $36,000 ; a balance was left of $10,686, to be charged to the United States. "Among the annual salaries we quote : director general to receive $2,832 ; each assistant teacher $1,488, in all, $8,784 ; five professors, $6,721 ; five masters of arts and tutors, $3,264 ; hospital department, $4,212 ; eighty infantry cadets, $21,384 ; LIFE OP STEUBEN. 519 twenty cavalry cadets, $5,124 ; twenty artillery and engineer cadets, $5,472." It was jnst at this time that the order of the Cincinnati was formed, in the establishment of which Steuben took a very prominent part. As we shall have to refer to it in another chapter, we relate here the last incidents of the war, and Steu- ben's participation in the memorable events which ended the year 1783. His position in the army just about to dissolve, is best characterized by the following letter which the officers of the two New York regiments, on the 9th of June, 1783, addressed to Steuben, before they left their quarters. It reads as fol- lows :'" "The objects for which we took upon us the profession of arms being accomplished, we are now about to retire from the field and return to the class of private citizens. " But before we separate for ever, permit us, the officers of the two New York regiments, to express our ieehngs to- ward you on this occasion. " The essential and distinguished services you have ren- dered this country, must inspire the breast of every citizen of America with sentiments of gratitude and esteem. But we, sir, feel sentiments of another nature. Your unremitted exertions on all occasions to alleviate the distress of the army, and the manner in which you have shared them with us, have given you more than a common title to the character of our friend — as our military parent we have long considered you. Ignorant as we were of the profession we had undertaken, it is to your abilities and unwearied assiduity we are indebted for that military reputation we finally attained. We there- fore feel ourselves bound to you by the strongest ties of affec- tion, and we now take leave of you with that regret which such sentiments must occasion. Wishing you long to enjoy in health and happiness those rewards which your services have * Steuben MS. Papers, TTtica. 520 LIFE OF STEUBEN. merited, and which a grateful people can not fail to bestow. We have the honor to remain yours," etc. The last duty which Steuben performed in the service of the United States, was a mission which he undertook by order of the commander-in-chief to Canada. Washington selected liim as the most proper person to claim from General Hahli- mand, the governor of that province, the delivery of the posts on the frontier territory ceded to the United States. This mission, although it afterward proved unsuccessful, was the more honorable as it required at the same time a sound mil- itary and political judgment. The following instructions were given by Washington to Steuben, on the 12th of July, 1783:* " In consequence of powers in me invested for that jDur- pose, I do hereby authorize and desire you to proceed with such dispatch as you shall find convenient, into Canada, and there concert with General Haldimand, or other British com- mander-in-chief in that province, all such measures as you shall find necessary for receiving i:)ossessioa of the posts now under his command within the territory of the United States, and at present occupied by the troops of his Britannic Majesty, and from which his said majesty's troops are to be withdra^ii, agreeably to the seventh article of the provisional treaty be- tween his said majesty and the United States of America. " In accomplishing this negotiation you will obtain, if jios- sible, from General Haldimand his assurances and orders for the immediate possession, by the United States, of the posts in question, or at least a cession of them at an early day. But if this can not be done, you will endeavor to procure from him positive and definitive assurances, that he will as soon as possi- ble give information of the time that shall be fixed on for the evacuation of those posts, and that the troops of his Bi-itannic Majesty shall not be di*awn therefi-om tmtil sufficient previous, notice shall be gi\en of that event, that the troops of the * Wapliin.ffton's Writings, viii., pp. 4fi2-4fi4. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 521 Unitecl States may be ready to occupy the fortresses as soon as they shall be abandoned by those of his Britannic Majesty. " You will propose to General Haldimand, an exchange of such artillery and stores now in the posts, as you shall think proper, and which you shall judge will be of benefit to the United States, agreeing with the British commander-in-chief, that an equal number of cannon, and an equal quantity and kind of stores, to what he may consent to exchange, shall be replaced to his Britannic Majesty by the United States, at such time and place as shall be fixed on, by you, for the purpose. " Having formed your arrangements with General Haldi- mand, you will be pleased to proceed in such manner as you shall think best, to visit the several posts and fortresses on the fron- tier territory of the United States, as far as Detroit ; view their difierent situation, strength, and circumstances ; and, forming your judgment of their relative position, and probable advan- tage to the United Stgtes, you will report the same to me, with your opinion of such of them as you shall think it most expedient for the United States to retain and occupy. In pass- ing Lake Champlain you will critically observe the width of the waters at the northern extremity, and the nature of the ground adjoining ; with a view to determine whether there is any spot south of the forty-fifth degree of north latitude, and near our extreme boundary, on which it will be conven- ient, should Congress judge it expedient, to erect fortifications, which would command the entrance from Canada into that lake. "At Detroit you will find a very considerable settlemi.'ut, consisting mostly of French people from Canada. To thesi? you will please to intimate in the fullest manner the good dis- position of Congi-ess and the inhabitants of the United States for their welfare and protection, expressing at the same time to them our expectations of finding the like disposition in them toward us, and the post which we may establish there, and any future settlement which may be formed in their neigh- 522 LIFE OP STEUBEN. bovliood by the subjects of the United States. .As the advanced season, or other unforeseen accidents, may render it difficult to get a detachment of American troops to that place before it may be convenient for the British garrison to be withdrawn from that post, you will do well to engage, in this case, some one or more of the respectable and well-disposed inhabitants of the district to provide a company of militia (if there be any) or others, at the expense of the United States, to take charge of the works and buildings of the fortress, assuring them such reasonable pay as shall be deemed adequate to their service, or as you may condition foi-. ' You will also make particular inquiry whether the farmers or merchants of Detroit are able or willing to supply an American garrison at that post with provisions and other necessaries, and upon what terms." Washington himself at the same time visited the northern and north-western part of the State of New York, as far as the Mohawk river and the eastern banks, of the Susquehanna, in order eventually to assist Steuben, and to faciUtate the opera- tions which would be necessary for occupying as soon as evac- uated by British troops, the posts ceded by the ti-eaty of peace.* In compliance with his instructions, Steuben at once pro- ceeded to Canada, and arrived at Chamblee on the 2d of Au- gust, whence he sent Major North to announce his arrival to General Haldimand. According to the latter's appointment, they met at Sorel, on the 8th, where Steuben opened the busi- ness on which he was sent. " To the first proposition which I had in charge to make," reports he to Washington, on the 23d of August, I783,f "Gen- eral Haldimand replied that he had not received any orders for making the least arrangement for the evacuation of a sin- gle post ; that he had only received orders to cease hostilities ; those he had strictly complied with, not only by restraining the * Washington's Writings, vol. viii., 469. f Correspondence of the Revolution, iv., 41, 42. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 523 British troops, but also the savages, fj-om committing the least hostile act ; but that, until he should receive positive orders for that purjiose, he would not evacuate an inch of ground. I informed him that I was not instructed to insist on an imme- diate evacuation of the posts in question, but that I was or- dered to demand a safe conduct to, and a liberty of visiting the posts on our fiontiers, and now occupied by tlie British, that I might judge of the arrangements necessary to be made for securing the interests of the United States, To this he answered that the precaution was premature ; that the peace was not yet signed ; that he was only authorized to cease hos- tilities ; and that, in this point of view, he could not permit that I should visit a single post occupied by the British. Nei- ther would he agree that any kind of negotiation should take place between the United States and the Indians, if in his power to prevent it, and that the door of communication should, on his part, be shut, until he received positive orders from his court to open it. My last proposal was that he should enter into an agreement to advise Congress of the evacuation of the posts, three months previous to their abandonment. This, for the reason before mentioned, he refused, declaring that until the definitive treaty should be signed, he would not enter into any kind of agreement or negotiation whatever. " I esteem myself very unfortunate that I could not suc- ceed in the business with which I was charged, and am only consoled by the idea that your Excellency will believe that every thing which was in my power to do was done to answer the wishes of your Excellency and of Congress." Xot having any thing to hope from a continuance of the negotiations, Steuben left St. John's on the 13tli of August; arrived at Saratoga on the 21st of August, and having restored his weakened health, returned to head-quarters, where he re- sumed his old duties till the army was finally disbanded. Con- gress, on the 18th of October, 1783, discharged all officeis and soldiers from service, and retained only those who had enlisted 524 LIFE OP STEUBEN. for a definite time, till the new peace, establislimcnt was oi-gan- ized. On the recommendation of Steuben, Major William North was appointed inspector of the troops who were under the com- mand of General Knox. Steuben at this time left head-quar- ters by order of the general-in-chief, and went to Philadelphia, Avhere he dissolved the posts still outstanding, gave orders for the sick and invalid soldiers, and emptied the hospitals. The performance of these duties kept liira until the latter part of November, wlien ho returned to head-quarters. The British soon after evacuated New York, and on the 25th of November, 1'783, Washington, with his staff officers, entered the city. Steuben was among them, and took part in all the festivities attendant on the occasion, and from that time to the 4th of December, when the commander-in-chiei left New York to proceed to Annapolis, Maryland, to resign his command into the hands of Congress. Washington, even an hour before retiring to jDrivate life, remembered Steuben's merits and devoted service to the great cause Vv^hich was now triumphant. He honored him with a tes- timonial more flattering than any he ever gave to the other offi- cers of the revolution ai-y army, thus recanting his former hareh judgment which confounded Steuben with the crowd of foreign adventurers who offered their services in the first years of the war. This was his last letter while in the service of his coun- try, and in this respect, too, is an interesting historical docu- ment. It reads as follows :* " Anxapolis, December 23, 1783. " ]\[y Dear Barox, — " Although I have taken frequent opportunities, both in public and in private, of acknowledging your great zeal, at- tention and abilities, in performing the duties of your office, yet I wish to make use of this last moment of my public life, to signify, in the strongest terms, my entire approbation of your conduct, and to express my sense of the obligations the * Washington's Tfritinga, voL viiL, p. 503. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 525 public is uucler to you. for youi- faithful and meritorious ser- vices. " I beg you will be convinced, my dear sir, that I should rejoice if it could ever be in my power to serve you more es- sentially than by expressions of regard and affection ; but, in the meantime, I am persuaded you will not be displeased v/ith this farewell token of my sincere friendship and esteem for you. " This is the last letter I shall write while I continue in the service of my country. The hour of my resignation is fixed at twelve to-day, after which I shall become a private citizen, on the banks of the Potomac, where I shall be glad to em- brace you, and testify the great esteem and consideration with which I am, my dear baron," etc. Steuben answered :''- " The letter of the 23d of December, which I have had the honor of receiving from your Excellency, is the most hon- orable testimony which my serving could have received. My first wish was to approve myself to your Excellency, and in having obtained your esteem my happiness is complete. The confidence your Excellency was pleased to place in my integ- rity and abilities gained me that of the army and of the United States. Your approbation will secure it. "A stranger to the language and customs of the country, I had nothing to offer in my favor but a little ex2>erience and a great good will to serve the United States. If my endeav- ors have succeeded, I owe it to your Excellency's protection, and it is a sufiicient reward for me to know that I have been usefid in your Excellency's operations, which always tended to the good of our country. " After having studied the principles of the military art under Frederick the Great, and put them in practice under Washington, after having deposited mysword under the same * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. x. 526 LIFE OF STEUBEN. trophies of victory with you, and finally after having received this last public testimony of your esteem, there remains noth- ing for me to desire. "Accept my sincere thanks, ray dear general, for the une- quivocal proofs of your friendship, which I have received since I had first the honor to be under your orders, and believe that I join ray prayers to those of America for the preservation of your life, and for the increase of your felicity." On the 12th of November, 1783, the office of Secretary of "War had become vacant, in consequence of General Lincoln's resignation, and the attention of the raajority of Congress for this office was now concentrated on Steuben and General Knox. The only objection made against the former was that he was a foreigner, and that a foreigner could not be trusted with a post of such importance. This objection, absurd as it w^as, settled the question, and while nobody disputed Steuben's superior knowledge in his science, and in the administration of the army, Knox, the native candidate, got the appointment. Steuben did not conceal his indignation at being compelled to yield to such a stupid pretext. "The man," said he, in a let- ter upon this subject, "who had abandoned all his appoint- ments, and the brightest prospects in Europe, to devote his services to the United States, who had served them with zeal and fidelity during a war of seven years as critical as trying ; the man who had got possessions in Virginia, Pennsylvania, New York and New Jersey — with what eflfrontery could he be called a foreigner ! As to the importance of this ministe- rial office, the man who had organized the whole American army in the midst of the war ; the man who solely had estab- lished and put in execution the principles of strict military rules : this man can not be intrusted with the administration of a corps of four hundred men in time of peace ! What fine reasoning ! But, in fact, Mr, Knox had engaged the delegates of Massachusetts to secure to him this place. His own State could not provide hira with a post worthy of his ambition, and LIFE OF STEUBEN. o'J, i therefore the Confederation had to give him a suitable appoint- ment. Without disputing his knowledge in the art of artil- lery, I dare to assert, that on my arrival at the army, it had no idea of maneuvering with a single field-piece, and that I was the first who taught them to make use of their cannons in the attack and reti'eat."* Steuben gave in his resignation on the 24th of March, ] V84, which Congress accepted on the 15th of April. To smooth his exasperated feelings, Congress promised soon to settle his claims against the United States, and resolved,f "That the thanks of the United States, in Congress assembled, be given to Baron Steuben for the great zeal and abilities he has dis- covered in the discharge of the several duties of his office ; that a gold-hilted sword be presented to him, as a mark of the high sense Congress entertain of his character and services ; and that the superintendent of finance take order for procur- ing the same." This sword was presented to Steuben three years after- wards, on the 4th of January, 1787, with the following letter from General Knox : '■War Office, January 4:, 1181. " Siu, — The United States, in Congress assembled, by their act of the 15th of April, 1784, expressed their high sense of your military talents, services, and character, and as an honor- able evidence thereof they directed that a gold-hilted sword should be presented to you. It is with great satisfaction I embrace the occasion of presenting you with the invaluable memorial of their sentiments and your eminent merits. " Were it possible to enhance the honor conferred by the sovereign authority, it would be derived from the consider- ation that their applause was reciprocated by the late illus- trious commander-in-chief, and the whole army," To which letter Steuben, on the 5th of January, returned the following polite answer : * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. xL f Res. of Congress, vol. ix., p. 128. 528 LIFE OF STEUBEN. " I have been honored with your letter, and Captain Stagg has dehvered me the sword \yhich the United States were pleased to order by their act of the 15th of April, 1784. "Permit me, sir, to request that you would express to Congress the high sentiments of respect and acknowledgment with which I receive this distinguished mark of their regard. " To a soldier such sentiments are ever dear, and that this is accompanied with tlie approbation of our late commander- in-chief, of yourself, and the army in general, will always be my greatest glory. " Accept, sir, my sincere . thanks for the very flattering manner in which you have communicated this jiresent, and believe me," etc. In the New York Daily Advertiser of the 11th of January, 1787, from which we quote the above letters, the following description of the sword is given: "It was made in London, under the direction of Colonel Smith, and executed by the first workmen in that kingdom. The small medallions on each side of the top of the hilt, pre- sent an eagle perched on a bunch of arrows, with a wreath of laurel in her bill, and wings extended ready to rise. The modest genius of America fills the front medallion on the hilt, dressed in a flowing robe, ornamented with the new constella- tion, holding an olive branch in her right arm, and a dagger in her left hand, and the fair field of liberty flourishing in the background. It is answered on the opposite side with the full figure of Minerva, in martial dress, robed and ornamented with the same stars; the bird of wisdom is seated near; her left hand being extended, presents the olive branch, while the right is pro]3erly supported by the spear ; this figure is mar- tial and gay — the other is mild, and modestly embraces the olive branch, but holds the dagger with firmness. The bow of the hilt presents drums, colors, halberts, etc., etc. The sword and Blue Book* fill the two lower ones — two eagles, * " The baron's excellent regulations for our army, commonly called the Blue Book." — Editors of 'he Advcrli-ser. i LIFE OF STKTTBEN. 529 seated on knots of colors, surrounded with stars, and holding a sprig of an olive branch in the bUl, with extended wings, are emblems of peace and protection, under the sword and Blue Book (which our country can not too strictly attend to). The two opposite medallions are filled with trophies of wai-, and the following inscription, modestly placed out of view under the shield: 'The United States to Major General Baron Steuben, 15th April, 1784, for military merit.' " 23 CHAPTER XXV. Tkeat.ment of tue Revolutionary Officers on tue paet of the United States. — In- gratitude OF Republics.— Monarchies .more grateful.— The United States for- feit TUEiE Word. — They p.efuse to do Justice to their Officers. — Way ik •which they were treated. — Resolution of the 2Gtu op April, 1778, granting Half Pay for Life, repealed by Resolution of the 15th of May, granting Half Pay for only Skven Years. — Unjust Jealousy op tue People against tub Officers. — Frivolous Co.mplaints against them. — Washington tries to com- promise IN Favor of the Officers. — IIis Endeavors partly crowned with Success in Octorer, 1780. — Ex-Parte Repeal of the old Law by new Con- gress.— Mean Attempts to justify this Breach of Pro.vise. — Memorial of tub Officers of December, 17S2. — The Newburo Addressfa — Washington inter- feres.— Final Settle.ment of the Officers' Claims. — Steuben's Situation at the End OP THE War. — He is more Helpless than his Brothers in Arms. — His- tory OF iiis Negotiations with Congress foe getting his Claims settled. — The Conditions under which he entered the Service of Congress. — Resolu- tions OP THE SOth op Deckmbef., 17S2. — Steuben in resigning wants a final Settlement. — No Resolution arrived at. — Specification of his Claims. — Congress goes to Trenton. — Steuben's Demands unfavorably looked upon. — His Motives suspected. — The Validity of his Agreement with Congress ques- tioned.— A COM.MITTEE appointed FOR EXAMINING StEUBEN'S ClAI.MS. — It PRO- POSES TO PAY HIM Seven Thousand Dollars as Reward for his Services.— Steuben does not want a Reward but Justice. — Hamilton's Letter to Washington.- Steuben's pep.sonal Friends pronounce in Favor op his Clai.m. -^He prints a Pamphlet and distributes it among the Members op Congress. — Hamilton to Washington about the Necessity of satisfying Steuben. — Washington agrees with n.\.MiLT0N. — A new Committee appointed. — It meets with unforeseen Difficulties. — It does not arrive at a Conclusion. — Steu- ben's Destitution.— Ar.mstrong's Letter.— The First Congress under the NEW Constitution eesu.mes the Matter. — Alexander Ha.milton, then Secre- tary of the Treasury, reports favorably. — New Com.mittee in Favor op Steuben. — Its Proposals accepted. — Steuben gets an Annuity of Twenty Five Hundred Dollars. — Speech of Mr. P.^ge. — Importance of this Act. REPUBLICS are accused of ingratitude toward those who have done them good service, more often than any other government ; comparisons are drawn between the absohitist and free forms of political society, in order to show that kings and princes are the more grateful in recompensing their faith- ful servants. Although it can not be denied that the sovereign power, i LIFE OF STECBEX. 531 when vested in an inclividual, has a greater personal interest to prove its gratitude to those who served its ends, than a gov- ernment which only temporarily represents the people, we nevertheless, can not admit that this reproach is justified. The very nature of government excludes gratitude. There are too many in office, or desirous of office, who claim its full attention, and do not allow it to indulge in feelings of acknowl- edgment; the dead are forgotten, and those out of office nec- essarily overlooked. The people at large have a short mem- ory, they are directed by the imjoulse of the moment, and control each other in the instinct of their narrow-minded in- terests. Here and there a brilliant exception — as in this coun- try, for instance, the honors bestowed upon Washington — con- firms the general rule, and all the hard suflerings, all the glo- rious deeds of great men would soon be forgotten, were it not the pious task of the historian to preserve them for the benefit of future generations. The United States, far from being gi-ateful, have been par- ticularly forgetful in regard to their great men. In no coun- try of the world do they make so pompous a display of them and remember so little what they have done. As an example, Xathaniel Greene, after Washington, the greatest in the revo- lutionaiy war, a man w'ho had almost no equals in a great period, and contributed so largely to the establishment of the national independence, is forgotten ; the spot where his ashes repose is not known. Alexander Hamilton, the great legisla- tor and statesman, one of the eminent founders of the Consti- tution of the United States, is hardly spoken of but by pro- fessional men ; the people at large do not know him ; while in other countries, which at least honor their deceased heroes, public places would be adorned with his statues, school-rooms decorated with his busts, and private houses ornamented with his portraits. It really appears that in this country the enthu- siastic veneration of Washington excludes any recollection of the services of his compeers. 532 LIFE OF STEUBEX. But be this as it may, we do not require gratitude on the part of a government ; all we can ast, and what we have a right to ask, is justice and the strict fulfillment of its obliga- tions, governments having their duties as well as their rights, the due performance of the one being the best title to the other ; but even in this respect the United States failed in their dealings with the revolutionary officers. A striking illustration of this fact is afforded by the eight years' negotiation which Steuben had with Congress for the settlement of his claims. It is our unpleasant office to give the history of these proceedings, which have been often em- ployed to cast a reproach on the character and disinterested- ness of Steuben. In order to be just and to make them clear- ly understood and considered in the spirit of their time, we must, before entering into the particulars of Steuben's de- mands, refer to the treatment which the revolutionary officers in general experienced on the part of the United States. The pay of the Ameiican army was originally so small that it offered to those that had families dependent upon them, an inadequate support. And so early as 1778, Washington, perceiving the ill effects that must arise from the mistaken policy of Congress toward the army, addressed the president of Congress in the fitst of a series of most able letters, which extend through the five following years. Accordingly Congress resolved, on the 21st of A})ril, 1778, that provision should be made for the officers of the army after the close of the war. Five days afterward, a proposi- tion was carried that half pay be granted to them for life, to commence at the end of the war ; tlie next day it was re- solved, that the United States should have the right to redeem the lialf pay for life by giving to the officer entitled, four years' half pay, and on the 15th of May Congress substituted for the whole scheme a provision of half pay for seven years. It was soon found that the resolution of the 15th of May was wholly inadequate, and Washington again pressed the I LIFE OF STKL'BK>i, 533 subject upon the attention of Congress. On the 11th of Aug- ust, 1779, eight States against four voted that the half pay granted by the resolve of the 15th of May, be extended so as to continue for life; and on the 17th it was farther resolved, that this extension be deemed suspended, and that it be rec- ommended to the States that had not already adopted meas- ures for that purpose, to make an adequate provision for the officers enlisted for the war, who should remain in service till the estabhshment of peace. Pennsylvania had already voted to her officers half pay for life, but no other State followed her examjjle, or heeded the recommendations of Congress. In the autumn of 1780, Washington again applied to Con- gress, and on the 21st of October a resolution was passed that half pay for life should be granted to such officers as should remain in service till the end of the war. From this time the officers remained in the service, re- lying upon this resolution in the behef that the public faith would be kept with them. But the resolution of Congress ot 1780 was supplanted by the Congress of the Confederation, whose members could not be brought to see that the resolu- tion of the 21st of October, 1780, was a compact with the officers, obligatory upon every succeeding Congress. On the contrary, it was maintauied that the resolve, having passed be- fore the Articles of Confederation were signed, could not bind Congress under the Confederation, as that instrument required the votes of nine States for an appropriation of money. Nothing, therefore, was done, and the officers of the Con- tinental army fearing it would be disbanded before their claims would be settled, destitute of money and of credit, oppressed with debts and with the sufferings of their families at home, presented, in December, 1782, a memorial to Congress, in which they offered to commute the half pay for life granted to them by the resolution of October, 1780, for full pay for a certain number of years, or for a reasonable sum in gross. The committee, chosen from among the officers themselves, 534 LIFi; OF STEUBEN. to advocate their claims, waited upon Congress until March, 1783, when they wrote to their constituents that nothing had been done. On the 10th of March, the famous Xewburg let- ter made its apj^earance in the army. It was written with great ability and skill, and called upon the officers of the army at Newburg to meet together to consider the late let- ter from their committee at Philadelphia. Although it Avas anonymous, it is well known it was written by John Arm- strong, a major in the army. The crisis called forth all Washington's conciliatory tact and firmness. He issued, an .order at once forbidding an as- semblage at the call of an anonymous paper, and directing the officers to assemble on the 18th of March, to hear a report of their committee at Philadelpliia, and to determine what course should be pursued for the future. The senior officer in rank was directed to preside and to report the result of the meeting to the commander-in-chief On the next day after the issuing of this order, a second anonymous letter appeared from the same writer. In this pa- per he affected to consider the order of "Washington as a sanc- tion of the whole proceeding which the writer had. proposed. Washington saw at once the necessity of being present at the meeting ; and by his influence, aided by Putnam, Knox, Brooks and Howard, resolutions were adopted in which the officers, after reasserting their grievances, and rebuking all attempts to seduce them from their allegiance, referred the whole subject of their claims again to the consideration of Congress. The eftect of these resolutions was the passage by Congress of certain resolves, on the 22d of March, 1783, commuting the half pay for life to five years' full pay at the close of the war, to be received at the option of Congress, in money, or in such securities as were given to other creditors of the United States. In July the accounts of the army were ordered to be adjusted, and after the disbanding of the army in October, 1783, the LIFE OF STEUBEN. 635 officers passed in the whole mass of the creditors of the Con- federatioD.* Steuben's position was quite diflerent from that of his brother officei"s when he retired to private life. Old, fatigued, and without resources, in a foreign country, he stood helpless and alone. He knew none of the civil occupations by which others succeeded in gaining an honorable existence ; he had nothing to rely on but his past services to assure hira a liveli- hood during his declining years. He expected that Congress at once would do justice to his claims; but when American officers were treated in so mean and miserly a way, a foreigner had still less reason to hope that his claims, however just, would be acknowledged. It took Steuben no less tlian seven years to arrive at a final settlement Avith Congress. As stated above, in chapter V., Steuben, in Febniary, 1778, when asked by Congress on what conditions he would enter the service of the United States, declared to a commit- tee sent to him for this purpose, that he had come to offer his services as a volunteer, and asked neither rank nor pay ; that if the United States failed in their revolution, or if he did not give satisfaction in his operations, Ife asked nothing ; but that, leaving to their generosity any other reward of his services, if at the end of the war they should meet the approbation of the commander-in-chief, and if the great object of independence should finally be accomplished, he expected not only a reim- bursement of all his expenses incurred in coming to America, but also an indemnification for the emoluments which he was obliged to renounce in order to devote his services to the United States. Congress thanked Steuben for this generous and disinter- ested tender of his talents, and directed him to join the army without delay, whereupon he set out for the camp. * George Ticknor CurtLs: History of the Origin, Formation, and Adoption of tlie Constitution of the United States, i., 158. 536 LIFE OF STEUBEN. . During the whole war he fulfilled, as we have seen, his en- gagements like a good general and a man of honor. The in- dei^endence of the United States was acknowledged by a peace with Great Britain, as advantageous as glorious to the United States, for which it now remained to fulfill, among others, their engagements with Steuben. As long as the war lasted they seemed to have been conscious of their obligations. In Decem- ber, 1782, Steuben made an apphcation to Congress to have his accounts hquidated and to obtain some further assurances for the accomplishment of the engagement on the part of the Uni- ted States towards him. As stated in chapter XXIII., a com- mittee was appointed for this purpose, consisting of Messrs. A. Hamilton, Clark and Carroll, on the 30th of December, 1782.* They made their report, in which the amount of the com- pensation was left blank. But a verbal proposal was agitated in Congress, to pay Steuben a gross sum often thousand guin- eas, in full discharge of all claims and demands whatever. The payment of the revenue which he had sacrificed, and for the indemnification of which he had stipulated, he feared might be regarded as a pension, and in that light be disagree- able to the country. He therefore resolved to limit his claim to a gross sum, payable in Europe in such reasonable install- ments as to obviate any difficulties on the part of the United States in paying it. The sum which he fixed amounted to £10,000. The resolution of Congress on this subject was de- ferred, because it was suggested that the public finances were utterly deranged, and that Congress would be embarrassed by a number of foreign officers then at Philadelphia, who might be induced to increase their demands, on such generous treatment being given to Steuben. Always retaining the full- est confidence in Congress, he acquiesced in the reasons given and rejoined the army. On the 24:th day of March, 1784:, when Steuben sent in his * Congressional Debates, viii., 51. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 537 resignation, he repeated bis request for a final arrangement of his business. Mr. E. Gerry then proposed that the sum of $40,000 should be given, as an indemnification and satisfac- tion of all his claims, but that the $9,000 for his commutation should be included therein. The resolve of Congress, of April 15, 1784, then sitting at Annapolis, shows a promise of ample justice, and ordered that till the most speedy and efiicacious means of satisfying his demands were procured, in the mean- time the sum of 810,000 should be advanced to him on ac- count. This sum was indeed paid to him, but at different pe- riods and with irregularity and loss, and was deducted from his pay and commutation as major general. It was, however, objected by some that Steuben's demands were exorbitant ; that his avarice was insatiable, and that he was not to be sat- isfied with any fixed sums, however large. In closely examin- ing his claims they do not at all appear indefinite. They are, on the contrary, fixed to a certain specific sum, which is by no means exorbitant. According to.the stipulations which he made in entering the service, he asked :* 1st. The reimbursement of his expenses in coming to America, at 620 louisdors : In dollars, $2,815.80 Interest thereon for ten years at 7 per cent., . . . 1,971.08 2d. The payment of a loan, made 1778, at Gerard & Beaumarchais' agent, to defray his camp equipage, horses, etc., 1,400 louisdors, 6,358.32 Interest thereon for nine years, at 7 per cent., . . . 4,005.72 3d. Indemnification for a yearly revenue of 580 louisdors, . . 52,683.32 $67,834.2-1 * Steuben made at different times, different statements, setting forth his claims. Their principal item, however, viz., the indemnification for his yearly revenue of five hundred and eighty louisdors, is in aU the same, and other apparent incon.sistencies are caused by the difference of the accumu- lated interest. We have chosen the account ■which in 1787 he laid before Con- gress. Deducting from its net amount the unsettled items, 3 and 4, it is even less than the result of the Secretary of Treasury's account, of 1790. This gentleman arrives at a balance of $7,396.^ in Steuben's favor, while he himself asks only $998.24. 23* 538 LIFE OF STEUBEN. Brought over, $67,834.24 4th. The above-named revenue of 580 louisdors since his resigna- tion, in March, 1183 to September, 1787, being four and a half years, without interest^ 11,853.72 Total, $79,687.5«6 Received on account : Traveling expenses in 1779, 150 louisdors, . . $681.24 Interest thereon, eight years, at 7 per cent., . 381.48 Commutation as major general, .... 9,090.00 A gratification of 7,000.00—17,152.72 Balance due, $62,535.|| Thus it is evident that the sum of ten thousand pounds sterling, which Steuben liad fixed on as full compensation for every thing, was not exorbitant, but fell short of what was in justice due to him. When he had decided to Umit his claim to the sum before mentioned, he consulted with several mem- bers of Congress, who al\ thought the proposition reasonable, and promised to support it. From Annapolis Congress soon afler moved to Trenton, and Steuben again presented himself to them for a final decision on his demands. It was at this period that the nature of the affiiir began to change its face. Hitherto Steuben had been treated with a degree of respect, but now the language was changed, and some of the members of Congress not only acted in open opposition to his claims, but even did not refrain from sug- gestions injurious to his character as a man of honor. They denied the validity of the engagements on which Steuben founded his claim, they depreciated his services, and suggested that the sacrifice of a revenue in Europe was not proved, but that, like other needy adventurers, he had come over to seek employ in this country; some even insinuated that he was paid by the court of France for his services in America, and from these suggestions or impressions, a system of opposition was formed against his demands. LIFE OF STEUBEX. 539 However mortifying these proceedings were to Steuben, it was some consolation that tliey were supported by a very small minority in Congress, sufficient, however, to defeat the intentions of a respectable minority, who at all times were disposed to do him justice. In the month of January, 1785, Congress removed to New York. A majority of them then pressed for a decision on the affiiir, and another committee was appointed to examine his pretensions. The opposition denied the existence of the engagement at York, but agreed that Steuben merited a reward. The sum of twenty thousand dollars was proposed, then a less sum, and finally they passed the following reso- lution : " That in full consideration of the Baron De Steuben hanng relinquished different posts of honor and emoluments in Europe, and rendered the most essential services to the United States, he be allowed and paid out of tlie Treasury of the United States the sum of seven thousand dollars, in ad- dition to former grants." It appeared evident by this act, tliat no contract or en- gagement Avas recognized ; the grant is expressed to be as a reward for his services and sacrifices. "The poor baron," writes Alexander Hamilton, on the 23d of November, 1785, to Washington,* "is still soliciting Congress, and has every prospect of indigence before him. He has his imprudences, but, upon the whole, he has rendered valuable services, and his merits, and the reputation of the country alike demand that he should not be left to suffer want. If there could be any mode by which your influence could be employed in his favor, by writing to your friends in Congress, or otherwise, the baron and his friends would be imder great obligations to you." In consequence of this formal attemjjt to evade the con- tract, it became Steuben's duty to prove that it existed. At the time he laid his terms before the committee, it certainly * Correspondence of the American Revolution, by J. Sparks, iv., 122. 540 L I FE O F ST EU BEX. did not enter liis liead to execute a written agreement before a notary public ; in making stipulations "witb a sovereign he had not conceited it necessary ; he had, therefore, nothing in writing to show. The Journals of Congress were searched, but nothing was to be found. All that could be done was to appeal to the individuals with whom he had treated. He ac- cordingly wrote to Dr. Witherspoon, chairman of the com- mittee, Mr. Gerry, then member of Congress, Mr. Peters, the secretary of the board of war, to Mr. Duer, member of Con- gress and of the board of war. These gentlemen, without hesitation, certified to the facts which passed at the time, and these certificates corroborated all that Steuben had advanced on the subject. In answer to the other objections and to the suggestions which had been thrown out, Steuben collected a number of letters and papers tending to show that he was not a needy adventurer as had been insinuated, nor the pensioner of France in the service of America. Steuben, from an unwillingness to trust wholly to his OAvn judgment in a matter which so immediately interested him, concluded to take the advice of some friends, on whose sense of justice he could rely. With this view he submitted the state- ment of facts, and the certificates accompanying it, to John Jay, Chancellor Livingston, Alexander Hamilton, James Duane and Mr. Duer, requesting them to favor him with their impartial opinion of the merits of his pretensions. These gentlemen, after deliberate consideration of the papers laid before them, unanimously declared it to be their sentiment, that the trans- actions vouched by the certificates produced to them, amount- ed, in substance, to a contract binding in good fiiith on the United States. Steuben then printed a few copies of this state of facts, with the several letters and papers annexed, and gave a copy to each member of Congress for their information, and pre- sented a memorial to Congress insisting on the justice of bis cause. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 541 " I send yon," Av^rites A. Hamilton to "Waslilngton, on the 30th of October, 1787,* "at the request of the Baron De Steuben, a prmted pamphlet containing the grounds of an ap- l^lication lately made to Congress. " He tells me there is some reference to you, the object of which he does not himself seem clearly to understand ; but imagines it may be in your power to be of service to him. There are public considerations that induce me to be some- what anxious for his success. He is fortified with materials which, in Europe, could not fail to establish the belief of the contract he alleges. The documents of service he possesses are of a nature to convey an exalted idea of them. The com- pensations he has received, though considerable, if compared with those which have been i-eceived by American officers, will, according to European ideas, be very scanty in applica- tion to a stranger who is acknowledged to have rendered es- sential services. Our reputation abroad is not, at present, too high. To dismiss an old soldier, empty and hungry, to seek the bounty of those on whom ho has no claims, and to com- plain of unkind returns and violated engagements, will cer- tainly not tend to raise it. I confess, too, there is something in my feelings which would incline me, in this case, to go fur- ther than might be strictly necessary, rather than drive a man, at the baron's time of life, who has been a faithful servant, to extremities. And this is unavoidable if he does not succeed in his present attempt. What he asks would, all calculations made, terminate in this — an allowance of his live hundred and fifty guineas a year. He only wishes a recognition of the con- tract. He knows, that until affairs mend, no money can be produced. I do not know how far it may be in your power to do him any good ; but I shall be mistaken if the considera- tions I have mentioned do not appear to your Excellency to have some weight." "I thank you," answers Washington, on the 10th of Xo- * Correspondeuce of the American Revolutiou. by J. Sparks, iv., 189. 542 LIFE OF STEUBEN. vember, 1787,* "for the pamphlet contaiued in your letter of the oOth ultimo. " Application has been made to me by Mr. Secretary Thompson (by order of Congress), for a copy of a report of a committee Avhich was appointed to confer with Baron Steu- ben on his first arrival in this country, forwarded to me by Mr. President Laurens. This I have accordingly sent. It throws no other light on the subject, than such as is derived from the disinterested conduct of the baron. No tei-ms are made by him, nor will he accept of any thing but with gen- eral approbation. I have, however, in my letter inclosing the report to the Secretary, taken occasion to express an un- equivocal wish that Congress would reward the baron for ser- vices, sacrifices, and merits, to his entire satisfaction. It is the only way in which I could bring my sentiments before that honorable body, as it has been an established rule with me to ask nothing from it." Another committee was ajDpointed, and every effort made to throw obstacles in the way. It was even suggested that the certificate of Dr. Witherspoon was not genuine ; the doc- tor was called before the committee and the question put to him, whether the committee, which had treated with Steuben and of which he had been chairman, had made a contract with him, vfhen the doctor very justly answered, that they had no such authority, that they were appointed only to hear Steu- ben's terms and report to Congress. Tiiis answer was consid- ered sufiicient to show that no contract was made, and that consequently none existed. It was further objected, that there were several members of the committee, and that the certifi- cate of one only was produced. Steuben wrote to the others, and their testimony also was brought forward. They then called on Steuben to prove that what he had asserted, with respect to his revenue in Europe, was true. He told them that he had already satisfied Congress on that subject; that the let- * Washington's Writings, by J. Sparks, ix., 275 and 276. I LIFE OF STEUBEN. 543 ters he brought over from Dr. Franklin, announced the rank and dignity he hekl in Europe ; and that for the honor of the United States he would produce no further j)roof on this occa- sion. Before any thing decisive was done, some of the members of tlie committee left Congress ; another committee was after- ward appointed, but they also broke up without doing any thing, and thus the matter was referred from committee to committee, and from one Congress to anotlier. At last a re- port was brought in and entered on the journals ; a majority, however, disapproved it, and it was again committed. Another report was then made, more favorable to Steuben's preten- sions ; no question, however, was taken on it ; it was not en- tered on the journals. Finally, Steuben proposed that the validity of his agreement should be submitted to any three chief justices of the United States. Nothing, however, was determined, but the matter left undecided, when Congress broke up in November, 1788. About the unfortunate situation in which Steuben found himself involved at that time. General J. Armstrong thus writes on the 30th of May, 1788, to General Gates:* "The baron passed the -^dnter at the same lodging-house with me. To this he has come at last. The Louvre is dismantled and deserted, and he is once more upon the justice and generosity of the public. But the public has neither, and he has only to choose between starving here and begging in Europe. This is calamitous to him and disgraceful to us. He is now with North." As a matter of course, the different sums which Steuben had received since the peace, having been paid to him in small amounts at distant periods, the payments had always been an- ticipated by his wants, and had not prevented his being obliged to have recourse to his friends for fresh loans to support his * Gates MS. Papers, xix., 238. 544 LIFE OP STEUBEX. current expenses. Nevertheless, Steuben found himself drained of every resource. The matter stood thus when the first Congress, under the new Constitution, assembled. On the 25th of September, 1789, the House referred another memorial of Steuben, in which he reiterated in substance the above-quoted facts, to the Secretary of the Treasury, who, on the 6th of April, 1V90, laid his report before the House, and after due and careful examination of all the vouchers, letters and documents, arrived at the following conclusion : " The statement made by the memorialist of what passed in the conference at York, is authenticated by such strong, di- rect, and collateral evidence, as ought, in the opinion of the Secretary, to secure full credit to the existence of the fact. Waiving the regard due to the memoriahst's own assertion, it is not supposable that if his representation had been ill-founded it could have obtained the sanction of so many disinterested persons, agents in, or witnesses to the transactions. XotAvith- standing this, it may be inferred, as well from the written re- port of the committee as from other circumstances, that the idea of a precise contract did not genei-ally prevail. It is prob- able that, as the indemnity and reward for the sacrifices and services of the baron were by him made to depend on the suc- cess of a national revolution, the mention of them was viewed rather as a suggestion of expectations than as a stipulation of terms. This miglit the more easily have happened, as it is presumable that the situation of aflTairs at the time must have disposed Congress to consider an officer who had had the op- portunities of the memorialist as a valuable acquisition to the service, and to regard a compliance with the expectations in- timated by him, in the event of success, as too much a matter of course to need a stipulation. " This view of the afiair- appears to the Secretary to af- ford a satisfactory solution of any difticulfies which might result from seemingly discordant circumstances, and to place LIFE OF STEUBEN. 545 all the parts of the ti*ansaction in a simple and consistent light. " Upon the whole, therefore, as it can not with propriety- be questioned that a conversation of the kind stated by the baron did take place at the conference at York ; as the ser- vices rendered by him to the United States are acknowledged to have been of a very signal and very meritorious nature ; as the expectations alleged to have been signified by him in the conference are, all of them, reasonable in themselves, be- ing nothing more than that his necessary expenses, while in the service of the United States, should be defrayed by them, and that, in case they should establish their independence, and he should be successful in his endeavors to serve them, then he should receive an indemnification for the income he had 1 elinquished in coming to this country, and to such marks of the generosity of the government as its justice should dic- tate. The Secretary is of opinion that, whether the trans- action relied upon by the baron be deemed to have the force of a contract or not, it will be most consistent with the dig- nity and equity of the United States to admit it as the basis of a final adjustment of his claims. " Should this opinion appear well founded, it Avill remain to designate the rule by which the necessary expenses of the memorialist are to be adjusted. Taking it for granted that his actual expenses will not be deemed a proper one, there occurs to the Secretary no better criterion than the current allowances annexed to the stations he filled. This excludes the half pay or commutation. It is f)i"esumed that the current allowances to the officers of the American army in general, were regulated wholly with a view to their respective situa- tions, and the half pay granted as a future reward. Accord- ing to this principle, the Secretary has caused an account to be stated, in which the memorialist is credited with his emol- uments as major general and inspector general (exclusive of half pay or commutation), and with an annuity of five hundred 546 LIFE OF STEUBEN. and eiglity guineas, being the amount of the income stated to liave been relinquished by him, from the time he left Europe to the last of December, 1789, with interest at six per cent, per annum, and is charged with all the moneys, under what- ever denomination, received by him from the United States, with interest at the like rate ; upon which statement there is a balance in his favor of seven thousand three hundred and ninety-six dollars and seventy-four ninetieths. In addition to this, he would be entitled for the remainder of Ufe to the yearly sum of five hundred and eighty guineas, as a continuation of the indemnity for the income relinquished ; and to such reward as the government, in its discretion, should think fit to allow, for which purpose a moderate grant of land, if deemed expe- dient, would suffice. " The Secretary begs leave further to state, that there is good ground to believe that the above-mentioned balance will be short of a sufficient sura to discharge the debts now owing by the memorialist, and contracted partly to enable him to come to this country, and partly for his subsistence here ; and in the last place to observe, that the memorialist, who, being a foreigner, voluntarily came to offer his services to the United States, in a critical and perilous moment, and who, from the circumstance of his having been a foreigner, is less likely to participate in the collateral rewards which, in numerous in- stances, await those who have distinguished themselves in the American Revolution (while he can not, like many other for- eign officers, look for rewards elsewhere), gives a peculiarity to his case which strengthens his own pretensions. That it appears unequivocally that his services have been of a nature pecuHarly valuable and interesting to the American cause, and such as furnish Aveighty considerations, as well public as per- sonal, for rescuing him from the indigence in which he is now involved, and fiom the still greater extremities with which he is threatened. A settlement, on the principles suggested in this report, will terminate all the claims of the memorialist on LIFE OF STEUBEN. ^ 547 the United States, in a manner equally satisfactory to him and honorable to them.""^ It was on the strength of this able report of Alexander Hamilton that the House, on the 19th of April, 1790, appoint- ed a committee to report a bill of resolutions in conformity with the views of the Secretary of the Treasury. It consisted of Messrs. Gerry, Wadsworth, Vining, Lawrence, and Smith of South Carolina, and as early as the SOth of April presented a bill for finally adjusting Steuben's claims. They proposed to allow to him " the pay and other emoluments of major gen- eral and inspector general, specified in several acts of Con- gress relating to him, from the 10th of March, 1778, to the 15th of April, 1784; an annuity for life of two thousand seven hundred and six dollars, to commence on the 1st day of Octo- ber, 1777 ; and . . . thousand acres of land in the west- ern territory of the United States, to be located in such man- ner as shall be hereafter prescribed by law, j)rovided that the foregoing allowances shall not be construed to include either half pay or the commutation for half pay." On this motion, Mr. Page made the following remarks, which is believed to be the only speech i-eported on this sub- ject: " Mk. Speaker, — I am against the motion for striking out the 82,706, and inserting $1,500, because it is incompatible with the preceding clauses of the bill, which state the sum ($2,706) as justly due to the baron, according to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and because it is derogatory to the honor and veracity of the members of the committee of Congress, on whose testimony the baron's claim is founded. " Some gentlemen lay great stress on the w^ant of proof respecting what is called the contract with Baron Steuben ; but, sir, I think we have had all the proof the nature of the * American State Papers, vol. Claims, Washington, 1834, fol';; No. 5, pp. 11-16. 548 LIFE OF STEUBEN. case will admit of, and, for my part, I should want no other than Mr. Lee's letter to the baron. " Sir, this illustrious veteran offered his services on such generous terms, and served us so essentially, that I shall blush for Congress should the ideas of some gentlemen now prevail. It is unw^orthy of Congress, after having so long enjoyed the benefit of those services, now to be thus scrutinizing the terms on which he offered them, and speaking of them as of little importance. I weigh them not with the dollars proposed — they are far beyond any sum which we can give. " And if the worthy member from Noith Carolina (Mr Bloodworth), who moved the motion, wishes to abandon the princij^les of the bill, and instead of paying to the baron the debt there stated as due to him, means to give him a sum by way of com25ensation for his services and his economy, I would advise him to withdraw his motion ; for, if we depart from the principles of the bill, they who value this great man's services as I do, will vote to give him much more than the bill proposes. If I should be at liberty to propose a compensation for the sacrifices he made by coming to America and serving in her war, and to recompense him for his great services, I am sure I shall propose a much larger sum than has yet been talked of. " Sir, had the baron stipulated to receive but two per cent, on the articles under his direction, or, I may say, on what he saved, he would be entitled to much more than is now pro- posed to be given him. The economy he introduced into the army was the occasion of an immense saving. "Who can say now what was saved in arms, accouterments, and ammu- nition, and by the reduction of baggage and forage ? I have been told that officers, who had loaded, a wagon with their baggage, were soon reduced to a single pack-horse. " Some gentlemen have made light of the discijiline which has been attributed to the baron, and told ns of the affaii-s of Bunker's Hill, Trenton, Princeton, and Germantown. It was true, those Avere brilliant actions; but the member from South LIFK OF STEI:BEN-. /54n Carolina (Mr. Smith) and the member from Delaware had re- plied liilly to this observation. They well observed, that bril- liant as those actions were, valor-without discipline is often vain, and may lead only to destruction ; that the commander- in-chief did wonders without the baron, and (they might have added) he was wonderful in resources, and 'in himself a host.' But we should not now consider what the commander-in-chief did before he had the baron's assistance, but what he did with bis assistance, and what use he made of his services, and to this, as far as relates to the baron, he has repeatedly and gen- erously borne ample testimony. " Sir, the baron, as adjutant general and director general, was peculiarly adapted to the purpose of the American army. Having served twenty-two years in the Prussian army, which Americans had been taught to believe was the best disciplint d in the world, his discipline was more readily embraced, an:l more confidence reposed in it than would have been the case had almost any man, of any other nation, undertaken that great task. The praise now given to the baron is no dispar- agement, therefore, to other officers. The commander-in-chief stood in need of an adjutant like him, from the j^eculiar situa- tion of our army, and has acknowledged his services ; there- fore it does not become us to speak of them as unimportant. " Sir, the importance of those services would have been displayed to your view by many officers now in this House, had they not, from that delicacy peculiar to American officers, who, having laid by the name and dress of soldiers, and mixed with their fellow-citizens in civil life, refrained from appearing to be more knowing in military matters than the other mem- bers of this House. I say, were it not for this delicacy, we should have bad a full disj^lay of the baron's services. One officer, indeed (Colonel Bland), from the honest warmth of his heart, has not refrained from saying a few words in sup- port of the baron's claim. But, sir, I have asked officers, and some of them now in this House, whether I had misunderstood 550 LIFE OP STEUBEN. or overrated the baron's claim, and I have been constantly told that I did not. Thongh I had not the honor of being in the army, I was well informed by my corresj)on dents there of many impoi'tant circnmstauces ; and on inquiring what were the effects i:)roduced by the new adjutant and director general (the Baron Steuben), I was told that they were visible in many economical arrangements, in dispositions of corps, in maneu- vering, in marches, in encampments, and particularly in more silent and rapid movements and preparations for action. I was told that v/hen the Marquis De Lafayette, with a detach- ment under his command, was in danger of being cut off on his return to the army, and the commander-in-chief was deter- mined to support that invaluable officer, the whole army was under arms and ready to march in less than fifteen minutes from the time the signal was given. " Sir, the effect of this discipUne was seen in the marches of our army ; they passed rivers in less time than the best troops in Europe could. Those excellent French troops which served with them in the campaign of 1781, were inferior to them in this respect. The superiority of our troops, as to rapidity of movement, was seen in the attack on the two re- doubts of Yorktown, in Virginia. " Sir, I will affirm, that if the clause be stricken out, a larger sum ought to be inserted. We have been asked, what will our officers say to this vote in favor of the baron ? I will venture to say, sir, they will be jileased Avith it. They ac- knowledge the obligations they were under to that great man ; they view his circumstances in the same light as that gallant officer does, who is now the Secretary, and who drew the re- port on which the bill before you is founded, and which does honor to his heart. " Sir, if any report deserves to be received without scru- tiny, it is the one on which your bill is founded. I hope, there- fore, we shall not depart from that report, in so material a point as is j^roposed by the motion now before you." LIFE OF STEUBEN. 551 After sundry considerations the House, in their session of the 10th of May, 1790, finally struck out the land donation and i:)reserved only a yearly annuity of $2,000. The Senate, in their session of the 27th, passed the bill of the House "svdth an amendment, adding $500 after the words $2,000, so that the "Act for finally adjusting and satisfying the claims of Frederick William De Steuben" reads as follows, viz. : " JBe it enacted hy the Senate and House of Hepresenta- tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled^ That in oider to make full and adequate compensation to Frederick William De Steuben, for the sacrifices and eminent services made and rendered to the United States during the late war, there be paid to the said Frederick William De Steu- ben an annuity of $2,500 during life, to commence on the 1st day of January last, to be paid in quarterly payments at the Treasury of the United States ; which said annuity shall be considered in full discharge of all claims and demands what- ever, of the said Frederick William De Steuben, against the United States. "Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, " Speaker of the House of Representatives. "John Adams, ' Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate. "Approved, June 4th, 1790. " George Washington, " President of the United States.'' These are the proceedings which, being misrepresented in favor of the United States, ai-e the cause that Steuben has often been regarded with a certain prejudice. It has been said that he had no claims either to the gratitude or the esteem of the American people, because he had devoted him- self to their cause merely out of personal interest. His hon- orable poverty was considered as a crime ; he was called a vagabond, and, to prove his egotism, compared with the 552 F E OP STEUBEN. wealthy Marquis De Lafayette. The resolves of Congi-ess, who finally, at least, came to a sense of their duty, prove the injustice of such an unfounded accusation, though very posi- tively stated. Was it the fliult of Steuben that Congress neglected, for almost eight years, to comply with what they had formally j^romised ; that they bartered for a penny and refused to acknowledge their own agents; and that they finally yielded to the repeated representations of men like Washington and Hamilton ? We would come nearer to the truth if the accusation were applied to Congress; and it is not too much to say that without the noble and energetic inter- cession of Plamilton, Steuben would perhaps have died in the poor house. The representatives of the United States, far from being grateful towards Steuben, only reluctantly fulfilled an agreement from which their country derived all the profit. In this private matter we can observe the same difierence of feeling and party division as in the great political questions of the day. Almost the same men who objected to the politi- cal and economical reasons which Hamilton urged in so able and statesmanlike a manner for the funding of the public debt, were against the acknowledgment of Steuben's claims ; they considered it as an extravagance to be just and to pay what they owed. Fortunately these times have passed away. The mere word of repudiation is discredited in the whole civ- ilized world, and the United States, by their late rich do- nations to the descendants of the revolutionary oflicers and soldiers, have more than satisfactorily demonstrated that they disapprove of the former policy of Congress towards the men who were the chief instruments in achieving the independence of their country. CHAPTER XXVI. The Order op the Cincinnati. — Its Origin. — General Knox tub alleged Author OP THE Idea.— Keasons against this Scpposition.— .Share of the roiiEiON Officers in f.stablisuino the Order. — Proceedings at the first Meeting o>f the 13th of May, 17S8.— Principles op the Order and Descp.iption of its Decorations. — Attacks a(;aixst the Cincinnati. — Pamphlets of Judge Aedanus Burke and Count Mirjwseau. — Steuden personally assailed. — Criticism upoh tiies Pamphlets.— Greene's Letter.— Steuben's Relations to tub Order.— He characterizes it in a Lettep. to Count Luzerne. — Interesting Letter of De L'Ejjfant to Washington and Steuben.— Favoradlf. Reception of the Order in France.— Knox withdraws and puts all Bla.\ie o.n Steubfn.— New England declarixs itself against the Order.— North's Letter about Knox. — Fairlie's Letter.— Washington tries to rehabilitate the Cincinnati in the Public Opinion by sacuifhing the hereditary Principle. — IIis Amendments ADOPTED, but NOT CARRIED OUT. — StEUBEN VlCE PRESIDENT FROM 17SG TO 1790. — Ceremonif.8 at the Initiation of Honorary Members.- Steuben, as Prksident OF the Cincinnati, adi)uf.skes Washington — His Speech i.v 1790. — Sketch op TUK History of the Cincin.nati up to tub present Time. WE have seen, in the preceding chapters, how unfairly Congress dealt with the just claims of the officers before the disbandracnt of the army; how these same officers, who for eight long years had well served their country, were com- pelled to resort to threats of violence in order to get payment of the sums due to them ; how the people, afraid of meeting their engagements and paying money, took part against the officers, and how, isolated and abandoned, these poor men stood at the conclusion of peace. The long-existing ties which, in consequence of the com- mon hardships and the dangers of a long and protracted war, had united these old companions in arms, were now more closely cemented by the treatment which the officers expe- rienced from their ungrateful country. They had a very sad and desperate future before them, when, helpless and totally devoid of means, they retired to civil life. It is to this wretched prospect, as well as to the feelings of mutual de- 24 554 LIFE OF STEUBEN. pendence engendered by long association, and of regret at approaching separation, and perhaps somewhat to the sus- picions natural to men whose patience had been so severely- tried, that we may attribute the suggestion of an association among the officers to continue after their disbandment, and preserve a unity of feeling and interest, with the memory of their mutual laboi's and sufferings. It is said that the idea had been suggested by General Knox, but there is no positive proof that it was so. On the contrary, it appears improbable to us, as Knox, if he had first proposed the idea to tlie army, would have stronger upheld it when it was assailed by the different States and the people. We think, however, we are not far from the truth in suppos- ing that, corresponding with the establishment of similar insti- tutions, the plan, although at first very indistinct, originated simultaneously in the minds of many of the officers, and that, in discussing it, by degrees it gained its definite shape and characteristic form. In this way tlie majority of all the officers represented will have probably contributed to the constitution of the society. But we do not think we mistake the spirit which prompted some of the foreign officers, iu attributing to them the authorship of all those articles in the constitution which refer to the exterior apparel, to the medal and ribbon. We know that Major De L'Enfant, a French officer, prepared the design of the order, and that the society adopted his ideas respecting it, and the manner of its being worn by the mem- bers, while, on the other hand, there existed no order in this country during the colonial times, so that the idea of estab- lishing one could not have originated in an American mind; moreover, the foreign officers considered an order of great value, and as a conspicuous proof of their participation in such a glorious war. Steuben, the old court marshal, has, proba- bly, more than anybody else, eminently figured in its establisli- ment, as the constant wearing of his order " De La Fidel ite^"'' LIFE OF STEUBKX. 555 proves that he was by no means indifferent to such dis- tinction.* But be this as it may, considering the prominent share that Steuben took in the foundation of the society, vre ex- pect to be justified in giving here the following brief sketcli of its history, which we have borrowed from the original records of that time :f " At the cantonment of the American arm} on Hudson's river, on the 10th of May, 1783, proposals for establishing a society upon principles therein mentioned, whose members shall be the ofliceis of the American army, having been comranni- cated to the several regiments of the respective lines, they ap- pointed an officer from each, who, in conjunction with the general officers, should take the same into consideration at their meeting this day, at which the Honorable Major General Baron De Steuben, the senior officer present, was pleased to preside. At this meeting the subject was referred to a com- * Since the above was wTitton, we have found an interesting essay in tiie "Publications of tlio Ilidtorical Societ}'- of Pennsylvania," Philadelphia, 1858, vol. vi., p. 15, ff, written by Alexander Johnston, in which, corroborating our opinion, he savs, pp. G 1 to 03 : " In an article in the Xoiih American Review for October, 1853, Sargent expressed the belief that the idea of the society was flrst suggested by Knox, and that the Baron De Steuben probably had at least been consulted in the inception of the scheme. lie has since been favored with the perusal of the original rough draft of the society in the hand-writing of Knox, dated at West Point, on the 15th of April, 1783 But it seems more than probable that the first defined suggestion of the assumption of a distinct order came from Steuben, or some other foreigner." We shall hereafter, especially at the end of this chapter, quote from this valuable article. f " The Institution of the Society of the Cincinnati, Formed by the OfiB- cers of the American Army of the Revolution, for the laudable purposes therein mentioned, at the Cantonment on the Banks of tiie Hudson River, May, 1783; Together with some of the Proceedings of the General Society and of the New York State Society : also, A List of the OiBcers and Mem- bers of the Xew York State Societ}', from its organization to the year 1851. Printed by order and for the use of the members of the New York Society. J. M. Elliott, Printer, 133 Water street, New York, 1851." We are indebted to the Honorable Hamilton Fish for this valuable pamplJet. 550 LIFE OF 8 T E U E E N . initteo, consisting of Major General Knox, Brigadier General Hand, and Captain Shaw, whose report, presented to the meet- ing of the 13th of May, 1783, at General Steuben's head-quar- ters (Verplanck's house), was unanimously accepted, and com- mences as follows : " It having pleased the Supreme Governor of the universe, in the disi^osition of human affairs, to cause the separation of the colonies of North America from the dominion of Great Britain, and, after a bloody conflict of eight years, to estab- lish them free, independent, and sovereign States, cemented by alliances, founded on reciprocal advantages, with some of the greatest princes and powers of the earth : "To perpetuate, therefore, as well the remembrance of this vast event, as the mutual friendships which have been formed under the pressure of common danger, and in many instances cemented by the blood of the jiarties, the officers of the Amer- ican army do hereby, in the most solemn manner, associate, constitute, and combine themselves into one society of friends, to endure as long as they shall endure, or any of their eldest male posterity, and in ihilure thereof, the collateral branches, who may be judged worthy of becoming its sujiporters and members. "The officers of the American army having generally been taken from the citizens of America, possess high veneration for the character of that illustrious Roman, Lucius Quintius Cin- cinnatus, and being resolved to follow his example by return- ing to their citizenship, they think they may, with propriety, denominate themselves 'The Society of the Cincinnati.' " The following principles shall be immutable, and form the basis of the Society of the Cincinnati : " An incessant attention to ])reserve inviolate those exalted rights and liberties of human nature for which they have fought and bled, and without which the high rank of a rational being is a curse instead of a blessing. " An unalterable determination to promote and cherish, be- LIFE or S T E U B E X . 557 twecii the respective States, that union and national honor so essentially necessary to their happiness atul the future diguity of the American empire. "To render permanent the cordial affection subsisting among the officers ; this sjiirit will dictate brotherly kindness in all things, and particularly extend to the most substantial acts of beneficence, according to the ability of the society, towards those officers and their families who, unfortunately, may be under the necessity of receiving it." A series of rules arc then given for the government of the order, whose officers are to consist of a president, vice presi- dent, secretary, treasurer, and assistant treasurer, to be chosen at each of its meetings, w^hich are to be held triennially. It is divided into State societies, to be governed in a like manner, and possessing power for their own regulation. The triennial meeting of the society is to consist of its officers and of a dele- gation of not more than five from each State. All the officers of the American army, as well those who have resigned with honor after three years' service in the capac- ity of officers, or who have been deranged by the resolutions of Congress, upon the several reforms of the army, as those who shall have continued to the end of the war, have the right to become parties to this institution, provided they sign the general rules within six months, and subscribe one month's pay to form a fund, the interest of which shall be devoted to the relief of the unfortunate. As a testimony of affection to the memory of such officers as have died in the service, the same right is extended to their eldest male representatives, and to such French officers of the rank of colonel as have served in the revolutionary war. Honorary members, also are eligible, for their own lives only, in the proportion of one to four. A decoration is prescribed, which, as adopted, consists of a bald eagle of gold, displayed, suspended by a deep bine rib- band, edged with white, descriptive of the union of France 558 LIFE OF S X E U B E X . and America ; the eagle grasping in its talons golden olive branches, the leaves in green enamel, which are continued round the figure so as to form a wreath above its head, to which the clasp is attached. On the breast of the eagle Cin- cinnatus is represented as receiving a sword from three Roman senators, with various appropriate figures in the background ; around the whole is the legend, " Omnia reliquit sercare rempuhlicamP On the reverse is seen Fame crowning Ciu- cinnatus with a wreath, and the motto, '•'• Esto perpetua.'''' Thus was formed the Cincinnati, with General Washing- ton as president. General Knox as secretary, and General McDougal as treasurer. Noble in its aims, illustrious in its origin, and charitable in its operations, but necessarily exclus- ive, it excited the hostility of those who envied the fame of its members, of those who expected impossible social equality to result from the Revolution, and of parties whose absence from the country prevented their understanding its character. As usual in such cases, the assailants were more active than the defenders, and succeeded in producing a sti'ong feeling against the society, both in America and Europe. The most important public attack against the Cincinnati, published in the United States, was made by Judge Aedanus Burke, in South Carolina. Even the title''' of his remarks shows that, as a revolutionary pamphlet, they are too insipid, too tedious, while, considered as an exposition and refutation, they are too superficial, and not at all exhausting. On this attack is based the well-known pamphlet of Mirabeau,f which, * " Considerations on the Society or Order of Cincinnati, lately instituted by the ]\Iajor Generals, Brigadier Generals, and other Officers of the American Army, Proving that it creates a race of hereditary Patricians or Nobility, Interspersed with Remarks on its consequences to the freedom and happiness of the Republic. Addressed to the People of South Carolina and tlieir Representatives. By Cassius. (Supposed to be written by Aedanus Burke, Esq., one of the chief justices of the State of South Carolina.) ' Blow j-e the trumpet in Zioa' — The Bible. Philadelphia, Printed and Sold by Robert Bell, in Third street. Price one sixth of a dollar. MDCCLXXXIIl." f " Considerations on the Order of Cincinuatus. Translated from the LIFE OF S T E U B E X . 559 probably, more on account of its autlior than of its contents, enjoyed a large circulation and great reputation. Mirabeau almost literally translates Burke's statements, and enlarges them here and there with some ideas of bis own. They both agree in making Steuben " Grand Master" of the order, under the more humble title of president ; nay, Burke goes as lar as to throw all the odium of his objections, instead of on Washington and the other officers and members of the society, exclusively on Steuben, as a/orei[/ner. "I have tlie honor to inform Baron Steuben," says he, " that though an order of peerage may do well under the petty princes of Germany, yet, in America, it is incompatible with our freedom." Burke, as well as Mii-abeau, arraigns the society for intending to establish a hereditary nobility. "The institution of the order of Cincinnati," they say, "is the creation of an actual patriciate and of a military nobility, which will, ere long, become a civil nobility, and an aristoc- racy the more dangerous, because, being hereditary, it will perpetually increase in the course of time, and will gather strength from the very prejudices which it will engender, be- cause, originating neither in the Constitution nor the law, the law has provided no means to control it, and it will incessant- ly overbear the Constitution, of which it forms no part, till the time shall come when, by repeated attempts made, sometimes clandestinely and sometimes openly, it will at length have in- corporated itself into the Constitution ; or when, after having for a long time sapped its foundations, it will in the end over- turn and utterly destroy it." It is true that the new institution was in obvious contra- diction to the character of the time and this republic, which is based on the democratic principles; and it also can not be denied that the apprehension manifested by individuals and States, contained a great deal of common sense and truth, but French of the Count De MLrabeau. London, printed for J. Johnson, St. Paul's Church Yard. MDCCLXXXV." o60 LIFE OF STEUBEN, it is thoronglily erroneous that the new institution could ever have been able to create a hereditary nobility. If we venture to criticise these denunciations in a few words, it is but just, before all, not to forget that they were uttered previous to the great French Revolution ; at a time, therefore, where there existed only one form of nobility, and no idea of the possibility of its existence in any other form ; where this ruhng aristocracy, although degenerated and looked upon with contempt on the part of the intelligent, middle classes, nevertheless was the representative of the force and intelHgence of the people to the rest of the world. In the first instance, the parallel is false which Mirabeau and Burke have drawn between the condition of things in Eu- rope and that in America, and by which both presumed to prove from the origin of the patrician institution and the feu- dal jirerogatives in the old country, that by the order of the Cincinnati an analogous class of privileged nobles could en- danger the social equality of American citizens. Hereditai-y nobility was unknown to the European conti- nent before the decline and fall of the Caroliugiau dynasty, and in England before the Norman conquest; it originated with the entaihnent of the family estates. Thus the heredi- tary estates are the true basis of nobility ; they alone endow it with vitality and influence. The so-called court nobility, and nobility granted by royal diploma, both of a later date, are only exuberances of the true or feudal nobility ; and it is self-evident that they can only flourish where there is a court or sovereign power which can create and support them. In the United States, however, where there are neither entailed es- tates nor courts, all the citizens have the same constitutional rights, and there is a total absence of every fundamental con- dition upon which such a state of things could be founded. The origin of fiefs or entailed estates were wars and conquests against other warlike people, and in consequence thereof the LIFE OF STEUBEK. 561 necessity to have at anytime a well armed force ready to re- sist the attacks of a dangerous or unsubdued enemy. Innocent times these, when it was naively presumed tha-t it depended only on the honest or dishonest character of some individuals, to found an aristocracy after the European pat- tern ! An established nobiUty can be as little extinguished by the mere abolition of titles, as a new nobility can be created by the mere grant of such distinctive appellations. A real nobil- ity must be absolutely founded upon a basis of real and per- manent power and influence, which are mostly derived from the possession of landed estate, as for instance in England. Titles and honorary offices, without this basis are nothing more than empty distinctions ; they may be the outward signs, but they can never form the essential strength of a nobility. Do the half million of generals, commodores, colonels or captains, who are to be found in every corner of the United States, give any idea of the military or naval strength of the country, or are they perhaps to be feared as titled aristocrats? There is another error to be refuted : that nobility must necessarily be hereditary and re[)0se upon the law of primo- geniture, in order to become influential. It is true, that by that means at certain times it has extended and defended its power ; but also without such accidental prerogatives it can be a great power. The South of the United States, whence the resistance against the Cincinnati mainly came, has seen springing up among them, in the course of scarcely two gen- erations, and without any exterior distinction or hereditary privileges, the cotton planters, who, despite of their i-ecent origin, vie with the oldest and proudest aristocracy of birth in Europe in exclusiveness, egotism and pride of race. Xew England, which raised the loudest protests against the Cincin- nati, possesses the aristocracy of her manufacturing and mer- chant prhices^ who acknowledge no earthly thing besides their interest and success in life. 24* 562 LIFE OF STEUBEN. If the officers who founded the Cuicinuati order had re raaiued in active service, if the United States army, instead of being ahnost altogether disbanded, had been increased, there would have been some possibility of the order becoming dangerous, because in that case a central pouit for their pm*- poses would have been in existence ; but poor and penniless as they were for the most part, dispersed through the whole country, and without any other influence than such as their personal worthiness and merits could exercise ; these officers had no basis, no connection for any action or united exertion, even if they had had the most aristocratic designs. This outcry against the dangerous character of such an association, divested of cant and verbiage, was nothing more than the bad conscience of that selfish fraction of the people which had treated its defenders so basely and ungratefully, and was now afraid of their revenging the deceptions which had been practiced upon them, " The uproar that is raised against the Cincinnati," writes Nathaniel Greene on the 22d of April, 1784, to Washington,* " makes me more anxious to be at the meeting than I ever ex- pected to feel. It was uninteresting to me before. Assuming honors hurts my delicacy, but persecution banishes the influ- ence. The subject is important, and it may be equally danger- ous to recede or push forward ; but I am decided in my opin- ion not to abolish the order from the prevailing clamors against it. If this is done away, the whole tide of abuse will run against the commutation. The public in Xew England seem to want something to quarrel with the officers about. Remove one thing and they will soon find another. It is in the temper of the peojile, not in the matters complained of. ... I am con- fident the tranquillity of the public can only be preserved by the continuance of the order." Washington, however, was of a contrary opinion. By rec- ommending the Cincinnati to abandon the hereditary princi- * Wasliins^ton's Writinocs, ix., 49G, LIFE OF STEUBEN. 563 pfe in their constitution, he silenced the menacing storm, and saved perhaps the United States from a dangerous crisis. The Steuben papers contain a great many documents and letters which are connected with or refer to the Cincinnati. Almost all the invitations to join the order were written by Steuben, as for instance those addressed to the Chevalier De La Luzerne, Generals Greene, Gates, Sullivan, "Weedon, Wayne, and others. We, however, quote only those letters which claim a more general importance as throwing hght upon the character and history of the society. Major Generals Heath, Steuben and Knox had been ap- pointed, on the 1.3th of May, 1783, by the meeting of the officers, to present the commander-in-chief with a copy of the institution of the society, and to request him that he should honor them by placing his name at the head of the file. On the 18th of May Steuben requested Heath to appoint the time for putting this resolution into execution, whereupon Heath, on the same day, answered that the plan should be presented to his Excellency, the commander-in-chief, on Tues- day next at one o'clock. Thus Washington became a member and the first president of the society on the 20th of May, 1783.* Steuben himself, in an invitation, on the 24th of May, 1783, to the ChevaHer De La Luzerne, thus characterizes it :f " The design of this institution, which is founded on the principles of patriotism and gratitude, is to perpetuate the memory of an epoch so gloi'ious to America as the present, and the efiectual assistance this coimtry has received from her generous ally. The American officers will consider themselves honored by being permitted to erect, with their o\va, the names of those celebrated characters who have shown their attachment to the rights of the human species in general, and of the American in particular." At the same time that the society was vehemently assailed * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. x f Ibidem. 564 LIFE OF STEUBEN. here, it found a very favorable reception at the French court. Major De I'Enfant, whom Washington, in a letter to Roch- ambeau, dated the 29th of October, 1783, had charged to execute the order of the society in France, informs Steuben, writing from Paris on the 25th of December, 1783, in the fol- lowing words, of the results of his mission :* "It is with the greatest satisfaction that I acquaint you of the success of the Cincinnati in France, The difficulties have been removed which could have been opposed to the admis- sion of the order into France, where they are accustomed to tolerate no foreign order. -His majesty, desirous of giving to the Americans a proof of the friendship which he wishes to maintain with them, in his council has permitted his officers to wear this badge with the other orders of his kingdom, I have written to General Washington, and inclose a copy of my letter to him, I should like to get it translated and pub- lished in the newspapers; I think it would produce a good effect. " Here in Finance they are more ambitious to obtain the order of the Cincinnati than to be decorated with the cross of St. Louis, and daily I receive applications for it. The eagles are in good train; try to push the subscriptions in Phila- delphia, I have made my arrangements, but for carrying them into execution we require funds," To these lines there was added an extract from a letter to Washington, which may be translated as follows : "As it was necessary for attaining the object of my voy- age, I proceeded to Paris with all possible dispatch, and lianded at once your letters to Counts Rochambeau, D'Estaing, De Grasse, and to the Marquis General De Lafayette. At the same time I paid my visits to all those officers who, re- siding in Paris, by their service and their place in the French army, could be considered as Cincinnati, It is with the greatest satisfaction that at this moment I am the primitive * Steuben 'NrS. Papers, vol. x. LIFE OP STEUBEX. 565 organ of their gratitude, and it is not less flattering to me to be able to inform your Excellency of the success of my mis- sion, and of tlie high appreciation which the French nation entertains towards the American army for thus honoring an illustrious part of their own army with such flattering dis- tinction. One single conversation with the French ofiicers would at once convince you how thoroughly they appreciate, at the bottom of their hearts, those brotherly sentiments which make them take so powerful an interest in the happi- ness of America. This institution, which they consider as a monument erected to republican virtues, as the fundamental basis of a cordial union between the diflerent States, as a new tie which assures the duration of that reciprocal friendship which France has devoted to America, can not be looked upon in too advantageous a light. " The permission which this illustrious monarch, the most Christian king, has already given to his subjects to wear in his dominions the order of the Society of the Cincinnati, is not only a strong mark of his deference, but also an unmis- takable proof of the sentiments of his majesty towards Amer- ica." But while the French oflicers were ambitious of the honor to be admitted as members of the society; while, for instance, the Chevalier Du Bouchet, at Auxerre, who had been present at the surrender of Burgoyne and of Cornwallis, in a letter of the 17th of February, 1784, considers it as one of the greatest distinctions of his life to be received as a member of the Cin- cinnati ; while the French army intendant, Tarle, argues that he is entitled to the honors of the order, at the same time here, in the United States, the reaction against the society had reached its culminating point. Some of the most promi- nent members, to give no oflense, even withdrew^ from it; others laid aside its insignia, and others proposed its modifi- cation. We find in the Steuben papers a letter, very inter- esting in this respect, written by General Knox, ;it IJoston, to 566 LIFE OF STEUBEN, Steuben, on the 21st of February, 1784, which we quote in full: " We had a meeting of the society in this town on the 10th instant, at which General Lincoln presided. A committee was chosen to attend the meethig of the society in May next, at Philadelphia, which appears the place most proper for the oc- casion. R. Putnam, Colonel Hall, Major Sargent and myself, are of the committee ; probably only two will attend. Your society, Mr. Baron, has occasioned a great deal of jealousy among the good people of Xew England, who say it is al- together an outlandish creation formed by foreign influence. It is still heightened by a letter from one of our ministers abroad, who intimates that it was formed in Europe to over- throw our hai^py institutions. Burke's pamphlet has also had its full operation. You see how much you have to answer for by the introduction of your European institutions. I contend, to the utmost of my power, that you only had your share in the matter, and no more ; but it will have no effect. Burke's allusion has fixed it, and you must support the credit of hav- ing created a race of hereditary nobility. Our friend Heath says : ' I forewarned you of all that will hapjien !' He did not attend the meeting. The Legislature of this State are, however, decided that the scheme shall not be carried into execution in this commonwealth, and in order to frustrate the measure, the Assembly have chosen a joint committee of both Houses to 'inquire into any associations or combinations to introduce undue distinction into the community, which may have a tendency to create a race of hereditary nobility, con- trary to the Confederation of the United States, and to the spirit of the constitution of this commonwealth.' The com- mittee have not yet reported the result of their inquiries ; when they do, I will inform you. You must have observed, my dear friend, how possible it is for the best intentions to be miscon- strued and misrepresented. Let me know how it is relished in Pennsvhania and to the sontlnvnrd." L I F !•: OF STEUBEN. 567 " Knox and Jackson," writes William Xorth, a little later, to Steuben, " avoid the badge of the Cincinnati as they would tlie devil. They smile and smile, and still are . . . ."* In order to preserve the society and to allay the popular piejudice, Washington proposed, at its first meeting in 1V84, to abolish the hereditary features of its constitution, " On Tuesday, the 4th instant," writes James Fairlie, who, with William S. Smith, Nicholas Fish, and Philip Courtland, ap- peared as delegate fi-om New York, at the beginning of May, 1784, from Philadelphia, to Benjamin Walker,f "the deputies in town from the ditit'erent State societies met at the City Tavern, eleven States being represented. There are now twelve States represented, Rhode Island being the only one which is not. The commander-m-chief, on the first meeting, resigned his office as president general, his term having ex- pired agreeably to the constitution, lie was, nevertheless, elected president of the meeting, which he will hold till we break up, which will not be these ten days, having much to do. There are a vast many petitions from France to become members, all of which, I fancy, will be referred to the coun- try from which they come, as it seems to be the disposition of many members tliat there shall be a charter sent to that part of the society in France, giving them power similar to those the different State societies now enjoy. " One of the first pieces of business we went on Avas to ap- point a committee, consisting of a member from each State, to revise, correct, and amend the constitution. The general objec- tions seem to be hereditary succession, funds, honorary mem- bers, attention to the general union of the States, and holding general meetings. I hope, in amending it, we may not make ourselves look ridiculous, or totally destroy the society. It is the opinion of some that eveiy thing but the charitable part and the badge, should be abolished. "A rage for popularity will influence many to reduce the * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. x. f Ibidem, Utica. 568 LIFE OF STEUBEN. society to be little or nothing ; and that kind of people tell us frightfiil stories about the flame that is likely to break out in the country concerning the Cincinnati. Some that were but a little time ago the greatest sticklers for it, indeed with whom the idea of forming such a society first originated, have expe- rienced a revolution ui sentiment. Trimmers, trimmers, trim- mers " The amendments debated yesterday," continues Fairlie, a little later, ^* " passed the meeting. The alterations are, no hereditary succession, no more honorary members ; the funds to be put into the hands of government ; no treasurer gen- eral. In fact, whatever General Washington dictated, was done ; every one esteemed him as a sine qua noti of the so- ciety. I imagine Gates will be vice president and Sullivan sec- retary." " It seems, therefore," continues Benjamin Walker, to whom this letter was addressed, " that our allies alone have saved the society ; they say at once, that we have made many sacrifices to the people, and now make the last we have, by dissolving the society entirely." Before, however, Washington's recommendation was acted upon by the State chapters, a more reasonable turn of public opinion made the change imnecessary, so that a general meet- ing, on the 7th of May, 1800, unanimously adopted the report of the committee appointed to examine the records of the so- ciety, which read as follows : " That the institution of the society of the Cincinnati re- main as it was originally proposed and adopted by the officers of the American army, at their cantonments on the banks of the Hudson river, in 1783." Steuben was vice president of the Xew York State Society of the Cincinnati, from 1785 to 178G, and its president from 1786 till 1790. The New York Society was not so easily frightened as the New England Society ; nay, exasperated by the unjust oppo- * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. x. LIPE OF STEUBEN. 569 sition with which it met, it availed itself of every opportunity to parade with gi-eat ostentation, and to show that it was not in- timidated. Steuben especially liked to give vent to his hatred against those anonymous writers of the day, who, concealing their own insignificance behind the toga of a " Brutus," " Cas- sius," "Vox Populi," "Publicola," "Scipio," and others, lived during the war snug at home, Avhile the men whom they now assailed were fighting the battles of their country. We found in the above-quoted essay of Johnston the fol- lowing interesting account of a ceremony which took place at the initiation of newly elected members : "On this occasion they determined to initiate the honorary members Avho had been newly elected, Jjy the ceremony of a formal investituie. The assembly room at the City Tavern was the scene of the solemnity. The outside of the house was decorated with festoons and crowns of laurel ; opposite the door of entrance, on a dais tapestried with blue cloth, was elevated a great chair of state, covered with light blue satin fringed with white ; at the back of this was a staff supported by two hands united, holding up the cap of Liberty, which was again grasped by the eagle of the order, bearing on a white fillet the motto, ' We will defend it.' At each extremity of the room amphitheaters were erected for the spectators. " A deputation, consisting of four members, dressed in their uniforms and wearing their eagles, first waited on the governor of the State and the president of Congress, with the congratulations of the society for the American independence. After their return with the report, that had been received with all the attention due to the dignity of their order, the ceremony commenced. " The foreign members, and such as belonged to the other societies, had already taken their seats on the left of the chair. The kettle drums and trumpets, an important part of the per- formance, were stationed in the gallery over the door, and the amphitheaters were filled with spectators, when the standard- 570 LIFE OF STEUBEN. bearer, Captain Gnyon, in fall Continental uniform, wearin-g his order, and escorted by four members, also in full dress, entered the hall and took Iiis position in front of the dais. He held in his hand the standard of the society. It was wrought in silk, displaying the eagle upon thirteen alternate stripes of white and blue. The escort returned, and, led by the masters of ceremony, the procession then entered the hall. First came the members, two-and-two, followed by the secre- tary, Captain Pemberton, carrying the original institution of the society ; then came the treasurer, General Van Court- landt, and his deputy. Major Piatt, bearing two satin cush- ions, on the first of which were displayed tlie eagles, and on the second the diplomas for the elected members. These were followed by the vice president, General Schuyler, and the president. Major General Baron De Steuben, who brought up the rear. At his entrance the standard saluted, and the kettle drums and trumpets gave a flourish, which continued until pass- ing through the avenue noAV formed by the members opening to the right and left, he mounted the steps and took his seat upon the chair of state. " When this was done. Colonel Hamilton, soldier, orator and statesman, pronounced the inaugural address ; after which the ceremony of investiture commenced. " The recipient was conducted by one of the masters of cer- emony to the first step before the chair of the president, and the standard-bearer approached. After expressing a desire to be received into the society, and promising a strict observance of its rules and statutes, he grasped the standard with his left hand, while with his right he signed his name to the institu- tion. The president then took one of the eagles from the cushion held by the treasurer, and invested the recipient in the following words : ' Receive this mark as a recompense for your merit, and in remembrance of our glorious independ- ence.' Next handing him a diploma, he said: 'This wall show your title as a member of our society. Imitate the il- HFK OF STEUBEN. Oil lustrious hero, Lucius Quiutius Cincinnatus, whom we have cho- sen for our patron : like him be the defender of your country and a good citizen.' Another flourish of drums and trumpets completed the ceremony, and the new member was introduced to the Cincinnati at large, who arose in a body to salute him. This was succeeded by a brilliant festival, which, amidst salvos of artillery, terminated the day." On the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence wliich succeeded the organization of the federal government, 1789, a committee of the society of the Cincinnati waited on Washington, in the morning, and its chairman, Steuben, addressed him, saying :* "The Society of the Cincinnati of the State of New York have instructed this delegation to present to you, sir, the sentiments of the profoundest respect. In common with all good citizens of the United States of America, they join their ai'dent wishes for the preservation of your life, health and prosperity. In particular they feel the highest satisfaction in contemplating the illustrious chief of our armies, by the unan- imous vote of an independent people, elected to the highest station that a dignitied and enlightened country can bestow. Under your conduct, sir, this band of soldiers was led to glory and to conquest, and we feel contident that under your admin- istration our country will speedily arrive at an enviable state of prosperity and happiness." The chief answex-ed : " I beg you, gentlemen, to return my most afiectionate regards to the Society of the Cincinnati of the State of New York, and to assure them that I receive their congratulations, on this auspicious day, with a mind con- stantly anxious for the honor and welfare of our country, and can only say that the force of my abihties, aided by an integ- rity of heart, shall oe studiously pointed to the support of its dignity and the promotion of its prosperity and happiness." The society afterwards marched in procession, attended * R. ^Y. Griswold. The Republican Court, New York. 1855, p. 155. 512 LIFE OF STEUBEX. by Colonel Baumann's artillery and a baud of music, to Saint Paul's Church, T»'here, in the presence of the members of Congress and a great concourse of distinguished citizens and strangers, Alexander Hamilton delivei'ed an oration on the life and character of General N^athaniel Greene. The society afterwards dined at the old City Tavern in Broad street. Steuben filled the office of president of the New York Cincinnati for four consecutive years till 1790, when he re- signed. " I had the honor, gentlemen," said he, on this occa- sion,* " of presiding in that assembly M'hich laid the founda- tion of our institution ; and the moment I i:)ut my hand to that respectable act which was to connect us for purposes most honorable and benevolent, shall always be considered by me as the most precious of my life. "The clouds W'hich jealousy and ill-founded prejudice have gathered over our society have not intimidated me. Con- scious of the purity of our intentions I have steadily pursued the line of ray duty in the station to which you were pleased, four years since, to appoint me. Accept my sincere thanks, gentlemen, for the repeated marks of attention and regard with which I have been distinguished, and do me the justice to be- lieve that if my eiforts for the good of the society have not had all the success I wished, that at least I have had the conso- lation, during my presidency, of seeing the tie w^hich binds us retain its strengtli, and the luster of our eagle remain unsul- Ued. "The motives which induced me to call this general meet- ing will be communicated to you. As they regard the re- spectability of the society they are worthy of your attention ; before I explain them, permit me to inform you that my par- ticular situation will prevent my filling this chair the ensuing year, should your partiality honor me by an election to it. " I have endeavored to place the aifairs of the society in * Steabeu MS. Papers, vol. xiii. LIFE OF STEITBEN, 573 the best order possible. For tliis purpose the different pieces relative to our institution, from its commencement to the pres- ent time, have been collected and regularly entered in a book by your secretary, who is entitled to our thanks for his care and assiduity ; a second book contains the names of all the members belonging to the society of this State, to which I pro- pose to add a third, to contain the names of those only who have received their diploma. " Gentlemen, the objects which are at present submitted to your consideration, are : 1st. A law to ascertain the num- ber of members which shall be competent to the administra- tion of the affairs of the society ; 2d. The settlement of the accounts relative to the funds of the society in the hands of our treasurer ; .3d. To make the arrangements for the next general meeting ; 4th. To inquire into the situation of the widows and orphans of the deceased raembeis, and afford them such support as may be in our power ; 5th. To prevent the intrusion of improper pei'sons into the society, and to ex- pel those, if there should be any such, who have been permitted to join us witliout a sufficient title. And lastly, I must again recommend to you to take into consideration and determine on the well founded claims of the late officers of the marine of this State." Since the subsidence of the prejudices above alluded to, the society has attracted little of the public attention. De- voting itself, among its members, to the cultivation of the social affections, to the relief of the indigent, and the com- memoration of its illustrious dead and of their deeds, it has little in common with the spirit of business that surrounds it, and is too often forgotten by those who are entitled to its privileges. Of its thirteen original chapters, six appear to be in operation — those of Xew York, Massachusetts, South Caro- lina, Pennsylvania, Xew Jersey, and Maryland. Of these, that of Xew York, considered the most prosperous, has scarce- ly more than one fourth of the number of its original mem- O/i HFEOFSTEUBEN. bers. The two hundred and sixty-eight officers of Pennsylvania who signed the constitution of the society, are at present rep- resented by only sixty of their descendants ; the two hundred and thirty officers of New York by seventy-three descendants, and the three hundred and thirty-three officers of Massachu- setts by not many more than one hundred. The last veteran, Major Robert Burnett, died on the 29th of November, 1854, at Newburg, on the Hudson. He had lived long enough to see that the predictions of the eccentric Burke, foreseeing a general ruin of the liberties of America, were fallacies, and that John Adams' ai^prehensions that "the formation of the society was the first step taken to deface the beauty of our temple of liberty" were utterly groundless. The rapid decrease of the Cincinnati has of late attracted the notice of the society, and suggested a modification of the rules of admission, so as to make all persons eligible who are descended from any one who might have been, as well as from one who was, a membei-.* This ordinance, relative to the succession was adopted by the general meeting on the Vth of May, 1851. The present president of the New York State Society since 1848, is Hamilton Fish, son of Steuben's sub-inspector, Nicholas Fish, and former Governor and United States Senator of the State of New York. He is at the same time president of the general society, which held its last triennial meeting at Boston, on the 27th of May, 1857. Delegates were pres- ent from all the State Societies, except that of South Carolina, and the following officers chosen : President, Hamilton Fish ; Vice President, Charles S. Davies of Portland, Maine ; Treas- urer, Joseph W. Scott of New Jersey ; Secretary, Thomas Mc- Ewen. At the banquet, which took place on the evening of that day, ex-President Pierce, and other distinguished guests, responded to sentiments offi3red. The next general meeting of the Cincinnati will be held at Charleston, South Carolina, in 1860. * New York Courier and Inquirer, March, 1854. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 575 The public at large know little or nothing about the Cin- cinnati : they have always been considered as an exotic ci'ea- tion which found no sympathy with the masses. Moreover, the material interests and more important struggles of the day have scarcely time enough to appreciate the high-toned aspirations of a bygone time, which has almost nothing in common with the present. But if in the course of years even every trace of the ex- istence of the Cincinnati should be extinguished, this society is immortalized in the name of a city which, giant-like, sprung out of the Avilderness with a rapidity since become proverbial, and which is now one of the richest commercial emporiums of the United States. When General St. Clair and Colonel Sar- gent, in 1789, gave the name of their society to the three log- houses at the confluence of the Licking and Ohio, then called Losantcville,* they did not imagine that they were enthron- ing a queen of the West, and erecting a monument in honor of the Cincinnati, which will probably last longer than the memory of all its members. The daughter does honor to her parents. On the ground which they have cultivated and made independent it flourishes proudly and mightily, the young and vine-crowned Gmcinnatl. * Alexander Jolmston, 1. c CHAPTER XXVII. Steubes in private Life from 17S4 till 1790. — The States of Pesxsylvania, Virginia, JIew Jersey, and Xew York, presext him with Laxd. — He settles IN- THE City of New York.— His different Residences.— The Louvre.— 11k ■writes Treatises about military Affairs, fspecially the Militia and a Con- tinental Legion. — Washingto.n""s Opinion thereon. — Steuben's social Stand- ing IN New Tore.— The Doctors Mob.— Other Anecdotf,s.— The German Society of the City of New York. — Steuben its President foe Nine Yeais.— E. Livingston's Oration. — Steuben's political Views. — The Prerogatives of t;ie President of the United States.— Prince Henky of Prussia.- Election of Governor in New York. — Steuben prf.sent at Washington's Inauguration. —Steuben chosen Eegent of the New York University.— IIis Plan for ah American Settlement on the Mississippi in Louisiana. — The Spajjish A.mBas- sadoe does not Answer. — Steuben's Proposals not accepted. TO resume our narrative, we have to revert to the time -n-lien the disbanded army returned to the peaceful occupations of civil life. While others, -who were young enough to devote themselves to other pursuits, soon made up the loss they had experienced in joining the army, Steuben was too old and too little acquainted with business to gain a livelihood in a civil capacity. He was fifty-four yeai's old, the greater part of which he had spent in the field. Feeling that after the conclu- sion of peace, he was of no more use in America, he proposed to return to Europe, and live there in agreeable retirement, if Congress would pay him a part of his claims, but, as stated in chapter XXVI., the matter was put ofl:' from day to day, from year to year ; and when in 1790, they finally arrived at a de- cision, Steuben, on account of his debts, was unable to leave the United States. He, therefore, concluded to cultivate his lands in Oneida county, for which purpose his means were suf- ficient. Although he had, for full six years, to battle with Congress, Steuben never lost sight of the ])ublic welfare by attending to LIFE OF STEUIJEX. 57V his own affairs, and even the time after he hat] laid aside pub- lic station, furnishes ample proof of his disinterested participa- tion in the prosperity and security of the United States, These ten years, from 1784 till his death, naturally divide themselves into two distinct periods, the one ending "with the year 1790, when Steuben's just claims were settled and his life secured from penury, the other -with his death, during which latter time he lived in easy circumstances, and enjoyed the society of his friends and the regards of the American people. We propose to describe, in this chapter, the period from 1784 till 1790, As an offset against the tardy way in which the general government did satisfy Steuben's claims, we are bound to mention the liberal rewards of his services by some of the States. Thus the State of Pennsylvania, even before the conclusion of the peace in March, 1783, had made him a citizen of the com- monwealth, and given liim, in Westmoreland county, a grant of two thousand acres, Virginia had presented him with fif- teen thousand acres, " as a high sense they had of the merit and services of Steuben," to be located between the Muskin- gum and the Great Miami (in the present State of Ohio), New Jersey, " deeply impressed with a sense of the many and sig- nal services by him rendered to the United States of America during the continuance of the late war, and desirous to testify to the world the grateful sense they entertain of the said ser- vices," had given him the hfe lease of a forfeited estate of John Zabriskie, lying in t>he county of Bergen, township of New Barbadoes, at the New Bridge, and in the immediate neighborhood of New York ; but Steuben, when informed that Zabriskie, in consequence of that confiscation, was left without means, did not accept the gift, and interposed in be- half of Zabriskie. The cities of Albany and New York, the fii-st on the 23d of July, 1783, the latter on the 11th of October, 1784, honored him with their freedom, and on the 5th of May, 25 678 LIFE OF STEUBEN. 1786,^- the State of Xew York granted him one quarter of a township, equal to sixteen thousand acres, out of the territory recently purchased from the Oneida Indians. The site select- ed was some twelve miles north of old Fort Schuyler, the pres- ent city of Utica, and adjoining the present town of Remsen, It was erected into a separate township, and called after him when Steuben settled thei-e. Immediately after haAing i-esigued his commission, he re- turned to New York, where he lirst rented a country house in the middle part of the island. It belonged to Mr. Provost, better known at the time as the " ready-money Provost" (now in the possession of Mrs. Schermerhorn), and was situated in the present Fifty -seventh street, in Jones's Wood. For some reason unknown, it was called the "Louvre" by its proprietor, and Steuben lived there with his old companions in arms. Here he spent the little money left him, with North, "Walk- er, William S. Smith, Fairlie, and others. They, however, very soon went away to establish themselves, and left hira in a veiy solitary situation. Steuben corresponded with his old friends, took part in the politics of the day, and wrote pam phlets about the military affairs and militia of the United * ''An Act for the speedy sale of unappropriated lands within this State, and for other purposes therein mentioned. Passed on the 5th of May, 1786. " XXXII. A7id whereas, Baron Frederick "William Steuben, late a major gen- eral in the army of the United States, has rendered very essential service to this State, as one of tlie United States, by introducing a regular discipline into the army, and a spirit of economy into the mterior administration of the regi- ments, and this Legislature, being williag to afford a pubhc testimony of the just sense they entertain of his services : therefore "XXXJII. Be it enacted by the authority aforesaid. That the said com mis sioners slialL and they are hereby authorized, to du'ect letters patent to be prepared for, and granted to the said Baron Frederick William Steuben, in fee simple, one quarter of a township, equal to sixteen thousand acres of land, part of any township which he may choose, out of the townships to be laid out in any of tlie tracts of land directed to be laid out in piu'suance of this act, except in the bound of the said lands purchased of the Oneida Indians, without fee or reward, or paying any consideration for the laud granted to him ; and having approved of such letters patent, his Excellency, the Gov- iTuor, shall affix the great seal of tho State thereto." L I F E O F S T K U li K X . S"/ 9 States. One of the first works he undertook after his resig- nation, was the elaboration of a plan for their land defense. We have no room for this important essay in full ; it will, there- fore, suffice to state here, that he proposed that in times of peace the whole American army should consist of one legion of three thousand men, permanent and Continental ; a corps ot artillerists, sappers, miners, artificers, etc., of one thousand, permanent and Continental, also ; and seven legions of estab- lished militia, consisting of three thousand men each ; so that the whole would amount to twenty-five thousand eftectives. Steuben communicated this plan first to Washington, who, on the loth of March, 1784,* from Mount Vernon, answered it as follows : "I have perused, with attention, the plan which you have formed for establishing a Continental legion, and for training a certain part of the arms-bearing men of the Union, as a mi- litia in times of peace ; and with the small alterations which have been suggested and made, I very much approve of it. It was no unpleasing and flattering circumstance to me to find such a coincidence of ideas as appears to run through your plan and the one I had the honor to lay before a committee of Congress in May last. Mine, however, was a hasty produc- tion, the consequence of a sudden call and little time for ar- rangement ; yours, of maturer thought and better digestion. At the same time that I limited the propriety of a Continental militia, I glided almost insensibly into what I thought would, rather than what I conceived ought to be, a proper peace es- tablishment for this country. "A peace establishment ought always to have two objects in view : the one present secuiity of posts and of stores, and the public tranquillity ; the other, to be prepared, if the latter is impracticable, to resist with efticacy the sudden attempts of a foreign or domestic enemy. If we have no occasion for troops for the first pui-poses, and were certain of not wanting * Washington's "U'ritings, ix., 25. 580 LIFE OF STEUBEN. any for the second, then all expenses, of every nature and kind whatsoever on this score, would be equally nugatory and unjustifiable ; but while men have a disposition to wrangle, and to disturb the peace of society, either from ambitious, political or interested motives, common prudence and fore- sight require such an establishment as is likely to insure to us the blessings of peace, although the undertaking should be attended with difficulty and expense ; and I can think of no plan more hkely to answer the purpose, than the one you have suggested, which, the principles being established, may be en- larged or diminished at ple-asure, according to circumstances. It therefore meets my approbation, and has my best Avishes for its success." Poverty soon compelled Steuben to give up his dismantled and deserted residence, and to surrender the "Louvre." His old friend and aid-de-camp, B, Walker, who had married in the meantime, and taken a house in Maiden Lane, in New York, nearly opposite its junction with Liberty street, invited him to stay with him. When Walker after ivards removed to Courtland street, Steuben engaged rooms in the present Fulton street, at a Dr. Yache's, and took his dinners at the celebrated boarding-house of the Misses Dabeny, in Wall street, nearly opposite Hanover, Having lived there a year or two, he went to the house of a Dr. Tillory, at the south-east corner of Broadway and Wall street, till he finally, in 1791, took a house opposite Saint Paul's Church, the present 216 Broad- way, which he occujiied do-\ATi to his removal to Steuben, in 1794. Steubeu was a great favorite in social circles, and especially among the ladies. He engaged in their amusements, and by his wit and pleasantry the delights of any party where he was were increased. We find his name on the invitation list of Mrs. Jay, during the years 1787 and 1788; he was intimate with Duer, Duane, Livingston, Jay, Varick, Hamilton, Fish and others. He cultivated social intercourse with all the prominent LIFE OP STEUBEX. 581 and fashionable families of the city, while at the same time he was very popular among all classes of the people. II. D. Von Bulow, who was in New York in 1792, and jDaid a visit to Steuben, says that he was known by everybody as "the baron," and that when " the baron" was spoken of, everj'body knew that Steuben was the man. When, at the famous doctors' mob, produced, in 1786 or 1787, by the careless exposure of a sub- ject from the dissecting room of the hospital, he Avas acci- dentally wounded, the mob made room to let him pass, and cheered him, while they went on in their work of destruction. President Duer relates an amusing anecdote of Steuben, con- nected with this affair: "It became necessary," says he,* "to call out the militia to put down the rioters, and many of the principal citizens re- paired to the assistance of the civil authority. Some of them were severely wounded. Mr. Jay received a serious wound in the head, and the Baron De Steuben was struck by a stone, which knocked him down, inflicted a flesh wound upon his forehead, and wrought a sudden change in the compassionate feelings he had previously entertained towards the rabble. At the moment of receiving it he was earnestly remonstrat- ing with Governor CUnton against oi'dering the militia to fire on the peo^ile ; but as soon as he was hit, his benevolence de- serted him, and, as he fell, he lustily cried out, ' Fire, gov- ernor, fire !' He was carried into Mr. Duer's house, and there being no surgeon at hand, Lady Kitty Duer stanched his wound and bound up his head. After his departure. Governor Clin- ton provoked the laughter of the company by recalling these circumstances." Though never perfectly master of the English language, he understood and spoke it with tolerable correctness. He would sometimes, and as a matter of jest, miscall names, and blend or adopt words similar in sound, dissimilar in meaning. * Rufus "W. Griswold. The Republican Court, New York, 1854, quarto, p. 102. 582 LIFE OF STEUBEN. Once Avlien dining witli General Washington/' Mrs. Washing- ton asked him what amusements he had. " I read, and I play chess, ray lady," said the baron ; " and yesterday I was invit- ed to go a fishing. It was miderstood to be a very fine amuse- ment. I sat in the boat two hours, though it was very wai-m, and caught two fish." " Of what kind, bai'ou ?" asked the lady. "Indeed, I do not recollect perfectly, but one of them ■was a whale." "A whale, baron, in the ISTorth river!" "Yes, on ray word, a very fine whale, as that gentleman informed me. Did you not tell me it was a whale, major?" "An eel, bai'on !" " I beg your pardon, my lady, but the gentleman certainly called it a whale. But it is of little consequence. I shall abandon the trade, notwithstanding the fine amusement it aifords." Among the Germans of the city of Xew York Steuben oc- cupied a most prominent position. They looked on hira with pride, and held him in high veneration. He took part in their associations and benevolent institutions. When, on the 23d of August, 1784, the German Society, for the benevolent purpose of assisting poor Germans and their descendants, was founded, Steuben was not in town ; but immediately after his return he joined it, and at once became its most influential member. On the 7th of February, 1785, Dr. Kuntze moved that the society express their thanks to Steuben for the honor he conferred on them in becoming a member, and on the 3d of October, 1785, he was unanimously elected president, which place he occupied until his death. This society, which still flourishes and numbers about one thousand members, was in its beginning represent- ed and sustained by revolutionary ofiicers, as, for instance, Colonels Henry Emanuel Lutterloh, its first president, and Frederick Von Weissenfels. Frederick A. Miihlenberg and General Peter Muhlenberg, on the motion of Steuben, were made honorary members ; and many distinguished Americans, as!Mayor Duane, Gouverneur Morris, Edward Livingston, Ste- * Thacher & Bowen, p. 83. L I F K OK S T J-: U is E N . 583 pheji Van Renssalaer, Peter Schuyler, Horatio Gates, and other distinguished men, afterwards became members. The emi- gration, which then was in its infancy, did not require much attention of the society. Here and there a ship arrived with Germans, " bound to labor," on whose behalf they interfered, as, for instance, in 1792, when the board of directors met at Steuben's house, to protect the Germans, who, under the most disadvantageous terms, had been engaged by the Genesee laud association. It appears from the minutes of the board, that the arrival of two ships with emigrants at almost the same time was a very extraordinary event. Thus the society had more ample occasion for charitable purposes at home, and for cherishing kind feelings of benevolence and friendship among its members. On the anniversary of the society, which, on motion of Edward Livingston, was celebrated on the 11th of August, being the day of German independence, in conse- quence of Herman's victory over Varus, a German and En- glish oration was delivered, and a dinner taken. Edward Liv- ingston Avas the English speaker in 1789, and, in his apprecia- tion of the German character, said at the end of his speech : "The next is one whom here I fear to name, and scarce dare venture to describe, lest I offend that virtue which, not obtrusive, shares the voice of fame. But vain the pur2)ose to conceal it ! When German worth is the theme, can we omit the name of Steubeyi f or when we speak of services like his, will admiration bind itself to forms ? Xo ! regardless of the feelings it may excite, the voice of truth proclaims him the creator of oui- force, who, from a chaos of disorder, raised our military fame. Unhappily the voice of gratitude has not been heard ; our country yet, my friends, is not un- just. It was but lost amid the din of acclamation ; and that voice, though small and stilly shall soon be heard, and teach our country to reward his merit," After Steuben's death the society, in his honor, held a funeral service in the German Reformed Church, in Nassau 584 LIFE OF STEUBEN. Street, and wore crape for six weeks. At the same time it published a eulogy on him, which was signed by D. Grimm, vice president, and William Wilmerding, secretary. In his pohtical views Steuben was a decided Federalist, and as such took part in the political events of the day. We found among his papers a treatise about the national debt of the United States, several articles about the prerogatives of the President, and a historical review of the duties of the supreme executive officer in ancient and modern republics. All these essays belong — to characterize them in one word — to the po- litical school of Alexander Hamilton, and show, in a great measure, Steuben's learning and sound judgment in political matters. When, before the adoption of the present Constitution, in a circle of his friends, the question of the form of government was discussed, and it was not yet decided whether the Presi- dent was to be vested only with the authority of the highest civil officer, or with the more princely privileges of the Dutch Stadtholder, one of the party, addressing himself to Steuben, asked whether Prince Henry, of Prussia, would be willing to accept an invitation, and whether he would make a good Pres- ident? Steuben answered, "As far as I know the prince he would never think of crossing the ocean to be your master. I wrote to him a good while ago what kind of fellows you are ; he would not have the patience to stay three days among you." When Mr. Jay, then Chief Justice of the United States, in 1792, was nominated for governor of the State of New York, by the Federal Republicans in opposition to Governor George Clinton, Steuben attended the public meeting called to recommend Mr. Jay to the suffrages of the people. Pie was complimented by placing his name first on the list of those who signed the address on that occasion, which was pubhshed the next day. Chancellor Livingston had pre- viously joined the anti-Federalists, and of course was ready to LIFE OF STEUBEX. 585 employ his splendid talents and the great influence of his family in support of Governor Clinton. He published an answer to the address, alluding to the signers as mere inter- ested partisans, and to Steuben as a " pensioner" of the general government, in a manner not very agreeable nor suitable to his position and character. Steuben sent imme- diately to General Armstrong, with whom be was connected by the ties of mutual esteem and friendship, with a view to ascertain who the general thought was the author. The latter said at once there could be no doubt of his being the chancellor. "Then, my friend, I rely on you for an answer." Armstrong readily assented. The next day " Timothy Tick- ler's" first letter was published, assuming the chancellor to be the author, and addressed to him by his official title. The chancellor then, under his signature of " Aristides," published a letter addressed to Mr. Jay, as Chief Justice, etc., assuming him to be the author of Tickler's letter. Mr. Jay forthwith, in the calm, judicious and dignified manner by which all the acts, pubUc and private, of that able, wise, and virtuous patriot were distinguished, conclusively disclaimed the impu- tation.* At the inauguration of Washington, on the 30th. of April, 1789, Steuben was consi^icuous in the grouj) on the platform when "Washington took the oath of his office. A few days after he attended a ball which was given at the City Assembly Rooms in honor of this event, and on the 4th of July Steuben waited on the President to pay him his respects in the name of the Society of the Cincinnati, and delivered a complimentary address.f On the 13th of April, 1787, the Legislature of the State of New York appointed Steuben one of the regents of the State University. The regents, numbering twenty-two, "are authorized and required to visit and inspect all the colleges * Communicated by John W. Mulligan, Esq. \ Rufus W. Griswold, the Republican Court, pp. 140, 154, 111. 25* 58G LIFE OF STEUBEN. and academies in the State, examine into the condition ana system of education and discipUne therein, and make an annual report of the state of the same to the Legislature."* Daring the whole year 1788, when his prospect of getting his claims settled was very bad, and when, during a political interregnum, his future was entirely uncertain, Steuben was occupied with a plan which, if carried out, would have exerted a decisive influence on the political formation of this continent, and, by its consequences, greatly accelerated the westward movement and expansion of the United States. He proposed to plant a colony within the dominions of the King of Spain, on the Mississippi, partly agricultural, partly military, in order to secure the King of Spain against any invasion of his neigh- bors, and to grant to the American settlers on the western Alleghanies a free outlet for their produce. The plan of this interesting project reads as follows : " 1st. Baron Steuben engages to plant a colony of farm- ers and artificers, not exceeding in number four thousand two hnndred persons, within the Spanish province of Louis- iana. "2d. For this purpose a concession of two hundred thou- sand acres of land, in such place as, in military view and relation to the principles of the project, may be hereafter agreed upon, is made to the said Baron Steuben and his asso- ciates. " 3d. As a further encouragement the Spanish government allows to each person, a farmer or artificer, brought to locate himself in good faith within the said tract, the sum of one hundred Spanish dollars as a bounty. " 4th. Baron Steuben and his associates will, to every such settler, make conveyance in fee of two hundred and thirty acres of good and arable land within the concession aforesaid, free of all expense save such as may arise upon the writing of the deed. * Laws of New York, Jones and Yarick's edition, ii., 14:J. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 687 "5th. The settlers ^rithin the said ti-act will be drawn Irom the United States, or other foreign countries, and no person now a Spanish subject will be taken from his present settle ment to make a part of this. " 6th. On the part of government it will be agreed that the inhabitants of this tract be allowed to possess and exer- cise such mode of religious worshij-j as they may think proper, and that no penalty, forfeiture, disqualification, etc., be incurred by any differences in faith or practice from those established within his Catholic Majesty's domhiions. " Vth, The laws of the United States relative to the tenure, transfer or descent of property will be granted to the inhabit- ants of the said tract, and they will bo allowed to institute such process, office and courts touching these subjects as may be proper and necessary ; provided only, that tliis will be done at their own expense and without charge to government ; and provided further, that in all cases when the parties in suit on these subjects signify their consent and desire to have decision according to the Spanish laws, it be granted to them. " 8th. In all other respects the said inhabitants will be en- tirely, and without qualification, subject to the Spanish laws and usages. "This part of the colony will be formed into a militia and liable to military service within the province when any exi- gency of government may require it. " 9th. In addition to this colony the baron will engage to raise a corps of eight hundred men to be formed into four bat- talions, three of musketry, and one of riflemen. This corps will in all respects be subject to the discipline and service of his Catholic Majesty's troops, save only that in questions of property and religion, the privileges granted to the other part of the colony be extended to this also. " 10th. The power of nominating all officers of the regular corps will be exclusively with the general thereof, and when 588 LIFE OP STEUBEN. approved by the king, commissions will be issued to them ac- cordingly, and vacancies supplied in the same manner. " 11th. The same bounty will be given to soldiers as to the farmers and artificers. "12th. Such colonists and recruits as may be engaged in Germany, will be paid and provided at the king's expense, from the day of their enlistments or engagements respectively, and for the purpose of safe and easy transportation, it will be agreed between the courts of Madrid and Versailles, that they be allowed a free and unmolested passage from St. Esprit in France to Carthagena in Sixain, where they are to be embarked in royal vessels for Xew Orleans in Louisiana." Steuben presented this plan to Don Diego Guardaqui, then Spanish minister in Philadelphia, who dispatched it to Madrid ; but it does not appear that the court entered into any nego- tiation about it. Its rejection is too natural when we consider the absolute form of government in Spain. It could not suit them, that one of its colonies should be more free than the rest, and if not the thorough appreciation of the case, at least the instinct of self-preservation taught the Spanish ministry, that admitting American laws even on a small scale, would by and by have opened and subjected the entire colony to the American pioneei-s, as has been subsequently shown in the in- stance of Texas. It is, nevertheless, interesting to examine the motives of Steuben's plan. They show us the statesman and soldier who anticipates the future and tries to found a building on mate- rials loose in themselves, but grand in the hands of a political talent, the execution of which was only delayed and reserved to the succeeding generation. It is at the same time gratify- ing to observe that Steuben understood perfectly well the secret of the growth of this rising American empire hi the self- government of the commonwealth ; a principle more antagon- istic to the prerogatives of the Spanish autocrat could not be found. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 589 As in the following year Steuben's prospects cleared up and the favorable settlement of his claims became certain, he gave up the idea of removing to the far West, and devoted his whole attention to the cultivation of his own lands in Oneida county. CHAPTER XXVIII. Steuben from 1790 to 1794.— His Residence on his Farm.— Its Situation.— Steit- ben's Occupations in the Country. — His Secretart, John W. Mulligan. — Steuben has no Intercourse with his Family. — His Nephews Von Canitz. — He makes a Survey of the Neighbokhood op New York, when War with England is apprehended.— Steuben's Plan reproduced in 1S07.— Mulligan's Letter to Walker. — Steuben appointed Commissary for the Fortification of the Western and Nop.tiiern Frontier. — A War against England appears inevitable.- The German Society, under Steuben, works for a Day on the Forts on Governor's Island. — Steuben goes to the West. — His official Du- ties detain him till the End of August.— His Life on the Farm.— His Plans AND Improvements. — Social Intercourse with his Neighbors. — The French Revolution the all-absorbing Subject of Conveks.^^tion. — Retreat of the Prussians from Champagne.— Abolition of Titles of Nobility.- Mapp.v.— Dutch Land Company. — Si.meon Woodruff. — Old Soldiep^ visit Steuben. —His Opinion about the Military Capacity of the Yankees.— Mulligan HEADS to Steuben and plays Chess with him. — Steuben suddenly paralyzed ON THE 25th of November, 1794.— He dies Three Days after wards.— His Burial Df the Forest. — Contrast between Steuben and his old Prussian Brothers IN Arms.— Who is the happiest of them ?— Tisit to Steuben's Grave.— Its Inscription.— Its Scenery.— North erects a Monument in New York in Honor of Steuben. — Its present Condition. — Agitation among the Germans of the United States foe erecting a Steuben Monument.— The Plan dobs not see.m to succeed. CONGRESS having passed, on the 4th of June, 1790, the annuity of Steuben, we find, him, as early as the 10th, on the way to his farm. The trip which is now made in about twelve houi's from New York, then required as many days. Steuben stopped at North's in Duanesburg, dined with Philip Schuyler or Stephen Van Rensselaer in Albany, and did not pass an old comrade's door. John Post, an old German from Schenectady, w^as at that time the only merchant in what is now called Utica. Steuben knew him from the war, and made his house his last resting place when he journeyed from New York for his home. Before 1790 he had only been once or twice on his farm ; now he regularly spent some summer months there. The LIFE OP STEUBEN. 591 township* in which it was situated, is in an elevated position, and its soil better adapted to grazing than the raising of grain. A high ridge of land runs east and west through it. Steuben hill and Star hill are the most elevated points in this ridge, the highest land in the county. Their altitude is so great that Indian corn entirely fails to mature there. The visitor is at once impressed with the vastness of the landscape. No land within many miles is as high as where he stands. Westerly and north-westerly the view is almost unbounded. A large section of the Oneida lake is to be seen, and a person well acquainted in centi^al New York, in viewing the location of difterent highlands, soon becomes satisfied that portions of seven difierent counties are distinctly seen. In general the surface of the township may be termed stony. Boulders of every size and shape, some of which are of immense propor- tions, thickly dot the fields. Steuben kept a regular journal during his sojourns on his farm, in which all his entries are made with the same regu- larity as his official reports while in active service. Thus we find in his diary that, on the 4th of July, 1790, he gave a dinner and festivity to all the men on his land and in the neighborhood. Thus we follow him through his apprentice- ship as a farmer ; we see his arrangements, his hopes and dis- appointments, his contracts for the cultivation of the land, his discontent with his superintendent, Samuel Sizer, his sales to settlers, and his dispositions for the next year. Whenever he found a worthy revolutionary soldier he made him a present of a lot, forty to a hundred acres in extent. In the autumn, he regularly returned to Xew York, to spend the winter there among his old acquaintances. Although he had no family, he lived happy and satisfied with some of his old companions in arms, his rural neighbors, and such friends as might tend to enliven his retired home. In 1791 Steuben made the acquaintance of John W. Mulli- * P. Jones. Annals of Oneida county, Rome, 1851. 592 LIFE OF STEUBEN. gau, a young aud promising man, wliose father had been an active Whig in New York during the Revolution. Mr. Mulli- gan, after having linislied his studies in Columbia College, be- came Steuben's secretary, and served him with a fidelity and love which won him the friendship and confidence of his pro- tector. Steuben concentrated all the tenderness of his heart on his friends, as he had no family relations, and there are few examples to be found in which the feeling of kindness and good fellowship were so sincerely reciprocated as between Steuben aud his friends. He did not like his relatives in Europe. In Xovember, 1786, his two nephews, sons of his only sister, the Barons De Canitz, visited him, but their conduct was so bad, their morals were so low, that he sent them back in disgust after a year. They had no education at all ; one of them had been a lieu- tenant in a Prussian infantry regiment, and the other ensign ; but the oldest soon resigned on account of a low marriage, and the other deserted. We do not find any trace of a single let- ter to his relatives in Europe ; but we find a great many applications, on their part, for money and assistance. These repeated tribulations annoyed Steuben so much, that he gave up all intercourse with his family, and left them no part of his fortune in his will. In a letter written on the 27th of July, 1790, in regard to his oldest nephew, he says on this subject:* "I am a self- made man ; my personal position is the work of ray own hands ; but I never forgot to helj) and afibrd relief to my poorer relatives whenever I could. They, however, took me for a richer man than I am. The reputation of my having ac- quired immense possessions and a large fortune spread to the extreme ends of Germany, therefore I could not satisfy all demands on the part of my family. The little I could do was partially compared with what I could not do for them, and i-ather put to my debit than to ray credit. They consid- * Steuben ilS. Papers, Sprague. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 503 ered themselves entitled to get all and every thing from ras, while I exjiected nothing from them," In the fall of 1793, after the return from his farm, Steuben, apprehending that the ill feehng between the United States and England would lead to a war, made a survey of the neigh- borhood of New York, and, accompanied by his old sub- inspector, Nicholas Fish, examined the ground between Hell- Gate and the Narrows, looking out for the best places to erect forts. He handed the plan, with a memoir, to the corporation of New York, as an acknowledgment of his gratitude to the city. In 1807 this plan was reproduced and used for the pur- poses for which it was intended. MulUgan, on the 1st of August, 1807, wrote from New York the following interesting letter in regard to it to Walker :* "In the present state of our political affairs, the subject of fortifications to defend this city naturally excites considerable attention and anxiety. Various plans ai-e devised and pro- posed, but that which includes the defense of the Narrows seems to have most advocates. One has been published which I believe to be an entire jjlagiarism from one framed by our excellent friend, my benefactor, Baron Steuben. In the year 1793, as I believe you are informed, he devoted one or two days to an actual suiwey at the Narrows, and formed a plan which, with a memoir, he presented to the corporation. After particular search it is not to be found. I hope that he may have left a copy among his plans and papers in your possession. The object of my present aj^plication is that you will have the goodness to search, and if you find either the plan or memoir, to send them on, as far as yom* search may be successful, as soon as you ])ossibly can, to me, by some safe hand. Being a member of the board, I wish to procure it, as we are at present on the look out for apian for the purpose of meeting the wishes of the citizens, to erect fortifications, without delay, at the * Steuben MS. Papers, Utica. 594 LITE OF STEUBEN, Narrows, relying on government for future reimbursements, as their commissioners have not thought it proper, or, rather, within the scope of their instructions, to expend at present any money to fortify that point. Many inducements make me anxious to have this plan, and, notwithstanding the importance of the object it was intended to eflect, I confess one of my leading motives is to prevent any person from bearing the credit of what is due to our friend." But to return to Steuben. By his plan he had touched a subject which very soon assumed practical importance, since, in consequence of sundry violations of the treaty of peace of 1783, the outbreak of a war between the United States and England was thought to be inevitable. The Legislature of New York, by a law of the 26th of March, 1794, oi-dered that fortifications should be repaired or erected, at or near the city and port of New York, sufficient to put the said city and port in a proper state of defense. It ajipointed at the same time, and by the same law, seven gentle- men, viz., Frederick William De Steuben, Peter Gansevoort, jr., William North, Stephen Van Rensselaer, John Taylor, John Yerner, and Daniel Hale, as commissioners for the pur- pose of erecting such fortifications, building and equij^ping one or more floating batteries, or other vessels of force as to them should appear necessary to the security of the western and northern frontiers of this State. As the treaty which John Jay concluded with England prevented a war, this law became a dead letter. There pre- vailed, however, a general excitement in the spring of 1794, and so enthusiastic was the pul;lic spirit in the anticipation of war wdth England, that the citizens of New York, almost as a body, volunteered to assist in the erection of fortifications in the neighborhood of their city. The German Society, for in- stance, over which Steuben jn-esided, passed, on the 21st of May, 1794, a resolution that all its members, and all the Ger- man inhabitants of New York in general, if it were desired. I LIFE OF STEUBEN. 505 sliould -u-ork for a day at the forts Avhich had just been com- menced on Governor's Island. They assembled, accordingly, early on the morning of the 5th of June, 1794, at the Luther- an school-house in Xassau street, and, led by their jiresident, proceeded, with flying colors and music, through Broadway, dorwn Wliitehall, to Governor's Island, where the mayor of the city alloted to them their places, and where they worked until sunset. A few days after Steuben left the city for his estate in Oneida county, and remained at Albany to attend the first meeting of the commissioners. He was appointed president, and John W. Mulligan was chosen secretary. Soon after his arrival at Steuben he proceeded on his tour to explore the western territory as far as Fort Oswego, including Fort Stan- wix, and sjoent the greater part of the summer in fulfilling his duty. Steuben, Xorth, and Stephen Van Rensselaer passed down Wood creek from old Fort Stanwix, crossed the Oneida lake up Seneca river, thence into Onondaga lake to Salt Point. There were several hundred Indians assembled in council, some friendly, and others manifested a hostile spirit toward the United States. The commissioners stationed a strong guard around the house in which they held their consultations, and after they had concluded them they obtained information that the hostile Canadian Indians had assembled in great num- bers at the mouth of Oswego river for the purpose of making Steuben a prisoner and carrying him to Fort Oswego, then held by the British. Steuben, aware of this ambuscade, went by land to Fort Stanwix. When the boat containing L. Hough, the servant, and the baggage, entered Onondaga lake, some two or three bateaux, loaded with Indians, armed and equipped, inqxiired of him where Steuben had gone. They seemed to be much surprised at Hough's answei', and surrounded his boat. Hough and his party expected to have to fight, and that they would be seized and carried to the fort. It ap- 596 LIFE OF STEUBEN. peared, however, that Steuben was the only object of then- search, and they snflered them to pass. It was the last service he rendered to his adoj)ted country. He did not reach his farm until the end of August. The idea of cultivating his lands, of which about sixty acres were then cleared, and of erecting a fine mansion on it, had been a favorite j^lan of Steuben since he began to enjoy his annuity, and to feel easier in his money aiFairs. At that time some six- teen families resided on his patent, who had durable leases at from $10 to $20 for every one hundred acres of land. He was fond of talking about his farming prospects, about the artifi- cial lake, which he proposed to make by using the water of two fine brooks that flowed through his land ; about the fine quality and situation of his land and its settlement. On his little mare Molly he rode through the fields, watched the im- provements, and gave directions. In the evening he saw his friends and neighbors, played chess with his companions, read newspapers or spoke of the politics of the day, which just at this time, when the French Revolution had reached its culmi- nating point, and when the revolutionary armies fought victo- riously against PruSvsia and Austria, were particularly inter^ esting. Steuben subscribed to the Leyden (Holland) Gazette, a weekly newspaper which, at that period, held the rank of the present Galignani's Messenger, and gave the best and quickest information about the events of the day. He fol- lowed with special attention the movements of the contend- ing armies and the military operations in general ; but it often occurred to him that, taking the standard of his American mi- litia, he underrated the popular strength and overrated the power of the allies, whom he knew only from the Seven Years' War, when their armies were led by great commanders and animated with energy and enthusiasm. Thus, in 1792, he could not understand, and was shocked at the retreat of the Prussians through Champagne. " It is impossible," said he, when he first heard the news ; " I never saw the Prussian eagles LIFE OF STEUBEN. 597 give waj ; it is " . included in the limits of a public liighway. Xeither the State or the nation moved in the matter when the remains of her adopted son were thus dis- honored. The ashes of the man who, after a stirring and eventful life, had well deserved the rest of the grave, had to give way to the wants of a few farmers. There even was no sacrifice required, no money to be spent, if the road had been made a little to the right or left of its present direction, for the land is of no great value in that neighborhood. But the citizens of the county which Steuben had honored as his residence, scarcely knew him; they did not pay the slightest regard to common decency, and thus the petty interests of the living farmers prevailed over the claims of the deceased hero to a quiet resting place. The road cut off about one- third of the grave, but no one thought of removing the re- mains. As if Indians had dug up the place, for a while the colfin was exposed to storm and rain, and a very credible eye- witness relates that it had once been opened by the neighbors, who could not resist the temptation of getting a piece of Steuben's old military cloak. "When Benjamin Walker heard of this sacrilegious violation of the sacred remains of his old friend, he caused them to be I'emoved to a more suitable rest- ing place. He gave one of the ^Yelsh Baptist societies in the vicinity a lease of fifty acres of land, of which the five acres of wood-land were a part, the only rent and consideration to be paid for which is the keeping said five acres substantially fenced for ever, uncleared, and no cattle or other animals suffered to go within its bounds, and the title to be void whenever the lessees shall fail in the performance of these stipulations. Up to the present time the society has sacredly kept its trust, the forest having the most primeval appearance, and the little tiny sap- lings, as well as the largest beech and maple trees, show that the woodman's ax has not penetrated this quiet spot.* * Annals and Kecollectious of Oucida county, by P. Jones, 1851, p. 415 LIFE OF S T E U B E X . 603 "When, in 1824, Lafayette visited the United States, the inhabitants of Oneida county collected money for ei-ecting a monument over Steuben's grave. They invited Lafayette to inaugurate the monument, but he refused to accede to their request, excusing himself under some shallow pretext. The good citizens of that county knew very well that Steuben and Lafayette had been brothers in arms in the revolutionary war, but they did not know that they had not been on good terms, and therefore could not imagine that Lafayette, even thirty years after Steuben's death, had not yet forgotten the differences which ought to have been buried with Steuben. The simple grave-stone was therefore laid without Lafayette's presence. On the 12th of Juno, 1857, we made a pilgrimage to the old soldier's grave. In Remsen we visited Steuben's last sur- viving servant, Lemuel Hough, who very minutely described the way to the place. The country through which we passed is mountainous. Our road led over hills, through valleys and fine timber land, fresh with the verdure of spring. The scenery was generally monotonous and entirely removed from the bustle and tumult of the world. The last lough house which we passed was a school-house. Stout and healthy boys came out to meet us, evidently surprised at seeing strange- looking faces in this wilderness. The pretty young girl, how- ever, that kept the school, knew nothing of Steuben's grave. An old man finally directed us. " In that thick wood," said he, "you will find the grave," pointing eastward with his hand. We fastened our horses, and climbing over fences, jumping over ditches, and Avading through underbrush, we finally reached the spot. There, on the slope of a httle hill, at the foot of which a small, limpid brook runs, the remains of Steuben quietly repose. A column of stones, two or three feet in height, at each corner of the grave, upon which form- erly rested a table of limestone, compose his simple monu- ment. It is now becoming more and more dilapidated, and 604 LITE OF STEUBEK. the foundation having given way, nothing remains but the tablet and a pile of stones, which originally supported it. The tablet is about eight feet by four, and nearly a foot in thickness, and if kept in its place will withstand the ravages of centuries, but if not speedily repaired will fall to pieces from the influence of the weather. It bears the inscription: JI A J 0 R GENERAL FREDERICK WILLIAM AUGUSTUS BARON DE STEUBEN. It was a good and poetical idea of Walker, to have se- lected this quiet spot for the resting place of his friend. The tall beech trees, under whose shade he loved to sit in the even- ing of his life, extend their wide-spread arms over the grave and keep watch over the old hero. Fragrant flowers, with double vigor rising from the moldering vegetation, form a lovely wreath around the tomb. All dispute and trouble, all hatred and envy of daily life, are shut out from this hallowed spot, which, in its simplicity and seclusion, presents a strong contrast with the stirring and prominent career of him whose ashes it contains. Colonel William Xorth caused a neat mural monument to be erected to Steuben's memory upon the walls of the Ger- man Reformed Church, then under the charge of John D. Gross, and situated in Xassau street, between John street and Maiden Lane, in New York city. When a Baptist society sub- sequently got possession of that church, they courteously al- lowed the monument to be taken down, and carried to the new church of the Germans in Forsyth street. There we found it, on the right of tlie puljjit, well preserved and fastened into the wall. Lossing says that when visiting that church, he saw the monument in separate pieces lying amongst rub- bish, in a small lumber room of the church, disfigured and mutilated. On inquiring we were informed that the monu- ment was kept in this condition on account of a lawsuit which LIFE OF STETTBEX. 005 then was pending with regard to the jjroperty of the congre- gation in their church. But after that suit had been decided in favor of the German Reformed Church, the first care of its minister, Mr. Abraham Berky, was to put North's monument in its proper place, and it is due to the exertions of this gentle- man that the city of Xew York can boast of this valuable his- torical monument. The slab, of obelisk form, and the square frame, are of blueish, clouded marble. The lower urn has upon it a representation of the Order of Fidelity. The following is the inscription, from the pen of Colonel North : SACRED TO THE MEMORY OF FREDERICK -WILLIAM AUGUSTUS BAROiT STEUBEX, A GERMAN; KXIGUT OF THE ORDER OF FIDELITY; AID-DE-CAIIP TO FREDERICK THE GREAT, KIXG OF PRUSSIA; MAJOR GEXERAL AND INSPECTOR GENERAL IN THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. Esteemed, respected and supported by Washington, He gave military skill and discipline To the citizen soldiers, who, Fulfilling the decrees of Heaven, Achieved the independence of the United States. The highly polished manners of the baron were graced By the most noble feelings of the heart. His hand, open as day to melting charity, Closed only in the grasp of death. ****** This memorial is mscribed by an American who had the honor to be his aid-de-camp, the happiness to be his friend. Obiit, 1795. In December, 1856, the St. Charles Democrat, of Missouri, a Gei-mau country paper, published an appeal from Mr. The- odore Bruere to the Germans in the United States, for the erection of a monument in honor of Steuben. This appeal went the round of the Americo-German press, and caused a general manifestation of the appreciation in which the Ger- mans in the United States hold Steuben's memory. In conse- 606 LIFE OF steuee:n-. queuce of that address committees were appointed at several places to raise funds for a monument. Concerts and theatri- cal representations were given for the same purpose, and the German "Turner" and militia companies especially seemed to take a great interest in the realization of the plan. But whether it was that the wealthier Germans did not participate in the enthusiasm of their fellow-countrymen, or that the man- agement was not confided to proper hands, the whole matter was gradually dropped, and although there are some five or six thousand dollars collected, there is no present appearance that the project will ever be carried out. This pious duty, however, which the Germans feel that they are bound to perform, is not confined to them alone. It is an obligation devolving as well on Americans as on Germans. Steuben's tomb ought at all events to be renovated and kept in order. A few hundred dollars would sufiice to reconstruct the mason work, and put an iron fence around the grave. CHAPTER XXIX. Steuben and ms Atpes-de-Camp and Sl'b-1n-spectors.— Their friendly Intek- corp-SE.— TheirNames.— Uio'iRAPiucAL Sketches AND Letteesof Peter S. Dupon- CEAi% AViLHAM Walker, Jons Ternant, Locis Flecrv, William North, James Fairlie, Nicholas Fish, and William S. Smith. IT would l»e injustice to the ineritorious and brave officers Avlio composed Steuben's suite, not to dedicate a chapter to them, and describe, as fully as possible, considering the scarcity of diiect information, their noble deeds, and the share they took in the hap2)y lesults which crowned their general's efforts. The records of the revolutionary war are remarkably poor in details about the men who occupied secondary posi- tions during that eventful period. It appears that its histo- rians considered it as a more grateful task to write the lives of the most prominent actors, and that, therefore, the names of the " dei minorum gentium'^'' are either forgotten or only cursorily mentioned. Yet, neveitheless, we can not duly ap- preciate the character of the time and of its leaders, unless we have a knowledge of the strata of the people and of the agents without whose active participation no great movement can successfully be carried through. The time, however, we trust, is not very distant when these considerations will more gener- ally prevail, and when the present deficiency will be supplied. We may safely say, that there scarcely existed a more in- timate and friendly relation among officers than that between Steuben and his aides-de-camp and sub-inspectors. It not only comprised their duties in the field and camp, but extended to all their intercourse. Steuben was their fiiend, advisei*, and father, in one person. He devoted his leisure hours to 608 LIFE OF STEUBEN, tl)em, and provided for all their wants, while they did not take a step in tlieii- private alTairs without consulting hira. From Philadelphia he sent to his favorite aid-de-camp, B. Walker, linen and cloth to enable him to visit Washington's head-quarters. To the sick North, when he was compelled to leave him behind in Virginia, he presented his watch and his last gold piece, and regretted that he could do nothing else for him. For Dnponceau he bought a new uniform and a few pounds of tobacco, as a small token of kindly consideration. He had friendly nicknames for all of them, as, for instance, " Le Petit Walker, et sa gi'ande femme," " Le paresseux North," and the "Parson Adams" (Dnponceau), which he used when he wanted them to be particularly active. When absent. Walker or North was bound to report to him every thing that had happened in their small family, and Steuben hiTnself minutely described, in half-broken English and half French, the adventures which he had met with during his ab- sence. In case of dispute or controversy among them, Steuben was the arbiter, and his sentence was strictly obeyed. There were, perhaps, few men who understood so well as Steuben liow to criticise and blame politely his inferiors, and whose orders, as far as his officers were concerned, were so promptly and cheerfully executed. Had we lost all information relating to Steuben's military merit, and were all his deeds forgotten, the mere existence of letters from men like Walker, Noith, Davies, Fleury, Ternant, Do L'Enfant, Fish, and Fairlie, would demonstrate the invaluable worth of a general who was able to raise such talented and gifted disciples. Wo propose to sketch in this chapter the most consi^icu- ous of his assistants. Steuben, in one of his papers, gives the number of them as twenty-one. They were — Majors De Ro- manai, De L'Enfmt, and Des Epiniers ; Captains Dnponceau and De Pontiere ; Colonels Walker and Fleury ; Lieutenant Colonel Ternant ; Captains Duval and Fairlie ; Major North ; Colonel William S. Smith : Lieutenant Colonel N. Fish : LIFE OF STEUBEX. 609 Colonel Meade ; Messrs. Peytou Randolph, and Moore ; Ma- jors Galvan, Yillefranche, Barber, and Popham; and, finally, Lieutenant Colonel De La Lauyauto. Some of these officers were only for a short time in Steuben's suite, as for instance, Romanai, who accompanied him to America, and soon after his arrival was employed in another department ; De Pontiore, who, after having joined the army, entered Pulaski's legion as captain of horse ; Des Epiniers, a nephew of Beaumarchais and son of the famous watchmaker, Lepine, who had changed his name to Des Epiniers, to give it an appearance of nobility, and, as soon as December, 1778, asking leave of absence, never reassumed his duties on Steuben's staff; or Messrs. Peyton Ran- dolph and Moore, Avho, for a short time, during the Virginia cam- paign, acted as voluntary aids of Steuben ; and, finally, Galvan, Yillefranche, and De La Lauyaute, who served as engineers under Steuben in the trenches of Yorktown. There are only about a dozen left who are deserving a peculiar mention in connection with Steuben, and we shall speak of them accord- ing to the date on Avhich they joined his personal staff. First of all, we shall allude to his first secretary, Peter S. DuPONCEAU. He was born on the 3d of June, 1760, at the town of St. Martin, in the island of Re, France. At six years his fondness for languages began to develop itself. As there were some English families in the town, he learned English rapidly. At the college of the Benedictine monks at St. John D'Angely he pursued his English studies, and was nicknamed ZP Anglais. After the death of his fathei-, Duponceau became abbe ; but, in December, 1775, he left his place, and, with the " Paradise Lost" in one pocket and a clean shirt in another, he took his way on foot to Paris, where he arrived with the firm resolution to depend, from that moment, on his own exertions lor his subsistence. In the circles of the French aristocracy the Anglomania then prevailed. Duponceau wrote an En- glish and French vocabulary relating to the chase and racing, with dialogues, for the use of the Duke of Orleans (Egalite) ; 26* GIO LIFE OP STEUBEN. but when he modestly hinted to Mr. De Genlis something about reward, he got the cool but characteristic reply, "ies 2)rvices ne donnent rien.'''' He, accordingly, had enough of ministers and courtiers, and turned to men of letters, where his knowledge of the English language was of great use to him. Among the houses which he frequented at Paris was that of Mr. De Beaumarchais. Here, in 1777, he became ac- quamted with Steiiben, who wanted a secretary conversant with the English language. Duponceau exactly answered his purpose, and consequently accompanied him to America. In his letters which he wrote in 1836 to Robert Walsh and to his grand-daughter, he has left a great many interesting anec- dotes about himself, and the manners, habits, and customs of the time. We insert a few of them, trusting that the whole valuable manuscript will soon be printed. Duponceau was at that time a specimen of the jovial and amiable young Frenchman who loved to frolic and laugh at other men and his own follies. Just before they landed at Portsmouth, on the 1st of December, 1777, he made a bet that he would kiss the first girl they met on shore. His fellow- passengeis laughed at him, but Duponceau really did what he bad promised. He told a young, bright girl, whom he saw first, that they had come over to light for American liberty, and that like an old cavalier he had made a vow to ask a kiss from the lady he first met on American soil, as a blessing for their undertaking. The girl so addressed did not refuse the kiss, and Duponceau won his bet. At Bostoii Steuben's party lodged at the house of a Mrs. Doane, the widow of a British officer, a respectable lady with two beautiful and amiable daughters of nineteen and sixteen years of age, Anth the youngest of whom, Sally, Duponceau fell in love. We have seen his diary of that time ; it is a small insignificant book, but on each page written during that pe- riod we meet the name of Sally, either written in Gothic, or in Latin, or in Greek, or even in Russian letters. " I can rcmem- LIFE OF STEUBEN. 611 ber but few epochs of iny life," says Diiponceau, ''• in which I enjoyed so much happiness as I did during the month that I remained in Boston. I was charmed with the simpUcity of manners which at that time reigned in tliis country. I was seventeen years of age and my mind was open to all pleasura- ble impressions. Shall I say that the beauty of the fair sex did not a httle contribute to it ? I interpreted, it is true, as in duty bound, between the baron and the old lady, and trans- mitted a few compliments from him to the young ladies, but I left my brother beaux to shift for themselves. There they stood and sat like Indians, and could talk only by signs." As stated in chapter Y., Duponceau followed Steuben to Valley Forgo and was with him during the whole of the year 1778; but it does not seem that he was very efficient in a military point of view. His short-sightedness prevented him fi-om playing a more active and prominent part in the field. " When our army was encamped at Valley Forge," says he, " the commander-in-chief ordered a sham fight to be exe- cuted by two divisions of our troops, one of which was under the command of Bai'on Steuben. In the capacity of his aid- de-camp I Mas sent to reconnoiter, with orders to return imme- diately at full gallop, as soon as the enemy should be in sight. I rode on to the distance of about a quarter of a mile, when I was struck with the sight of Avhat I was afterwards informed to be some red petticoats hanging on a fence to dry, which I took for a body of British soldiers. I had forgotten, it seems, that the contending parties were all Americans, and none of them clothed in scarlet regimentals. Full of my hallucination I re- turned in haste to the camp, with the news that the enemy was marching upon us. Our division took the road I had indicated, and the sight of the red petticoats wixs all the re- sult of their movement. It excited, of course, a great deal of merriment to my utter confusion and dismay. The adventure was related the same day, at head-quarters, to General Wash- ington, in my presence, but such was the conduct of that ex- G12 r, IPE OF STEUBEN. cellent mrai that I ietlred comforted, ami my mind relieved from the lieavy weight that pressed upon it." Duponceau, however, did very vahiahle service as trans- lator and secretary to Steuben. In this capacity he assisted him, when in winter 1778-79 Steuben prepared his sj^stem of discipline for the army, and so well did he perfonn. his part in the task assigned to him, that Congress rewarded him with a sum of $400 in addition to his pay. In spring 1779, he went with Steuben to West Point, where he had to make extracts from the various returns about the number of men, quantity of provisions, clothing, arms,, ammunition, etc., and to frame from them the general returns to be laid before the com- mander-in-chief. When, in winter 1779-80, Steuben was sent to Philadelphia again to urge Congress to adopt more ener- getic measures for the army, Duponceau accompanied him as secretary, and kept that position till he fell sick and was com- pelled to go into the country for his recovery. But when in fall 1780, Steuben passing through Philadelphia, went to the southern army, Duponceau asked his permission to join his staff. "Very well," said he, at last, " you shall follow me, and I hope you will either recover your health or die an honorable death." Duponceau shared, for more than six months, all the privations and emergencies of his general; but in June 1781, he became again dangerously ill, and not being able to bear the fatigues of the campaign, returned to Philadelphia. Steuben had provided him with a strong letter of introduction to Con- gress, in which he requested that body to employ him in some civil capacity, as his health did not permit him to continue in the mihtary service. That letter procured him, besides many friends in and out of Congress, a place as under secretary in the office of Foreign Affairs, under Robert R. Livingston. From that time Duponceau never reentered the army, but he always remained on very intimate terms with Steuben, and acted as his agent and reporter from the seat of government. They corresponded occasionally, and their friendship continued LIFE OF STEUBEN. 613 till the general's death. His hist letter, which we were able to find among the Steuben papers,* is dated from Philadelphia, on the 2d of October, 1782 : " There was never," says lie, " such a scarcity of political or other matters, as at present, which must account for my having been lately so bad a correspondent. When any thing particular occurs that may be worth your knowledge, you may be sure that I shall not fail to inform you at once. I am very sorry that your things can not be sent uj) to you immediately. I would have taken this affair upon me, but not having re- ceived any money from Congress these four months, I am left altogether penniless. Depontiere tells me that I have got at least money enough to buy him a cue-ribbon, but I can assure him with great truth that I have not got enough to buy one for myself, though I want one excessively. "There is such a scarcity of news that even the newspa l^ers contain nothing. The printers have been obliged to write against each other to fill up their gazettes, which, you know, is the last finesse to which they usually have recourse. If this will not do, they will be obliged to print old sermons, or to drop the trade entirely. No money and no credit are trifles with the people of America ; but the want of news is the greatest calamity that can befall them." From the date of this letter there does not occur in the records of his intercourse witli Steuben any thing worthy of particular mention. Soon after the war of the Revolution had terminated, Duponceau retired from oflice, and became a prom- iiient lawyer at Philadelphia. He died there on the 1st of April, 1844, not quite eighty-four years old, highly respected and venerated for his learning, integrity, and warm attach- ment to his adopted country. He was much distinguished as a linguist and philologist, and wrote a very valuable disquisi- tion upon the Chinese language. He was for a long time pres- * Steuben ^MS. Papers, vol. ix. 614 LIFE or STEUBE]S^. ideut of the American Philosophical Society at Philadelphia, and was interred "n-ith public honors.* BEXjAiiix Walker, then captain in the second New York regiment, was the tirst aid-de-camp vrhom Steuben, while at Valley Forge, on the 25th of April, 1V78, took into his fam- ily. He was an Englishman by birth, and had been brought up for the counting-house. " He had not received," says Du- ponceau, " a brilliant, but a solid education ; he was master of the French language, and gifted by nature with a clear head and sound judgment. He was brave, intelligent, honest and true. I enjoyed his friendship to the time of his death. He was beloved and respected by all who knew him, and the baron, particularly, was much attached to him. While I am speaking about this gentleman, I must relate an anecdote, which happened while he v^-as in the family of General Wash- ington. He had long been engaged to a young Quaker lady, who resided in the State of New York, and whom he after- wards married. He once asked the general to give him leave of absence for a few days to go and see her. The general told him that he could not at that time dispense with his services. Walker insisted, begged, and entreated, but all in vain. 'If I do n't go,' said he, ' she will die.' ' O no,' said Washington, ' women do not die for such trifles.' ' But, general, what shall I do ?' ' What will you do ? why, write to her to add another leaf to the book of sufferings.' " This was related to me by Walker himself. General Washington had a great deal of that dry humor which he knew how to make use of on proper occasions." We noticed in chapiter VI. the occasion on which Walker became attached to Steuben's staff. He was afterward one of his most intimate friends and most effective cooperators, with- out whose assistance Steuben would scarcely have accomplished so much. He superintended all his correspondence and writ- ing fi-om 1778 to 1782. Steuben dictated to him in French, * Contributions to American History, Pliilailelpliia, pp. 352 and 353. I LIFE OP STEUBEN. 615 and Walker wrote it out in English, Thus almost all the drafts of Steuben's reforms and plans are Avritten in Walker's neat hand-writing. He accompanied his general to all the inspec- tions and reviews, acted as translator in case of need, and often extricated him from difficulties. There is an old anecdote, first narrated by A. Garden, which, however exaggerated it may be, characterizes Steuben's dependence on Walker during the first year of his service in America. After having exhausted his rich store of German and French oaths, he is said to have culled Walker to his assistance, vociferating, " Viens, Walker, mon ami, viens, raon bon ami, sacre, God dam de gaucheries ot dese badauts je ne jjuis plus, I can curse dem no more !" But be this as it may, we know that even in the most difiicult mat- ters Steuben relied chiefly on Walker's sound judgment, and that the success of Steuben's reforms is in a great measure due to his indefatigable and able aid-de-camp. In the year 1 781-82, Walker joined General Washington's suite, and acted as his aid-de-camp to the close of the war, which fact furnishes the best proof of his merits and value. After the conclusion of peace he was first secretary to the Governor of Xew York, but soon after established himself as broker in the city of New York. In 1797, when he was appointed agent of the Earl of Bath's great estate in western Xew York, he removed to old Fort Schuyler, the present city of Utica, where he resided the remainder of his life. As a man of intelligence and refinement he was identified with the early growth and progress of Utica. He died there on the 13th of January, 1818, aged sixty-five years, leaving a natural daughter, who married a French col- onel.* The private correspondence between Steuben and Walker gives an adequate idea of the relations which existed between them. It begins in the winter of 1779-80, when Steuben was in Philadelphia, soliciting Congress to adopt more energetic measures in regard to the array, and when Walker discliarged, * A.rmals and Recollections of Oneida county, by P. Jones, p. 515. GIG LIFE OP STEUBEN. ad interim^ the duties of inspector general. His official letters were always accompanied by a few confidential lines, which show their mutual friendship and intimacy. " Fish delivered me the linen," writes Walker, on the 3d of February, lYSO, from camp,* " you were so kind as to send, for which accept my thanks. You are determined to keep me your debtor in every respect. However, I shall not attempt to say much on this subject, as all I can say or do will faU shoi't of the repeated instances of friendship with which you have honored me. Of this, however, I can with confidence assure you, that I could remain easy under so many obliga- tions from you alone, and that I shall never be more happy than in an oj^portunity of convincing you of my sincere friend- ship and high veneration for you."f " I inclose a letter for you from General Schuyler," says he on another occasion.^ "His daughter is now in Morris- town. [General Schuyler had given her this letter to Steuben, in which he addressed him as one of the most gallant men in camp, Harrison being considered by him as the other.] I have not yet seen her, though she acknowledges she came recom- mended to your protection. As all that is left of you in camp, I should not have neglected so fair an opportunity of supplying your absence; but alas! my old hat and coat forbid my asso- ciating but with my brethren in affliction." "I am particularly in want of you, my dear Walker," writes Steuben on the 23d of February, 1780, from Phila- delphia ;§ "Duponceau is sick, and you know that my ideas, although sometimes good, do not appear good when they are translated word for Avord. I am in need of a translator of my ideas; in one word, I want a friend like you. I shall probably come to camp, with the Chevalier De La Luzerne, within a fortnight; the exact time, however, is not yet fixed. But as I think I shall be able to persuade you to accompany mo back * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. ii. f Ibidem. :j: Ibidem. § Ibidem. II LIFEOFSTKUISEX, 617 to Philadelphia, and as I flutter myself that you ^111 not re- fuse my request, I wish you to be ready. You wiil probably not abandon nie, but will go hand in hand with mc. I shall send you your hat by the first opportunity; i>lease inform nie of your other wants. As soon as I ean buy the cloth I shall send you a uniform ; treat me in this respect, too, as your friend and agent." "I want to see you here," continues Steuben, a few days later, " in the course of next week. I board at Mrs. Clark's, in Front street. You will find there a young widow, and a lady fiom Xew York with a beautiful waist, a reason the more for you to hasten your departure. I expect you with the impatience of a lover for his mistress, or to speak without figures, with all the sentiments of true friendship." " Accept, ray dear general, my thanks for your kind offer," answers "Walker to the first of these letters, on the 10th of March, 1780,* "of procuring me a few necessaries. With respect to the uniform, I shall only want a coat, blue turned up and fliced witlx biitf, white lining ami plain white buttons, a cockade with a black silk cord and tassels, two or three yards of hair ribbon, a pair of gloves and a sword belt. These, my dear general, are all the articles I stand in need of, and with which I should really be ashamed to trouble you had you not indulged me in the pleasing thought of regarding you in the double capacity of my general and my friend." Even after having been appointed aid-de-carap to the com- mander-in-chief, Walker carried on his correspondence and intercourse with Steuben. "My correspondence with the French ministers," writes the latter from Schuylkill, near Philadelphia, on the 27th of December, I782,f "has cost me a great deal of trouble. You know that I am without assistance even for my English cor- respondence. What shall I do, my friend, if I must make a * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. ii. f Steuben MS. Papers, Sprague, Albany. 618 LIFE OF STEUBEX. new campaign ? I do not think that Popham is anxious to join me again ; at least I have not had a line from him. Where may I find a Walker ? But I do not want to make you too vain, and in earnest, where may I find a man "who is able to conduct my correspondence? Try to get me a good assistant. You know what I want. I still expect my North ; you know, however, that his power does not consist in his pen, and that he is as lazy as he is amiable. For four weeks I liave not got a line from him ; please write to him and scold him. Try at the same time to persuade him that he joins mo at least towards the end oF March. Gibbs told me that the ofiicers of the army were about to write me a letter of grati- tude. I should be infinitely flattered by it; tell me the reason which has prevented the execution of the plan ; I wish you a happy new year. Do not forget to present my respects to General and Mrs. Washington. Adieu, my friend ; never doubt my sincere attachment for you." We can not give here all the letters which, besides the friendly chat between Steuben and Walker, are of a more general interest ; they would occupy too much space. We therefore confine ourselves to the following extracts :* "I have many thanks to give you, my dear general, for the pleasure I received from your letter of the 27th of De- cember, I had been exceedingly anxious to hear from you, and the several rumors I had heard only served to increase that anxiety. One told mc that you lived in the country, another that you had moved to the Indian Queen, one that your nfiairs were likely to turn out well, another doubted it. 1 was exceedingly glad, too, to hear that North was again with you. Your situation was too solitary, and wanted his gayety to make it tolerable ; but tell him that he has another friend besides his general. When he passed on to you he has forgotten it. "We are here in the center of dulluess. Head-quarters, * Steuben MS. Papers, vol x. LIFE OF STEUBEN. 619 you know, was ahvavs the last i^Iace in the world for mirth, and unhappily, there being only two of us, I can not go out to take my share of the little that is circulating abroad. At home the occupations of each day are so much alike from one end of the month to the other that the life is really disgusting. I had two disciples at chess, Mrs. Washington and my col- league, but unhappily one is thinking too much of her home, and the other is making verses during the game. Their prog- gress, therefore, is so little that both are tired of it, and so I have been obliged to learn backgammon, of which I am ecpially tired. In fact I have only one resource left to pre- vent my dying of ennui, to seek some neighbors' daughters, potir jxisser le temjjs. You know, my dear general, how much this is against my conscience, and will judge how hard I must be driven before I could bring myself to seek this expedient to amuse myself 1 believe in the army they are not mucli more gay than we are. It has always been regretted that so little sociability took place between the officers of the different States. An effort is made to bring them more together, and a large room is building where they may assemble every day. The general has said he would attend himself and give out the orders. Gibbs has been a violent opposer of this, and his regiment to this day has not assisted in building it ; it will be finished in about three weeks. The army are better hutted than they ever were ; some of the officers' rooms are really very decent." After the conclusion of the peace Walker sought for civil employment, and tried to get the place as secretary to the Governor of the State of Xew York. His prospects, how- ever, were at first not brilliant. "I have no hopes," writes he to Steuben, on the 14th of February, 1784,* "of getting any thing from the State for myself. The office I sought will be given to Lamb. His influence with the common jjeople and in the Assembly are better claims than I have. Fish is * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. x. G20 LIFE OF STEUBEX. also a candidate for the same lAace. I had the vanity to sup- pose that, backed by the strong recommendations of my gen- eral, I ^\■ould be preferred ; but these are foolish ideas. I can not serve the views of any party, either with the people or in the Assembly, and therefore it would be absurd to serve me. I have not, however, withdrawn ray claim — let it stand ! The place Smith was candidate for, is given to Benson. Had he not been in the way, young Lewis Morris was thought to have the best chance, and why? Because his father is chief jus- tice and young Lewis lived with the chancellor." Walker, however, finally succeeded and got the place which he desired. "You wiU have heard," says he, on the 25th of April, 1784,'* in a letter to Steuben, "that I am moving in the humble sphere of })rivate secretary. For this I am obliged to the friendship of the governor, and without it I should have been aground. It is hard, my dear baron, to have spent the best eight years of one's life in the service of a people who have not gratitude ejiougli to pay even what is justly due. If I had the sum in cost owing me by the public, I could place myself ill an independent place of business — but why do I complain ? hundreds are worse off. " When shall I have the pleasure to embrace you ? You express a wish to have my picture. If it was a miniature you meant, we have a miniature painter here in Xew York, as su- perior to Peale a-s light to darkness." When Walker, soon afterwards, retired and did business in New York as a broker, Steuben lived for a long while with him. They continued on the most friendly footing until Steu- ben's death. AValker visited him almost every year on his farm and managed his business. Steuben bequeathed him in his will one half of his property. Jean De Terxant, a French officer, was in April, 1778, appointed as one of Steuben's sub-inspectors, and acted under his orders in the main army, till the 25th of September, 17VS, * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. x. LIFE OF STEITBEN. 621 when lie was inadc lieutenant colonel and inspector of tlie troops in South Carolina and Georgia. Taken prisoner at the capture of Cliarlestdn in 1780, he was afterwards exchanged, and having temporarily filled the place of Colonel Arinand, resumed his duties in the South. After the conclusion of peace he returned to France. Toward the end of 1789, ho came back to America as ambassador of revolutionary France, and left again in 1793, when the Convention sent "citizen" Genet as his successor. Ternant was an officer of decided ability, of remarkable accomplishments, and as faithlul and energetic in the promotion of American liberty as any native officer. His noble and amiable character gained him the aft'ec- tion of his superiors and infeiiors ; he was on the most inti- mate terms w ith Steuben. We illustrate this by one of his letters, as space will not permit us to coi)y here their entire correspondence. When, in consequence of the jealousies of his brother offi- cers, Steuben, in July 17 78, had gone to Philadelphia to get the duties of his office defined, Ternant wrote to him on tlie nth of August, 1778, from Wiiiteplains :* "I visit sometimes the camp of Mars which has been open since the 1st of this month. Davies and Brooks have been nominated by general orders to preside over the exercises, and it is ur.der their auspices that your former apprentices in tac- tics cover themselves twice a day at least with — dust. I need not tell you that everybody acts just as he thinks pioper, that the uniformity is more neglected there than ever before, and that for want of method the soldiers and officers are the more unmercifully fatigued, as no real benefit results from their drill. I hope that you will soon with your wonted success resume the direction of this department, to which you have already giveu the organization which it wanted so much. I should also wish that you would render to the army the important service of putting the department of marechal general de logis * Steuben MS. Papers, vol. i. 622 LIFE or STEUBEN. on a good footing. Bad order and confusion are more pre- railing there than in any otiaer department. I continue to make observations, complaints and proposals ; but hitherto I have been unsuccessful and they even do not think of palliat- ing the evil. I am always disposed to do good ; to live, how- ever, longer in this anarchy, and work much but to accom- plish little, while there is so much to do if order succeeded to the confusion, I can not longer afford, and, therefore, I am decided to ask General Greene, after his return from Rhode Island, either to put my department on a better footing, or to look after another person to "fill my place. "The council of war in the case of General Lee have finally finished their work. I have read a part of his defense ; it is the most stupid piece of hterature and dialectics that has ever been written. His statements of facts, as well as the observations and reasoning which he develops from them, do not show an eloquent man nor a good judgment, and still less a consum- mate officer. As to his refutation of Mutnesses, it only con- sists in bad, would-be witty remarks, unintelligible quibbles and mean sarcasms which he tries to make stronger by declama- tion, so that nobody is spared. "Good bye, my dear general. Be careful in regard to your health. Continue to enlighten Congress about their mil- itary constitution and the establishment of the inspectorship, and do not forget your promise to retain myself, the oldest of your inspectors, for whom it would be very cruel to see an- other man reap what he has sown." There are a number of Ternant's letters which give some very interesting and new details about the condition of the southern army, for which we refer the reader to the Appen- dix, where they are given in full. Louis De Fleury, another French sub-inspector of .Steu- ben's, had served in the army since the beginning of the cam- paign of ITYT. He first obtained a captain's commission from Congress, and entered as a volunteer in a corps of ridemen^ I LIFK OF STEUBEN. 623 in which, by his activity and bravery, he brought himself into notice. He next served as brigade major, tirst in the infantry and afterwards in the cavaby, in which stations he acquired reputation in the army. Towards the conchision of the cam- paigTi of 1777, he was sent to the important post of Fort ]Mif- liin in the quality of engineer, in which he rendered essential services, and became equally distinguished for his intelligence and valor. In consequence of his good conduct on this and on lormer occasions he was promoted to the rank of lieuten- ant colonel in the army, and received from Congress the gift of a horse, as a testimonial of their sense of his merit at the battle of Brandywine, where a horse was shot under him,''- In the winter of 1778 Fleury was employed in the camp at Valley Forge, and having tilled the office of aid major in France, Steuben proposed to have him employed as sub-in- spector, in which the commander-in-chief readily acquiesced.f We have seen in chapter VI. that Fleury took charge of the Maryland and Delaware divisions at Wilmington. Steuben could scarcely have found a more energetic and etiective as- sistant for teaching the principles and practical duties of his system than Fleury. lie continued in his i^osition until the summer of 1778, when, in consequence of the jealousies of the general officers, the inspectorship was practically annihi- lated. In July, 1778, he was employed as second in com- mand in a corps of light infantry, in the expedition against Rhode Island, and allerwards as commandant of one of Steu- ben's new battalions of light infantry, in the army under Washington's command. In the assault of Stony Point he commanded the van of the right wing ; was the lirst that en- tered the main works, and struck the British flag with his own hands. When Rochambeau aiTived in 1780, Fleury left the American service and became an officer in the army of the French commander. " In each of these capacities he had * ■Washington's "Writings, v., 155, and vi., 307-309. f Ibidem, vol. v., 348. 324 LIFE OF STEUBEN. uniformly," says Wasliington,* " acquitted himself as an offi- cer of distinguish ed merit for talents, zeal, activity, prudence and bravery, and acquired more and more the character of a judicious, well-informed, indefatigable and brave officer." We know from the correspondence of Steuben with the French minister, Gerard, how highly he thought of Fleury's merits and talents, and how warmly he interested himself for his success and reputation. There are in the Steuben papers a few letters of Fleury to Steuben, written in the French camp at Newport, in the summer and fall of 1780. We give here those portions of them which are of general interest : "This is the third letter, my dear general," says Fleury, on the 3d of August, I780,f "that one of your old friends has had the honor to wiite to you ; who does not know whether you are still living, or have resolved not to know him any longer. We expect the enemy with confidence. We see in the horizon the English fleet. If they do not come with more than eight thousand men, their arrival this evening will be more desirable than dangerous. " You are going, I am told, to come nearer to Xew York. Frighten them, we then shall be more tranquil ; but do not place yourself too near to King's Bridge. I should be afi-aid they would disembark behind you, if a battle must be fought in a position of their choice." "I thank you, my dear general," continues Fleury, on the 17th of August, 1780, "for your kind letter. I shall always rely on the friendship which you promise me. You have passed the North river and are going to establish yourselves at Dobbs' Ferry. I do not know this position, but it appears to me a little exposed, esiDccially for your upper posts in the cast and at Stony Point. You, however, know it much better than I who speak of it from hearsay. If without indiscretion you can give me some knowledge of your army, and of the situa- tion of the enemy, I should be very much obliged to you. If ♦Washington's Writingf, vi., 307. f Steuben MS. Papers, vol. i. LIFE OF STEUBKX. 625 Duponccau sliould be with you, I request him to trouble him- self with this task. "We are very quiet Lere. The fleet of the enemy is still in view, and is blockading us. Mr. De La- fayette has arrived to join us. I wish him much glory ; but I have resigned all claims to distinction since I have left you. I am too insignificant. Adieu, my dear general. Be as happy as you deserve to be, and believe me always full of respect and gratitude to you," " I have little time," writes Flcury, on the 6th of Octo- ber, 1780, from Newport, "to write to you, but I can not let Mr. De La Luzerne depart without a letter for you. There are no news here. Kodney is in Xew York. He lias been announced to us, but he does not come. Everybody wished it, and as to me, who am perhaps a little too timid, I only waited for him. Our situation, however, is formidable. The fleet lies at anchor from Breton Point to Rose island, on which points batteries are erected. Goat island, which lies within the line formed by the fleet, is also entrenched. We have left Canoniout, of which the nearest point is two thousand and sixty yards from the line of our vessels. At this distance the bombs are not to be dfeftded, although they can well reach it. On land we occupy the English lines. Our right is at Easton's Beach, and the left at Tominy hill. If the En- glish come, they will regret it, we are told. I do not dare to have a contrary opinion, and I really believe that an attack from the sea will not be very dangerous ; but the cooperation of twenty-one vessels and ten thousand men embarrasses us. " Your infamous Arnold has abandoned himself to an eter- nal infamy ! What demon impelled him to take this detest- able step ? Is his wife the cause or only the occasion of the crime ? Is mixed with this horrible affair ? Is Smith hanged ? Can not Andre be hanged ? I am very curious to hear all the details of this atrocity ; be kind enough to give them to me. Arnold is not the only man whom I blame; he who once has made the country suspicious of his virtue is not 626 LIFE OF STEUBEN. the most culpable, when the blind and cnminal confidence that is put in him makes him a traitor. That's between you and me," William Xorth, Steuben's other favorite aid-de-camp, was born in 1752, and died in Xew York on the 3d of January, 1836, at the advanced age of eighty-three years. "He lias filled," says the memoir of the Cincinnati, " a distinguished place in the history of his country, not only in the war of in- dependence, but in our subsequent annals. He was a gentle- man by birth, education, and early association, and when he took u]^ arms in defense of his country, became the gallant and aspiring officer. He was^ in 1777, appointed a captain in Colonel Jackson's regiment of infantry, and fought in the bat- tle of Monmouth. In 1779 he was appointed aid-de-camp to Steuben, and soon became his favorite ; aided and assisted the baron in introducing his system of discipline into the Con- tinental army. Major Xorth was with the army in Virginia, and was, with Baron Steuben, present at the surrender of the British army, commanded by Lord Coinwallis, in October, 1781. After the war of the Revolution was ended, and the independence of the United States acknowledged, Xorth re- tired to private life ; but afterwards, induced so accept public employment in support of the institutions which his valor had contributed to found, was several times elected to the Legisla- ture of the State of Xew York, was Speaker of the Assembly, and, for a short period, one of the Senatoi-s of Xew York in the Congress of the United States. During our troubles with France, in the presidency of the elder Adams, Major Xorth was appointed adjutant general of the army which was raised on that occasion, with the rank of brigadier general." Steuben loved Xorth like a son for his unreserved devo- tion, for his jovial and amiable disposition of mind, and for the energy and zeal which he displayed in the performance of his duties. During the war their correspondence was, of course, vci-y small, as they were almost never separated ; but we find in the Steuben papers a great many letters, written after M F K OF S V K V 15 F N . 627 the close of the war by Xorth, which prove the most cordial aud intimate relations between the general and his aid. Xorth, after the death of Steuben, erected in his honor not only a stone monument, but a written one, in the eloquent biograph- ical sketch from which we derived so much valuable and in- teresting information about the character of our hero. " On the eve of returning lo the north from Virginia" — states Xorth in this paraiihlet, who is himself the aid-de-camp alhided to — " ' I must go,' said Steuben to a sick aid-de-camp, ' I must leave you, my son, but I leave you among a people where we have found the door of every house wide open ; where the heart of every female is full of tenderness and virtue. Quit this deleterious spot the instant you are able ; there is my sulky, and here is half of what I have — God bless you ! — I can do no more.' Nor could he. A journey of three hundred miles was before him, a single piece of gold in his purse ! Are other instances necessary to unfold the texture of his lieart ? How many have I written on my own !" After the conclusion of peace, Steuben and Xorth lived some time together in the " Louvre." The farm of which this house formed a part belonged to a Mr. David Provost, who, on account of his constant command of cash, liad been styled when living, " Ready Money Provost," to whose memory, on the summit of a liill, a monument was erected. A gentlemnn observing that, in the event of death, Steuben would be at no loss for a snug place of interment, Xorth replied,* "Then, sir, his disposition must alter with his state, for in life he will never tolerate the idea of laying by ready money." Steuben's and Xorth's friendship lasted until the death of the former, who made him the heir of one half of his pi'operty. For its better illustration, we give here a few extracts of let- ters written by Xorth between the years 1782 and 1789 : " It is now over three years," writes Xoith on tlie 29th of October and 6th of Xovember, 1782, from Fishkill Landing,! * Percy's Aneodote*. ii., 122. " f Steuben MS. Papers, vol. ix. 028 LIFE OF STEUBKN. "since I had first the honor of being attached to you. The numberless acts of friendship I have received would have been ill bestowed, did not my heart feel the obligations, and make your happiness its greatest wish. Permit me, my dear baron, to address you with the freedom of a fiieud, and, at the same time, Avith that respect that shall always tnark my character towards you. Your services to my ungrateful country have been treated with a neglect shocking to every man of sensibil- ity. Congress, whose eyes ought to be open to see all and whose hand ought to be open to reward all who have well de- served of the country, are unknowing and unknown, except a few men of liberal ideas. It is hard, at the last, to be obliged to ask for one's right, and the hardship is augmented by a re- fusal. Congress at large know little of what is due to you for your exertions, so that applying to them as a body, in the first instance, would be to no purpose You have a fiiend in Mi'. Peters. I lis advice with respect to your affairs, I am sure, will be for your interest, therefore I hope you will follow it. I think he and all your other friends must advise that you continue in statu quo for the present, that is, inspect- or and major general. If you give up one of these titles you give up a great deal. The probability that the end of the war is near is great. You have borne the burden in the heat of the day; it has been heavy, very heavy; but you must not faint. ' Finis coronat opics.'' Your star will then be bright- ened for this perseverance. The department of which you are the head is so essential to the well-being of the army, tliat I hope you will not be permitted to resign it. It is so conspic- uous a post, that I never wish to see it filled by another, while there is an American army to profit by your instructions." " I hope the pleasure that you will receive from your situ- ation this winter will make up for the fiitigues of last cam- paign. I suppose your home will bo mostly at ^U\ Peters'. This winter Avill give your friends an opportunity of exerting themselves oftectually for you."' LIFE OF STEUBEN. 629 " What, with a villainous wind," says Xorth, in a letter of the 19th of October, 1784,* "and the foolish parade which has been made with the Don Quixote Lafayette, I have not had a moment's peace. lie arrived here on Friday, amidst the acclamations of foolish disbanded officers and the town rab- ble ; seated on a little horse (for the sake of Christ I am sorry it was not an ass) lie made his public entry. Yesterday they gave liim a dimier, .and at night Madame Ilayley, and old , gave him some of the most infamous fire-works I ever saw ; but he, like a true Frenchman, told her they were su- perb. He has (lone me the honor to notice me. While we were looking at the exhibition, he observed, putting his arm around my neck and whispering, how pleased he was that this attention was paid him l)y an English woman. But damn the su])ject ! I have kept too long on it already. Monsieur le manpiis goes to Khode Is!an- posed author, but I have reason to believe that I was mistaken, and that, in this instance, you were blameless. I ask your pardon ; return to your command ; I would not deal unjustly toward any one, much less toward one whose character as an officer is so respectable." All this passed with the baron's hat off, the rain pouring on his venerable head I Do you think there was an officer or soldier who saw it, unmoved by affec- tion and respect ? Xot one.* At the disbandment of the revolutionary army, when in- mates of the same tent or hut for seven long years were sep- arating, " I saw," says Xorth, " the baron's strong endeavors to throw some ray of sunshine on the gloom, to mix some drops of cordial Mith the painful draught. To go, they knew not whither ; all recollection of the art of thriving by civil oc- * The Life of Asbbel Greene, by Joseph IT. Joaes, New York. Robert Carter & Brothei-s, 1844. p. 109. f James Tliacher's Military Journal, Boston, 1827, p. 416. LIFE OF STEUBEN. GHQ cup.itions, was lost, or to the youthful never known. To ^o in silence and alone, and poor and lielpless — it was too hard I To a stern old officer, a Lieutenant Colonel Cochrane, from the Green mountains, who had met danger and difficulty in almost every step from his youth, and upon whose furrowed visage a tear till that moment had never fallen, the good baron said — what could be said to lessen deep distress. ' For myself,' said Cochrane, ' I care not ; I can stand it ; but my wife and daughters are in the garret of that wretched tavern. 1 know not where to remove, nor have I the means for their removal.' ' Come, my friend,' said the baron, ' let us go ; I will pay my respects to Mrs. Cochrane and your daughters, if you please.' I followed to the loft, the lower rooms being all tilled with soldiers, with drunkenness, despair, and blasphemy. And when the baron left the poor unhaitpy cast-aways, he loft hope with them, and all he had to give. " A black man, with wounds unhealed, wept on the wharf, for it was at Xewburg where this tragetly was acting. There was a vessel in the stream, bound to the place where he once had friends. He had not a dollar to pay his passage, and he could not walk. Unused to tears, I saw them trickle down this good man's cheeks as he put into the hands of the black man the last dollar he possessed. The negro hailed the sloop, and cried, ' God Almighty bless you, master baron !' "* In his habits Steuben was popular and plain ; maneuvers M'cre his recreations ; he liked agricultural labor, horses, and sporting ; books, and the pleasures of social company, and es- pecially in the domestic circle of his friends, were his favorite amusements. All these qualities, in a man of his station, were apt to exert a great influence on those around him ; they worked by themselves, they captivated everywhere, and, in- deed, it seemed that their eflect on all those connected with him was very powerful. He never lost his temper, except when greatly provoked bygrossness or culpable negligence of * Tliacher, p. 418. G40 LIFE or STEUBEN. public duty ; in general he had a remarkable control over him- self. He was temperate in his habits, but very social, and wherever he was he made every company lively. A great favorite among the ladies, he Avas in every respect the polite, obliging, and witty gentleman of the old school. Once, at the house of the mother of Chancellor Livingston, he was intro- duced to a Miss Sheaf, an amiable, handsome, and interesting young lady. " I am very happy," said he, " in the honor of being presented to you, mademoiselle, though I see it is at an infinite risk ; I have from my youth been cautioned to guard myself against mischief (Miss Sheaf), but I had no idea th;it her attractions were so powerful." There is, perhaps, no revolutionary general about whom so many anecdotes are told as Steuben. Although the follow- ing story may be an invention, as Steuben, so far as we know, was never able to employ a cook, it fiiirly illustrates what his contemporaries thought of his wit and humor, and may there- fore find a place here. At a dinner shortly after the resignation of Mr. Robert Morris, as financier of the United States, the cause of which appeared inexplicable to the company present ; " to rac," said Baron Steuben, " there appears no mystery. I will illustrate my sentiments by a simple narrative. When I was about to quit Paris to embark for the United States, the better to in- sure comfort when in camp, I judged it of importance to en- gage in my service a cook of celebrity. The American army was posted at Valley Forge when I joined it. Arrived at my quarters, a wagoner presented himself, saying that he was directed to attach himself to my train, and obey my orders. Commissaries arriving furnished a supply of beef and bread, and retired. My cook looked round him for utensils — indis- pensable, in his opinion, for preparing a meal — ajid, finding none, in an agony of despair applied to the wagoner for advice. ' We cook our meat,' replied he, ' by hanging it up by a string, and turning it before n good fire till sufficiently roasted.' The LIFE OF STEUBEN. 641 next day, and still another passed, without material change. The commissary made his deposit. My cook showed the strongest indications of uneasiness by slirngs and heavy sigh- ing, but, with the exception of a few oaths, spoke not a word of complaint. Ills patience, however, was completely ex- hausted ; he requested an audience, and demanded his dismis- sal. 'Under happier circumstances, mon general,' said he, ' it would be my ambition to serve you, but here I have no cliance of sliowing my talents, and I think myself obliged, in honor, to save your expense, since your wagoner is just as able to turn the string as I am.' Believe me, gentlemen," continued the baron, "the Treasury of America is, at present, just as empty as my kitchen was at Valley Forge, and Mr. Morris wisely retires, thinking it of very little consequence icho turns the string. '''''" Steuben was never married. It seems, however, that he met with a disappointment in early life. While preparing to remove to his farm, the accidental fall of a portrait of a most beautiful young woman, from his cabinet, which was picked up by his companion and shown to him, with the request to be told from whom it was taken, produced a most obvious emo- tion of strong tenderness, and the pathetic exclamation, " O, slie was a matchless woman !" He never afterwards alluded to the subject. Even the faults of his character, which seemed to throw a shadow over his virtues, were not such as to lower him in the consideration of his contemporaries, but they often caused him many difficulties. He never appreciated the value of money. When he had plenty of it, he gave it away with open hands, regardless of the consequences to himself. "What sums," says North, " however large, could have been sufficient for one who was always looking around for worthy objects, whose wants might be relieved ? Never did a i-evicw or an inspec- tion pass Avithout rewards in money to soldiers whose arms * Garden's Anecdotes, p. 344. 642 LIFE OP STEUBEN. ■were in the highest order. Xever was his table unfilled with guests, if furnished with provisions. Officers of rank, men most prominent for knowledge and attention to their duty, were marked for invitation, but the gentlemen of liis suite were desired to complete the list with others of inferior grade. ' Poor fellows,' said he, ' they have field officers' stomachs without their rations.' "* " General Washington, who was well acquainted with his liberality, said, on this occasion, to a friend, who repeated it to me,f ' I rejoice that Congress has given to so excellent a patriot an independency by an annuity, for had they bestowed a spe- cific sum, were it ten times the amount, the generous heart of Steuben would keep him poor, and he would, in all proba- bility, die a beggar.' " All the difficulties which for eight long years he had with Congress-^all the humiliations he had to suffiir from narrow- minded men — must be attributed to his cavalier contempt for money. Had he been a shrewd business man, an officer who speculated in war like merchants in any staple article, he would have made a close bargain, and secured himself a firm standing, and thrown all the odium of his money negotiations upon Congress, which was, in reality, his debtor to an amount infinitely larger than he ever owed ; but, by neglecting this ordinary precaution, he left it in the power of that same Con- gress to represent him to the popular prejudice as an unprin- cipled, greedy adventurer, who had devoted himself to the cause of American independence merely out of personal and selfish interest. A last glance at Steuben's military importance and we have done. As to his services, he is inferior to none of the revolution- ary generals. He had received his military training under Frederick the Great, and had distinguished himself by bril- liant exploits as well as by his talent for organization and driU, * Xorth, 1. c. t Garden's Anoedotes, 345 . LIFE OF STEIBEN. 643 He had taken an active part in the Seven Years' "War, he ha-1 filled a great variety of offices and stations, and collected iii- valuahle experience. He had fought in the bloodiest battles, in which usually more men were killed or wounded than Washington had in most cases under his command. Thus the American struggle must have been light work for him. But it was very important to have a man as commander to whom the battles here were nothing but skirmishes when compared with the Seven Years' "War ; who knew by experience at Col- berg, Schweidnitz, Breslau, Dresden, Torgau and Prague, what strategy could do ; who had seen the fortified camp at Burkersdorf and the defeats at Hochkirch and Landshut, and who had been obliged to master in his mind and cany into practice the conceptions of Frederick the Great, Prince Henry of Prussia, and the Duke Ferdinand of Brunswick. For the successful prosecution of the art of war as it is conducted in the hostile collisions of great and powerful States, a rich experience in the most active struggles is abso- lutely indispensable. The most important crisis is the pitched battle, the most difficult and troublesome is the organization of the army, to make them behave bravely and resist for a certain time the murderous fire of the batteries, and the fear- ful impressions of the battle. At Monmouth Steuben brought the retiring troops, in the midst of a heavy cannonade, to a stand, and it is acknowledged as a special proof of their progress in discipline tliat they obeyed him as well in the fire as on the parade ground, and fought like veterans. Stony Point was taken by the light infantry which Steuben had formed, and which his sub-inspect- or Fleury led to the attack. When West Point was seriously threatened, the commander-in-chief sent Steuben there to as- sist the commandant of that important place with his advice. Greene took the command of the southern army under the express condition that Steuben should organize the Virginia troops and prepare them for battle. Washington wrote on 644 LIFE OF STEUBEX. this occasion to Steuben, that in the general chaos of the South he would be of more service in Virginia than in the Xorth, much as his presence there was needed. In the years 1782 and 1783, according to the testimony of competent judges, the American infantry was equal to the best troops of the time ; even the French officers were struck with admi- ration at the maneuvers executed in their presence by Steu- ben's soldiers. All these, and other illustrious deeds, abundantly show how effectual Steuben's exertions proved in this respect. From the time of his engagement to the end of the war, thei-e prevailed an electiifying confidence in final success, which in no small degree was due to the effect produced by Steuben's services in the camp and in the field. This preeminently im- portant part of his activity has usually been too much over- looked in this country, while on the other hand it has always been acknowledged that he has performed conspicuous ser- vices as a disciplinarian, organizer and inspector. At the time when, and in an army in which every tiling was threatening to dissolve into absolute chaos, he succeeded in bringing order out of the general confusion, in accustoming the soldiers to yield punctilious obedience to orders, in awakening in them the consciousness of their superiority when disciplined and organized. In former wai's the American soldiers had fought, single handed, in unorganized bands ; but now they had, for the first time, to carry on the war against an anny organized after the European fashion. It was, therefore, a most fortunate circumstance that they were formed and driUed mainly according to the Prussian system. In the eighteenth centuiy the officers of the Prussian army were celebrated as experienced tacticians, as excellent masters in the art of military evolutions, as good instructors and generals in maneuveiing ; they were therefore invited eveiy where as instructors of the European armies. For in- stance Von Alvensteben went in that capacity to Spain, Count LIFE OF STEUBEN, 645 De La Lippe to Portugal ; Von Salis to Xaples ; Scliouiburg an.l Bruce, who had been instructed in Prussia, to England, and a countless number to Russia ever since the time ofPeter the Great. In this way the rules of training and drilling, adopted by Frederick William I., may be called the basis of all the military regulations in the world. The science of war, after the abolition of the "Lnnds- knechts" and " Condottieri" systems in the sixteenth and sev- enteenth centuries, was at first cultivated by the Dutch, under the segis of WilUam, Prince of Orange, in regard to regular service, the elementary principles of tactic and of discipline — the three most important features in standing armies. Then the Swedes, under Gustavus Adolphus, became the masters of the world, and remained so till the reign of Charles XII. Then it was Brandenburg and Prussia which excelled in the strategical art of the Prince of Orange and the Swedes, and improved it in the most commendable way, becoming the first masters in the art of drilling the soldiers and exercising them in regular evolutions. Frederick William I. had inspired the whole body of his officers with that spirit by which it is pos- sible to complete the difficult organization of an army in a very short time. The special reviews which existed at the time that Steuben was an officer in the Prussian army (1747- 1763) were so severe and critical, that even the youngest offi- cer necessarily acquired the clearest insight into the condition of the troops, and a thorough knowledge of the best way of improving the discipline. The Americans therefore were veiy fortunate in remodel- ing their army after the best 'authority, by placing Steuben, a graduate of such a school, at the head of their military or- ganization. Steuben was well aware that the recruiting sys- tem hitherto practiced was in no way adapted to the object of the war. He accordingly exerted himself to give to the army a different organization, far superior in its character, and founded on the principles of the militia system. The great value 646 LIFE OF STEUBEN. of Steuben's exertions being directed to this practical branch of the organization — tlio very groundwork of a good army — will appear more evident, when Ave consider that the French were little qualified for this kind of service; that General Conway was an intriguer, and personal enemy of Washington, and that the latter, as commander-in-chief, had too many other duties to be able to devote his attention to the discipline of the army. Steuben fuilher successfully managed to raise the ability of his militia soldiers to a high degree of perfection. He liked, therefore, afterwai'ds to compare himself with the generals, who, in the commencement of the French Revolution, were the chiefs of insurgent armies.* At the snme time, like Paoli, Laroche Jacquelin, Schill and Cabrera, he exhibited his em- inent talent, even in a foreign country, not only to concen- trate his forces by means of a superior organization, but also to direct their attacks against the enemy, in order to secure the best advantage to himself The plans of attacks and sieges in the war of indepen- dence leave no doubt that the strong positions on the coast, mostly on little peninsulas, their sieges and defenses, and also the long line of defense along the rivers and swamps, formed the most important meshes of the strategical net, which, be- sides its extensive dimensions, chiefly prevented the English from permanently subduing any considerable portion. The chief requisite has evidently been to occupy said lines with sufli- cient forces, and always to have strong corps in readiness for blockading the English forts on the shore, in order to render the English incapable of carrying on the war any longer, as Franklin expressed himself very significantly. Xow it can not be denied that Steuben, who had studied under Frederick the Great the system of temj^orizing, from 1759 to 1762, was the very man for that emergency. *D. Yon Billow. Der Freistaiit von Nord-Amerika ia seiuem neuesten Zustande, Berlin, 1797, vol. ii. 8-1. LIFE OF STEUBKN. 647 It is, moreover, a fact that Steuben, brought up, and hon- orably distinguished as he was among the most prominent offi- cers of the time, was serviceable as an excellent model of a perfect soldier. Free from intrigue or reserve, he did his duty spontaneously from motives of honorable personal ambition. He needed no other incentive to exert himself with all his energy day and night in the interest of the service. At the same time that he was a frank, open-hearted soldier, he was always ready to uphold his authority, sword in hand. His censure was severe ; he was unrelenting toward the neghgeqt ; but, on the other hand, he was always ready to acknowledge and reward true merit. Such men will disappoint the lazy and inert, but their efficiency is great whenever large bodies of men, accidentally united, are to be drilled to act together in good order. If there is any trait that shows his noble character in its true light, it is the readiness with which Steuben acknowl- edges the merits of others and puts them above his own ; the pleasure he feels at every brave deed, and the simplicity and self-abnegation with which he works, steadfastly and xmosten- tatiously, in his difficult department. " Steuben's merits," says Judge Richard Peters, in a letter to Alexander Garden,* " have never been duly appreciated. Our army was but a meritorious, irregular band, before his creation of discipline. His deportment and personal conduct were particularly under my observation. One fact to prove his usefulness will go further than a thousand words. In the es- timates of the War Office we always allowed five thousand muskets beyond the actual numbers of our muster of the whole army. It was, in early times, never sufficient to guard against the waste and misapplication that occurred. In the last inspection returns of the main army, before I left the War Department, Baron Steuben being then inspector general, only three muskets were deficient, and those accounted for." * Garden's Anecdotes, p. 341. 648 LIFE OF STEUBEX, Steuben occupied an exalted position in the country of his adoption, when compared with Lee, Gates, Conway and other intriguers ; though foreign born, he remained always attached to this countiy. He was a most zealous and faithful patriot, although Congress treated him with little consideration. Even after the conclusion of the peace, he did not cease to devote his time to the welfare of the republic. He drew a plan for the establishment of a national military school ; he published a pamphlet setting forth his ideas of the creation of a militia ; he wrote about the funding system of State debts, and even in the last months of his life, undertook personally to explore the wilderness of the West for convenient places of fortifica- tion against any invasion of a foreign enemy. These various branches of his usefulness in public afiairs, refute better than any long argument the absurd idea that Steuben was nothing but a drill sei-geant, who did not understand the higher branches of the military art. In short, he was in every respect the best and iTiost efficient general after Washington and Greene, and worthy of the friendship and high esteem they both felt toward him. If Washington must be called the head and soul of the war of the Revolution, Steuben may be considered as one of its strongest arms, as the efficient instrument which served to carry out into practice the projects which Washington con- ceived. He is, therefore, fully entitled to an honorable and enduring place in the history of the American peojile. APPENDIX Thk author did not think himself entitled to make any alterations or corrections either in the French or in the Englisli documents contained in this Appendix. The letters marked *, are translated from the Ger- man and French. PEDIGREE OF BARON STEUBEN. ! Uti^i Anna Marin von Liidcrifz 1 m ! «l 1 m m III m til S 2 li If 4 Q ■i 1 9 i - I 2 •< M 4 li m. pm ill 3|i ll Jl II m hi s if OS 3 lull ^ II 1^ II ill ^31 .1, PI m >i M m m == » vhich I am heartily anxious to see executed. Do me the favor to look over it and to let me know your opinion of it. Your ministry at Versailles is in a gi-eat hurry to play the pacifi- cator for all Europe ; and why should they be prevented from cutting their throats when they desire to do so, as John Roastbeef says in " The Scotchman." But this convention of the Holy Roman Empire, the choice of a king of the Romans, and of a ninth elector, the juggling of the Elector Palatine, and other subjects of discussion will give your pacificators plenty to do ; and before all this is settled I hope to receive an invitation from the Duke De Laval to take coSee with him in the trenches before Fribourg, if you please. But do not mention this to the queen. Have you been at the review at Breslau? The old Frederick had a brilliant cortege. I await your reply with impatience. Your first letter will encourage me to keep up a correspondence, which I shall esteem a great honor. XLII. EXTRACT FROM A LETTER OF LAFAYETTE TO GENERAL KNOX. Paris, February 11, 17S6. I have been very much pleased with my journey. I went to Cas- sel, Brunswick, Berlin, Prince Henry's country-scat, Potsdam, Silesia, Moravia, Vienna, Bohemia, Saxony, Potsdani again and Prince Hem^y's, BerUn, Magdeburg. I saw kiu;is, emperors, generals, troops of every kind, and fields of battle. The Prussian troops are indeed most admi- APPKXDIX. 697 rable ; their infantry is handsome, well exercised, and maneuvers in a line better than I had any idea of. I have seen twenty thousand men in one line at Breslau. There were also seventy-five squadrons of a hun- dred men each, of the best cavalry in the world ; their horses are very indifferent, but habit and discipline give them a boldness and a rapidity which is surprising. In Silesia, at Pot=idam and Magdeburg I have seen sham battles where I admired tlie instruction and tlic miUtary routine by which in that army a fool can manage his corps in the line as well almost as if he was sensible ; but the mode of recruiting is de- spotic. There is hardly any provision for old soldiers, and although I found much to arDIX, FORMATION OF THE AEMT COMMANDED BY HIS EXCELLENCY GENERAL WASHINGTON, FOE THE PRESENT CAMPAIGN (177 3). To furnish 1 Remains I Total in the Line. iTotal Lu Infantry., ■orLt.Inft.l Batt. Men. 1 Batt. Men. | Batt Men. ] ' 11 2d Re?t. olh&Uth 175<.ps 62 J36 < ! 1 . 8th 7th LS2 \ 33, 150 S**- 41 291 5 2 p: 3d A 4th 245 21 224 ^ —124 —3 6 1758 1 1-2 246 2 f6lh 2d State, i«|39S 82 316 > . Gists' 1st State LI 363 41 321 ^ 1 1st & 10th 270 -123 -3 270 i o (-1st 260 41 219 1 c 5th 220 220 ■ 7th 2^ 230 < i 1 3d SO 41 229 — 82 J 8 1866 1 164 .• "" r2d 280 41 239 •- *> 6th 230 230 ^ .2 4lh 320 41 2i9 Delaware 220 220 1 J ^^ — 82 —4 -< fist J10|380 41 339 t> « •= liith 24T 240 •.2d 340 41 229 ? !-r, -82 -3 5 1574 1 1-2 246 S5 •1 i fsd ieth f|0|440 82 358 K [?. 1 9th 1. 5th ^ ^ 82 338 'it f4th Jsih i^2|«« —164 64 —2 338 H » •= l6th 430 59 384 "^ c Lsd 367 41 329 K ti W —164 -3 6 1909 2 328 Z fist 289 41 251 8 i i isth )2d '1\^ 82 250 <^ ^ - « (.Tth 295 41 257 —164 —3 as ■= g (2d 224 24 200 1: M s hth 263 30 233 K 2 S5 hth 313 38 275 ^ Ti "e -92 -3 6 1373 1 164 1 & •c § S^t^ 277 32 245 1 B i: n 212 12 2ni -< 1 IB J.- (8th 248 "* -o —3 220 " A {?Sh 1 10th 192 ) ,.„ ,8^^3,6 119^439 43 51 333 3J8 4 1-275 1 164 1 ' ^ 1.15th 26 J 5 *^^ -91 —2 ' N. CARO. (1st 328 298 37 33 — 70 _2 291 263 I rigade. ?5 1 9755 1 8 i 1312 , rnftv. cons ists of 1 F eld Of B., 4 Cap 8., 8 Subs ,12Serg ts., * 16 4 R. 4 F. RETimN OF THE NUMHEE OF MeS ENLISTED DUBING THE WaB, AXD FOK SHOBTEE PEKIODS ^ THE AEMY TJN..EB THE IMMEDIATE COMMAND OK Hl8 EXCELLF-NCT GeNEBAL Washinotos, Decemiseb, 1779. ^ July, During Bkigades. 1st Maryland 2d Do Ist Pennsylvania . . . 2d Do. ... New Jersey New York 1st Connecticut. . . . 2d Do Stark's 344 307 7 10 191 279 717 76-? 10 476 3104 104<> 1242 lt«5 1079 960 1050 1297 1267 16S0 13ti7 io:« 1210 13070 APPENDIX 707 Gknebal Retokn of the Xumbeb of Me>- whose Times of Enlistment expire before the fiest DAY OF July, 1780. GENI-atAL RF.TD3N OF THK NCM- 1SE3 OF AIeN who have BEEN Sick Ausent, and have not BEEN HEABD of IN SlX, MONTUS. I N. B.— The 2d Connecticut Brigade omitted makin«r in Six Montlis. anv Return of Men not heard of 708 APPENDIX. a . ■<1 o G3 5 8 ■< 3 a OQ o •ssAtioajja 1? i 1 i S fi S ^ ?! •-"O •imou!(u.-i c^ gj _ , „ 1 •p.>lnds!C] a 1 si,ju.«du H 1 pav n'uoui I ^- 1 K •SpJB.«dtt puB 5H»uoui 5 2 § •spiBAvdn POB stliuoul g 15 3 - , . i^ ■BpjBMdll puB eqiuoin 9 a " ^' - g " •= - ■••.p.B..d„ puB asaX I •spjB.ttdn pus sjsaX 5 = 3 - s ■■•B.W [:g|gg sags •saiB(J •Idas Ist -flif i|l8 Snvin 'Xinfisi -Jaqoiajdas isi •3|U p™ ^""H sS ggg-S|5'-SSS--|=-S •$9SS0J1BI^ ? i?»x, = -). oj" '-g •sojij y smiuQ »^ 0-.0 ^o-. o^. a- •sajij 3? suiiua f 10 — -.o « •saauuns r« 10 t- --^ " ^ ■* •siaipjBquioa 1 -siBJodioo -« S;i ISS-— ""^ §£:; " •eiiuodjoo »N «- ^ •sjaoaSias :y sJofBui--i3j3<; -, — £0 «g« ^.^« coccj:; ^ .siuBaSjag * ^c-.-- o-.^ « ^ „ „ «c •BjorBK ajij poB ranja ^ ""•IV "- " " - •siioaaans ' ■sjsiSBtn-j-t) puD smB^nfpv •sjais»ui-XBj -, — (M ^ M •EajBjv _ M ^ - OT-H ■suoa3jns " - =» - -'- r. •mgisna -* c-.m •sjaisum-ABji- ■siaBuainan ^, ^g„,-,».„c-« C, g=0-« sjoBaainanpi"']^ ^0 On Furlough and in (laplivity, ( On Staff, and Menial Duly,. . . Detachment of Artiaccrs. Doing Duty APPEXPIX. (09 p. '- 2 00 ^* ?i § K 5 •any p,7, "Idas q)Sl -any ] •839J0t[-d00JJ. SSJ §* ^S3» "Si«^ ■SUno^BJQ g,=2=gg«3S225Sa p„».:"r,;?, C^i-< 03N r— ««> tic, '■'-'""-•^ -- «- •jofom-iadinnjx - pa»w»|pp8S - •«J31SBUi-3u!P!a " •>ai»iv — •HloaS^ns -" « — piresjimnrpv r, t, « " " « •BtUBuaiiian ,?'-"- ^ - 1-»< ««-» ^ " •sunridBO--:^ i^^ '- --" " ■«ofB„i - « « ■.iauO|00-ni3n| - r- « •.lauoiuQ! ■ - 5 ? r - 5 S 3 <* £!§ = ! = < £vS^< il t3 O b: CO P -^,. g8«- § ■uoilKumir.aap sp.!??; 00 il».\a JO taioiuj ^ W9j!i'«a,a3m"j, SS-- K •sjsaaio gS-g3 1- paaoiseiiuuioOTOji •80l«JV ^ puo suosajng " r •sujeuoqns S^3S s •™wdi.o SSSS" s ■sja.iiBO PP!J s-«- s a X • • -< = . - K 5 «»l ■ 3 10 2 1 1 I 32| 21 17 276 41 1 1 7 10 2 [ 1 1 1 1 80 2;- ISI 2G2 a] 1 2 7! 8 8 1 1 1 1 2s! 20 16 246 New York 'J] 8| 9 6 8; 8 5 1 1 I 1 1 1 !i 32: 3;3 .351 2o IS 402 20 439 New Jersey 1' 8 9 4 8 8 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 1! 29; 24 27 22 19 294 15 2.S.S 8 8 2 I 1 1 1 1; 1 11 5 3 4 6 77 5, 48 Commdr.-in-chiefsGd. Sappers and Miners. . . 8 5 4 1! 59 Total 1 1 '1 1 1 1 d i ^^ 1 ABTILLEBY. j 1 • • 1 1 i? i s i , 1 -1 m Will ill 1 1 = Is ft 1 1 1 1 1 J J I 1 Massachusetts,... 1 1 9 6 8 9 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 86 81 23 18 15 237 New York, 1 1 1 6 5 6 4 : 1 1 : 1 1 1 1 2h 16 6 19 14 249 Artificers, 1 1 1 1? 48 Total — -- r~~ r~ - — - 1 — ' 1 = i E Z - £ Cavalbt. j 1^ u 11' 1- 111 it ilii |5 ^ 0 n 1 Connecticut... Ill 4 9 11 1 1 Ij 51 ) 1 1 9 21, 4 1 4 1 210 VanHeer | 1 2 - - -- "I r ! I i 1 1 1 51 5j 3| 1 1 1 43 1 Total | I __ 1 1 I 1 1 V16 APPENDIX, ABSTRACT OP THE MUSTERS OF THE NORTHERN ARMY, For tub Month of October, 1782. 1 Regiments. Colonels. Lt. Cols. Commdts. Lieutenant Colonels. .i.ill i 1 1 1 II III III Corporals. Drnnuners and Fifers. Privates. New Hampshire.... 1 I \ g Canadian Regiment... 1 f 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 1 Massachusetts - g ^ ^ 8 1 9 1 1 [_10 1 1 ] Rhode Island 1 1 6 e! 2 111 2 8 9 3 11 i 8 11 2 1 1 1 2 711 1 1 1 1 9 9 4 11 8 10 3 1 1 (ill 4 1 1 C 8 8 1 1 1 J 7 9 1 1 1 1 8 9 3 111 6 12 3 1 1 1 9 5 6 111 8 8 5 111 9 8 3 111 8 6 1111 8 8 3 1 11 6. 7 3 1 1 1 9 10 6 1 1 7 9 4j 1 1 1 7 10 3 1 1 7 6 6 1 4 3 3 11 2 2 1 t 2 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1. 1 1 1 1 1! 1| 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 27 1 1 37 1 1 26 1 1 28 1 1 24 1 1 31 1 1 29 1 1 27 1 1 27 1 1 29 1 1 28 1 39 1 1 29 1 1 33 1 1 27 1 1 36 1 1 24 1 1 29 1 1 86 1 28 1 1 22 20 1 12 1 3 5 1716 323 26 15 323 2119 844! 27114 3521 27116 352! 2417 344' 22 17 3241 27 17' 356* 19 14' 352 1 30 16 357| 2517 8.37 21 lis 333 21 16 2:33 24 14 273 18 18 229 23 14 226 19 15 212 33 18 411 24 20 436 26 16, 2S3 21 15 266 18 7 193 4 4 92 4 5 51 4 1 58 r 1 1 2 s 2 1 1 ] Connecticut ^ 3 1 1 ] 4 1 1 New York i ?, . , J New Jersey | ?, J : Maryland Detachment. 1 Comindr.-iu-chiefs Sappers and Miners Gd. Total MM i 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ABTILLKRY. 4 i Lieutenant-Colonels. Majors. Captains. Capt. Lieutenants. 1st Lieutenants. 3d Lieutenants. llllll i ti 1 tn . 1 IJ Drummers ond Fifers. Malrosses. Massachusetts,. . . New York Artificers, Total, 1 1 10 10 9 11 1 1 7 7 611 1 ij 1 1 1 11111 1 1111 1 1 1 1 ] 46 20 14 35 25 17 7 1 >2 19 294 8 14 226 ^ i 1 i APPENDIX 717 ABSTRACT OF THE MUSTEE3 OF THE NORTUEEN AEMY, FOK THE MOXTU OF NOVEMBER, 1TS2. J = ? .- s s , 1 1 i •i i . 1 1 £ i u 2 1 1 i 1 1 1 3 J J i •1 2 1 Of i. 2 1 i ! ill 6 1 1 ■z p. New Hampshire....] 1' 1 1 I'e 2 6 4 7 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 J ill. 1 1 i: 30 2ri6 339 1 j 87| 24|16, 801i 1 1 1 sill 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2G 32 IS 857 : 1 81( 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 27 29!l8 355 8 1 1 1 9 1 } 1 1 1 1 211 27 17 3.53 4 1 1 1 6 J 2 1 1 1 1 1 81 1 28 IS 3.W 1 1 7 8 6 6 7 1 1 1 1 1 1 ]l 29 27 17 1 2G 26 IS 342 859l 1 1 6 i 2 1 1 1 ] 1 1 2S 21|12 361 1 1 7 8 .< 1 1 ] 31 .sni-i 361 1 1 8 i 2 1 1 1 1 1 ] 1 31 26 IS 326 10 1 1 i"i' 5 1 1 1 1 1 1 89 21,14 355 1 : 7 7 n 1 1 1 2 2 2 51 42 21 4,83 Connecticut. } 1 1 1 7 s 1 1 1 1 1 I 55 35 25 420 1 , 8 4 1 1 2 2 1 50 37 81 4i7 New Yorlc i 1 1 1 1 8 1( 7 5 1 1 \' 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 29 31 1 39 24 19 19 407 435 1 New Jersey \ 2 ^i 1 1 1 7 4 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 81 26 1 26 20 14 15 290 280 Maryland Detachment 1 2 8 1 1 ' 1 1 isj 18 6 192 8 1 1 1 1 1 13 5 6 4 1 us 55 Commdr.-in-chief 3 Gd Sappers and Miners. . Total ._ 1 __ _ '_- T-| - ~ — - -T — i — — — — 1 T 1 = .• . £ = b, i 1 § 3 it j s 3 1 2 1 S 2 s f f or 1 i 1- 1 1 1 1 1 £ 1 i 1 1 1 £ 1 1 i 6 1 1 1 1 Massachusetts,... 1 i. 9 7 9 11 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 « 35 22 22 IS 233 New York, 1 6 4 4 12 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 19 15 6 17 15 211 Artificers, TOTAI, 1 1 1 1 "1 - - - - - - 14 68 1 1 718 A P P E X D 1 X ABSTPvACT OF THE MUSTEPvS OF THE NORTHERN ARMY, FoK TUE Month or December, 1782. 1 1 « S f 1 n 5 dTATES AND CORPS. s o ■s ? .- H s .£: 1 1 1 f i .5 1 .11 - 1 i i 1 1 '!' 1 g 1 2 oi o 3 J s «|3 w < 5- i « s tX ! 23 1 10 7 280 4' 261 Maryland Detachment. 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 IS 17 7 192 Commdr.-in-chief s Gd ' 1 8 4 52 Invalids 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 ( 1 7 71 16:3 1 Sappers and Miners. . . »i 1 3 l| 5:3 Total 1 T i f 1 A I .■ M i s ARTILLERY. • 1 2 1 i ■| 1 i i 1 1 3 1 1 i 1 f Ill t 1 1 1 i f 5| 1 1 1 li _ Massachusetts,... 1 6 5 T 9 1 il 1 1 1 37 i 29 vo 9S 1 8 271 New York, 1 6 5 2 8 li 1 1 1 21 14 6 •^0 1 5 184 Artificers, . . . 1 1 1 14 49 Total - - - - - - - ~l — — ~r A i "T Cavalry. 1 1 1 . j 1 |j i 1 A £ 1 i i i 2 1 } 1 3 2 1 S i 6 < 1 1 H 1 1 1 « 1 1 1 rJ 11 n Sheldon's 1 1 1 S 4 1 1 I 2, : \mo. 4 4 1 214 VanHeer - - 2 1 - - 1 ~~ 3 4 3 -- 1 41 Total.... I J APPENDIX. Y19 ABSTRACT OF THE MUSTEE3 OF THE NORTHERN ARMY, Fob the Month of Jancart, 1733. 11 STATES AND COBP.. « O - liil. tf a 2 3 5 1 .'i ■Uil I -\c i\a % &£ J i 1 i i ! I 1 1 Q it I 1 1 a 1 i E f Q 1 1 New Hampshire.... I I f 1 1 1 2 • 8 1 Massachusetts. } f ^, 6 : 7 ! 1 8 1 1 1 ( 1 1 Connecticut. ■{ 2 New York i I } 1 C 4 11 2 5 4 111 17 7 2 111 2 4 8 8 11 16 7 2 1 14 8 8 11 1 S 6 3 1 1 1 16 8 5 111 14 9 8 111 6 6 4 11 15 8 6 111 14 5 8 11 14 2 4 11 7 8 5 1 4,1 6 6 1 1 14 7 8 1 8 6 8 1 4 8 8 111 1 14 111 8 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 \ 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 22 1 80 29 1 29 1 8( 1 8( 1 33 1 87 44 50 2 87 88 1 85 1 28 26 17 4 6 4 2ll]4 20.16 3518 3117 29118 2616 2317 26 20 23 18 31J14 83 20 27 23 80 27 2715 327 800 44T 421 427 422 427 427 425 427 8S9 400 372 404 274 270 188 45 168 53 22 2C 1« 8 7 17 13 7 4 7 1 r Maryland DetachnnenL Conimdr.-in-chicf 9 Gd. Invalids 1 Sappers and Miners. .. 1 ARTtLLKEY. j 1 ll'l 1.. il|:l Jllilii Js. If illiili } 1 ti 1 1 i 1 <- 1 i a J 1 E 1 i J 1 Massachusetts,... New York, Artificers, Total, 1 6 6 7 9 1 6 5 2 1-3 1 1 1 11 111 1 1 1 1 1 1 37 21 14 29 14 20 6 20 20 IS 15 271 1S4 49 720 APPENDIX. ABSTPvACT Oi THE MUSTERS OF THE NORTHERN ARMY, PoK THE Month of Febeuaet, 17S3. New Hampshire.. Massachusetts. . New York i New Jersey ■} Maryland Detachment. Commdr. -in-chief s Gd. Invalids SappoTS and Miners. . . Total 21 1 141 324 19 18 2.5 IS 442 SI 17, 423 28 IS, 426 2f. 16 22 1 24 10 24 IS 2S15 85:20 81 22 24 27 15 18 T 5 18 iRTILLBRY. Massachusetts,, New York, . . . Artificers, Total, . . . 12 13 15; 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 8|"2 APPENDIX. •721 ABSTRACT OF THE MUSTERS OF THE NORTHERN ARMY, FoK TUE Month ok March, irS3. 2 .5 ■ 1 • s 1 bTATlS A.HD COBP*. -• 1 6 J! 6 2 1 1 i } lililii; .niii 1 e J 1 New Hampshire.. 1 1 2 9 8 , 1, 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4-J 81 21 503 ' Do. BattaliuD.. 1 ' 1 ^ 2 4 1 1 7 1 8 I 1, 1 1; 1 h 1 1 1 'l 0 8 1111 1,1 1 1 IS 14 1. 1 ' i 1 1 1 3S 25 18 179 4.59 2 1 2 9 8 1 4' l! 1 1 1 ■ 1! 1 1 3T 84 IS 4.S9 8- 1 2 9 ) 3 1 1 1 1 1 : 1 1 1 .S4 *{ 19 449 Massachusetts... 4 1 8 1 1 1 7 1 8 9 I 8 1 1 1 1 1 1 9 3 11111 1 1 1 1 as 29 17 1 1 1 41 2S 16 444 44;J 6 1 1 11 9 7 6 1 1 1, 1 1,, ; 1 1 1 87 3(1 19 4(50 7| 1 2 5 » 41 1' 1 1 1 1 85 25 IS 44G L «|1 1 lj9 1 8 «, 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 40 82 IS^ 450 Rhode Island. ll. 1 1 i 4 S 9 I'l 1 1 ! 7 6 ll 1 1 1 1 S 1 1 27 22 15' 1 1 1 4S 88 2H 224 404 ( ConnecUcat. ■{ \ 21 1 1 1 8 » 6 li 1 1; 1 1 i ll 1 1 59 8S IS 4.35 J 81 1 1 1 8 8 5 lI 1 ll 1 ll 2, 1 2! 49 &5 25 429 New York.... ■l 1'! 1 1 1 1 9 8 1 1 1| 1 1 1 7 6 1111 1 1! 1 1, *1 2 27 19 396 419 New Jersey ". 1 1 1 8 i 7 11111 11 45 34 2;{ 446 Do. Battalion 1 1 4 4 8 1111 1 1 1 20 15 s 1>.1 I'cnn'a Detachment 1 f 2 2 1 1 lot 7 2 100 Delaware do 1 2 1 i 2 2 8 63 Maryland do 1 4 i 8 11111 1 17 15 7 2(« Guar.ls i 1 1 1 5 4 5 50 Invalids » 1 5 8 8 11111 1 1 24 19 1 5 4 8 215 1 55 Sappers and Miner Total ! 10 T,lll28 147,153'75 19,19;20 ISIS'gO 1 1 Mill 20,20 17 753^567.843 7894 ',-• i ^ 1 i 1 i ^ . I t I . •3 1 i 1 J li 2 .2. rl II i 1 ^ i^. d ■o ^ 5< 1 11 il'ii 1 z £\6 i 6 1 451 87 22 21 IS 2 3-^6 Massachusetts,... 1 9 9 10 10| ] New York 1 1 6 5 6 14| ] 111 111 1 241 23'. 7 IS IS 221 Pennsvlvania, .. 1 1 1 1 1 1 12 2 2 1 31 Mass. Artiftcers, 1 1 1 1 1 12 57 Penn. do 1 1 1 . 2 2 — Total ' I 2 2 18 16 19 26 2 2 18 2 3 2 2 95 6tj 81 39 82 657 i = 1 1 , |i!n ■s 3 !: }} It 1 s j li liillil liliil ll J Sheldon's 1 1 5 10 1 1 4 7 IS, 3 3i 2;u VanHeer.....j 1 1 2j 1 1 1 1 __ _ 'Vi 1 - 1 40 i Total. ...I !i 6 13 1022! 6 4! I274_ al V22 A I' 1' KS Dl X ABSTKACT OF TlIK MCJSTERS OF THE NORTHERN ARiOT, P'OB THE MoxTu OK ApniL, 1TS3. . » i ■ . » i !?• £ »-TATBM AND COKP8. i 1 :5 j 1 0 o J 1 1 i 1 1 1 i i 1 i! t i 1 i J ♦ i eg 1 1 i 2 New llanipsliire. . . Do. Battalion Massachusetts. . . ■ New York -j New Jersey Do. Battalion Mil. Detachment.. . (Juards Invaliils Sappers and Miners 1 1 l' ll 1 1' 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 9 24 140 140 1' 2 1 i< 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 i|, 1; 1 : li 1 ;i : 70 13 19 19 18 IT 20 19 19 17 714 527 317 1 42 32 20 1 li 20 15| 5 I i 1 3S 25 13 1 l! 3S 33 IS 1 34 :« 20 l: 39 2i; 17 It 4;j 29 17 1 3« 25 IS 41 31; 18 1| 1 46 35' 21 57 86 15 49 m 2:j 40 27 45 35 Ma-ssaehii.setts,... New York Mass. Artificers, M M M I 1010 6 18 1 1 I 1 1 II 1 1 ! 1 1 43 37 1 23: 22 12 £ 1 b. •= f S 7 1 1 1 ^ " 22 21 IS ' IS 12 29 89 i;;' Total. ...| l-:i!i- M I, Q u. O > a. I I APPENDIX. 723 ABSTRACT OF THE MUSTERS OF THE NORTHERN ARMY, For tub Moxtus ok Mat and JrxE, 1TS3. KTiTKS xnO CORPS. i • ~ •s r ? 1' § s i = ," u r = c i K d a 1 1 SO 21 15 1 16 19 10 1 27 1 82 19 1 1 .S4 80 14 1 «1 26 12 1 1 2U 25 12 26 29 8 1 1 1 1 82 25 IT 1 1 i Canadian Regiment... Now Hampsliire Ma.sMicliusctts Connecticut Sapr)or8 and Miners. . . Rliodo Island for May. Total 1 i; 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Mill jj ~f 1 ARTILLKKV. 1 3 1 1 i i a i i 3 I 1 1 I 1 1 4 } : J } f 1 1 1 11 i a 12 6 i 4 1 £ 1 6 1 Massachusetts,. . . 1 4 4 4 8 1 ^ 1 1 , 1 1<)1 New York: 1 « 1 2 4 1 1 1 4 5 ? ? 58 Artificers, 1 3 Total 1 3 3 I Siieldon"s 1 1 VanHeer 724 APPENDIX ABSTRACT OF THE MUSTERS OF THE NORTHERN ARMY, Foe the Month of Juht, 17S3. 1-^ £ STATES AND CORPS. ' ^ 1 i 3 1 1 3 ■i I 1 1 < I 1 i i 1 1 i 1 i (i 1 ■1 1 i i i 1 1 1 1 1J5 4' il 1 1 1 ll 16 18 9' 296 1 1 1 ll 8 S: 5 1 1 1 l! 1 23 i 31 20 .V« 9\ 1 2 9 9 S 1 1 1 1 1 1 , 1 34 1 o6 14 .512 Jklassachusetts i 3 1 1 2 7 7, el 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 341 24 U 550 4 1 1 1 8' 9 S 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 35 26'lli 516 Connecticut 1 1 1 8 8' S 1 1 1 1 27 37, 8' 418 Sappers and Miners . . . 1 1 ■ 1 1 l| 1| 1 13 Total 1 1 1 1 i 1 1 111. ; i| 1 j ^- S o ? ■i •n ...,.„. i - s i 1 1 § s 1 2 I-. i i i 1 i i- i 1 1 3 ll £ 1 1 i t 1 i 1 E 1 5 g 1 1 8 1 Massachasetts,... 1 4 + :; 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 11 12 6 3 184 New York, ! 1 1 _' - 4 i 1 1 1 5 6 2 2 67 Artificers, 1 1 1 2 Total ! _±_ 1 1 J J 1 _ For tub Month op Adgust, 1783. New Hampshire Bat. . . . ! Massachusetts < o 1:4 Connecticut '• 1 Sappers and Miners Rhode Island Total 2 7i 8 I' 6 1| 1 6 1; 1 8 ll 1 3 11 1 1 %, s i 1 s "^ 5. p- 3 3 q s 5 5 ^ S 1 1 2 i 4 Massachusetts, New York, . . . Artlflcers, APPENDIX. V25 ABSTRACT OF THE MUSTERS OF THE NORTHERN ARMY, For the Month ov Septkmbbr, 1783. X »; ^ 1 .• f ? S ^ bTATKS AND CORP8. 1 i 1 3 6 ] ill •1 1- S So a Ill i i 'i 1 1 1 11 fl E eg ■1 1 £ 1 5 ! 1 ! New Hampshire 1 , 1 11 5l 8 1 1 1 1 ll 1 1 ,13 6 2*J 1 st Massachusetts 1 1 " 1 71 S 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 . 1 34 1 24 IS 479 2<1 ditto 1 2 7! 8 2 s; 6 6 1 1 G 1 I 1 1 1 1 111 1 1 1 1 SI 1 3(5 13 ■I'^S 1 1 8.5 26 13 407 3.1 ditto 4th ditto ! 1 1 6 S 7 1 1 1 ii 1 1 1 :i.T| 2H|12, 482 Rhode Island 2! 3 1 1 1 «i 5 J 81 Connecticut ] : 1 7, 8 2 I 1 1 1 1 1 1 27! 2 7 •m Sappers and Miners . . 1 i i 1 i 1 14 —rr Total 1 ! M ' 1 Mill «; 1 ^ £ ..<5 £ £ 2 s fa AP.TILLimV. 1 6 ! •1 i 1. 6 1 1 i. 6 1 1 a 2 !il i Hi 'sii f f 1 ■1 1 i i £ 1 i 1 II i 1 1 1 Massachusetts,... 3| * ^ 8 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 10 id 6 2 7 175 New York, 1 1 2 2 5 1 1 1 4 5 2 2 54 Artificers, 2 Total ■ 1 i _i _ Fob the Months of October, Novembek, and December, 1783. i i i I — 5 5 i £ STATES AND CORPS. i i 1 i2 . i i ? u ?• . r 1 1 1 3 111! Hill 1 " ll s g 1 a 1 1 1 l9t Massachusetts j 1 1191 0 s 1 1 l|l' 1 1 1 1 34 21' 13 460 2d ditto 1 1 2 9 9 8 11 iN; 1 1 1 1 35 2S| 13 444 3d ditto [ 1 1 1 91 17 11 1 1 1 1 1 1 26| 25; 11 4^0 4th ditto ! 1 1 1 9; 9 8 1: 1|1 1 1 1 1 81| 24 12 4.59 New Hampshire 1 1 5 5 i ll : 1 1 1 1 1 14 14 7 241 . 1 i Sappers and Miners ll 1 ' 1 1 10 Total ! 1 M 1 | 1 1 1 ! I ' ' ' ^ ^ 1 « i i a A . s fa ""— i i s o 1 1 •1 2 '3 1 1 a 1 i 1 a 1 1 ill 1 § f 1 1 a, eg i 11 6 = 1 0 1 1 1 £ Massachusetts, .. 4 4 2, 8| ll 1 1 M ] 1 1; 8 7 5 1 7 139 New York, 1 2 2 2 6 1 1 1 5 ! 2 2 61 Artificers, 1 1 1 1 2 726 APPENDIX. ABSTRACT OF THE MQSTEES OP THE NORTHERN ARMY, Fob the Months ok Javitaet, Febeuaey, Makch, and Apeil, 1734. BTiTES AXD COCPS. i 4 1 i 13 - 1. Ilililli!! .!! i 1 liifllf 1 1 Jacksoii"s Regiment... 1 Invalids ! Field and Staff, and-^ eigbt Companies of Jackson's Rejriment, for Mavand June.. J Invalids 1 1 119 9 3 1111 1 1 118 8 7 1111 111 1 891 24 17 111 1 86 1916 1 1 1 11 h^ ^ 421 12 384 14 Total 1 M.I 1 1 ll 1 1 1 1 . For Jann.in,', February, March, and April, com- _ r _ | nianded bv Major Bauiuann. | S\ ^ S ' 3 ilillii Illluitli if^Ujiiliaii 1 1 1 8 8 1 SI) 89 January, February, March, Apr il 1 1 2 5 1 i| , 5, 7 1 2 6 11 6 S 1 1,2 1 2 2 112 Lt. JetFerdt'slJetachmeutfor Jan and Feb. TOTAU i 1 1 Foil TiiF. Month of Ski>temiikr, ITSi. STATUS AND CDHPS. J J 1 ;■ 1 = - ^ ' 1 ^ i 1 Troops under Colonel Harmer. 1 1 3 .3 1 111 1 2 2 11 e; 1 2 172 86 18 Jersey Total Ixfaxtky. . . . Invalids for July, Au;., ) Sept. and Oct. J 1 453 1 1' 1 2 2; 1 18 7 6 1 ! I ' 18 1 ; 1 1 ! i 3 1 AETtLLERT. - ^ illli iiihiii j i s J ^1 Harmer"s for Septeitibe Doushty for July, Auga October 1 1 8 3| 8 8 1 5 5 t^a^ St, September, and | 8 iA 1 INDEX A. ACADKMV. Military, plan of. 5I.\ Adams, .Ions, Stoiibcn I lit roil ii ceil to, 9i. Vice PnsUlont, Wl. Cincinnati, :)74. Daushtor marries Win. S Sinllli, 6.V>. Ad.vmh, Samiki., T.V Steuben Introduced to, 97. Anecdotes, 9->. Adams, T., 1!>-'. , , v ^ Adjittant (iKSP.itAi. appointed by Con- gress, 311. Advertiser, N. Y. Dally, quoted, M'^. A1X-LA-C11APKI.LK, 79. A LB A sv. '233. Anns at, 25S. !• rcedotn of city to Steuben. .'>77. Great coininor- clal metropolis, (•►(>. Ai.iiemarlk1Ukk.voks, 4-'!). C H., 449. Allkntown, 157. Allimanck C'kef.k, 41)0. Alvenslkbk.s, Vi>n, <»44. Amboy, South, 1.^7. A M F.LI A O. H.. 449. Am<»rv. Tiios. C, jr., 129. Andrk, 2S9, 6-25. As If ALT, Count, &>. Asnai-olis, 414, 524,517. Api'omatox Kivkk, 4-2». AiiANDA, Count De, G9. Advl.scs Steuben, 75. Aruutiisot, 412. AuMANii. Col.. *29, fi21. .VRM.sTitoxr., Major .lohn. author of New- bur;: letter. 149, 5.i4, 5)3, 5S\ A KM v. sad condition of. 11:1. Ensllsli sys- tem in, 114. Pav-roll, 116. Arrives at White riain.% 1G5. Strength of, '224. Situation of after capture of Stony Point. 232. Transactiiins in reganl to estab- lishment of, 242, et «"{. Quota of the several St.ites, 326. Contract between position of Northern and Southern, -UZ. Insubordination in Southern. 36S. Em- barrassment by ArnoMs invasion. :W7. Desertion from. 392. Description of at surrender of Cornwallis, 461. Diseip- line, 4s9. Encamped at >fewbui tr and in the Jersev^ 490. Strength of dltferent corps, 497". Arrearasesof pay, .')00. Dis- bandment discussed, 511. Good for- tune in having Steuben for Instructor, 64.5. Arnoi.i), B., 27^. Treason of. 2S9. Leads troops to Virgini.1. 371. Ksrape of, 413. Arnold, h.—coniinuttl. Joins Phillips, 427. Fleury speaks of, 62.'-.. At court, C;JC. Arnold, Josatiias, iiiciuorlal for eliani;e of name, 291. Asia, the, fires upon New York, 630. .Vuui'STA t'oHNTV, 4 12. 4:J.">, 451. .\l'stria, 596. AlT.VKRKI'a, 5(>.'). Baden, Marsravo of, 74. Balevsbib.;. :{67. Baltimore, 456. Bamiikuii, M. ISarhauoks, New, . •477. Barber, C%>1., 126, 500, 009. Barkas, Mr, 455. Basedow, 91. Batavia, 30-!. Bath. Earl of, 615. Baumann, Col., .572 BEAirMARciiAis, M. De. 70. Advance to U. 8., 76. Named, 609. Bessos, Mr., 620. Berges, 165. Neck, 2D=i. 577. Berkv, Rev. A, 604. Berlin, 515. Bermi;da9, l^S. Bethlehem, 99. Billisosport. 221. Bland, Col., 3.39. 519. Blasdkobd, 424. Bi.oodworth. Mr., 549. Hli-e Book, the, 52S, BLrKniKR, Field Marshal, 62. BoTETOlKT COINTT, 401. Boonesville, 599. Boston, 574, 611. Bottom Bridgf., 42S. BorciiET. Chev. Du, .565. Boudinot, E.. letter from Hamilton to, 169. Aids Steuben, 2;J9. Appealed to by Steuben, 5ii4. BoL'iLLY, Marquis De, Gov. i.f. Martinique, 76. BoUNDltKOOK, 221. Boi-uiioN. House of. OS. liowi.iNr; Gi;kks. 631. I!KVNi.EsiMi:.i. 643. i;p.\Nt>vwiNi-:, 023. I!.-.r.si.\r. 04;}. 728 Breton Point, 625. Begad Eivek, 399. Beoadwatee, 422. Beoglio, Maj., 1S2. Beooklyk, 29S, 494. Beooks, Col., 126, 534. In cimp, 621. Beuce, 645. Beueee, Theodoke, 605. Bbu.nswick, 157. Bel'tus, 569. Bltforu, Col., 36.3. Bl-low, H. D. Vox, 5S1. Bunkee's Hill, 548. BfSZELWITZ, 56 BuEGOYNE, capitulation of, 91. BaEKE, Judge Aedanus, 553. BlTEKERSDOEF, 64;?. BuENET, Maj., 346, 5T4 Burwell's Ferey, 427. Bythinia, 352. Cabin Point, 3T6, 42.3. Cabrera, 646. Call, Maj., 443, 470. Camdex, Gates defeated at, 843. Campbell, Col., 393, 407. Ca.vada, conquest of, 295. Steuben s mis- sion to, 520. Casitz, Baron.s Von 625. Canitz, Baron Von, 73. Canoni ut, 625. Carlisle, arms at, 25S. Carolina, So., 342. Caeolingian Dynasty, 560. Caerington, Col., 372. Caeeoll, Mr., 505. Carter's Ferry, 429, 431, 452. Cartiiagena, 5S3. Cary, Mr. Speaker, 439. Cassius, 569. Catawba, 899. ClIACKATUE, 392, 415. Cuamhlee, 522. Champagne, 596. Champlain, Lake, 521. Chables III. of Spain, 81. Charleston, 26S. Investment of, 294. Cruising station, 406. Natural strength of, 493. Cincinnati, 574. Charlotte, 360, 899. (C. H.), 432, 443. Chaelotteville, Lesrislatnre moves to, 433. Chesapeake Bay, 347, 453. Chester, 289, 346. Chesterfield, 360-36-3, 416. CurcKAHOMiNY, 375, 423. CncECH, St Paul's, 5S0. German Reformed, 5S3. Cincinnati, order of, 519, 554. Basis of, 556. Festivals, 572, 573. City, 575. Cincinnatus, 347, 556. Clairoene, Maj, 373. Complains of affairs, 381. Do., 395. Vain effort to protect the State, 433. Claek, Col., 876. Clark, Mrs., 617. Clarke, Mr., 505. Clinton, Gen., 151. Goes to Monmouth, 158. Proceeds to the South, 843. Corn- ■wallis marches towards, 427. Orders troops from Cornwallis, 452. Gov., 531. COBHAM, 427. CocHEANE. Lieut. Col., 639. Coggin's Point, 376. COLBERG, 47, 643. Cole's Ferry, 443 College, Columbia, 592. Condottieei, 645. Congress, Com. of wait on Steuben, 102. Give an entertainment to Steuben. 103. Eesolutions, ib. Sends Com. to Valley Forge, 106. Kesolve to app. insp. gen., 121. Reply to Washington, 137. Reso- lutions submitted to by Inspection Board, 147. Plan of inspection, 192. Orders Steuben's Regulations publish ed, 216. Compliment to Steuben, 220. Reimburses Steuben for expenses of comingto America, 239. Apportionment of recruits to States, 2.55. Appoints a com- mittee to confer with Washington, 272. Modifies its plan of inspectorship, 303. Appoints adjutant general, 311. Plan of inspecting and mustering departs., 316. Makes Gates commander of South- ern array, 843. Appoints Greene his successor, 345. Sees political value of Lafayette's alliance, 477. Eesolutions iu regard to the same, 473. Approves Steuben's plan of inspectorship, 435. Makes him inspector general, 433. Dis- charges officers and soldiers, 523. Pre- sents a sword to Steuben, 527. Settle- ment with officers, 532. Eesolutions, 5=34. Final adjustment, 551. Connecticut Far.ms, 277. Line, mutiny in, 492. Constable's Point, 298. costr.it soci.vl, 32. Conway, Gen., 106, 121. Intrigues, 646, 648. Cook, Capt., 593. Cooper's .Mill, 406, 415. Cornwallis, Lord, 160. Has entered .Ter- sey, 196. Goes into interior of 3. Caro- lin.a, .343. At Hillsborough, 415. Sends to Phillips, 427. Crosses James River, 432. Evacuates Richmond, 452. Evac- uates Portsmouth, 45-3. Capitulates, ib. Particulars of liis surrender, 459. Treat- ment of after surrender, 461. North present at surrender of, 626. Costa Firm. v. 82. CouDEAi. Mr. Du. 71. CouET House. Prince George's, 376, 423. Hanover, 377. Guilford, 4(10. Powhat- tan, 424. Cumberland old. 4" ', 449. New Kent, 42-^. Prince Edward. 452, 443, 449. Charlotte, 432. 443. HalilaK, 432,443. Goochland. 441. Louisa, 443. Albemarle, 449. Amelia, 449. CouRTLANDT, Gen. Van, 570. Regiment, 631. CoURTLANDT, PhILIP, 567. COWPENS. 400. Creek. Four Mile. 373. Cross. 401, 416. Pagan's. 423. Willis's, 443. Mechuack, 451. Wood, .595. Ceomwell, Oliver, 111. Cross Ceeek, 401, 416. Cross WICKS, 1.57. Cumberland C. H., 424. Curtis, Geo. Ticknor, 5-35. CusTis, Miss, 847. 729 D. Dabenv, Misses, 580. Dabnkt, Col., 405. Dan, the, 400. Davies, Cns. S.. 574. Daviks, Col., 126, .360. Acconnt of the ti'oops, 3S4. IJemoves stores, 44S. Cited, 472. In camp, 621. Scanty information as to, mC). Dawso.n, II. B., 159. D'AsfjEr.Y, St. Joii.v, 609. Deank. Mr., 70. Deep Uiver. 419. Db Kai.b, Baron, position in grand ma- neuver, 139. Anecdote, 239. Mortally wounded at Camden, 843. Hatred of England, 477. De Kai.ii, Capt. Henry, 459. Delawakk, .'>49. DE.MoCR.vr, St. Charles, 605. Drpontiere, Mr., 103. D'lisTAiNG, Count, 1S6, 564. Drstouoiiks, Admiral, 406, 413. Detroit, 521. Dkuxi'onts, 457. DiEBITSOIt, V'o.v, 60. Di3MAL Swamp, 405, 415. DoANK, Mrs., 610. Doane, Sai.ly, 610. DoBBs' Ferry, 303, 624. Doeula, Joii.N Co.vRAD, 459. Dox QinxoTE, 4S0. Donnersmark, Count Honkel Von, letter to, 49. DouoiiTY, 6.30. Dresden, 643. Drilli.so by Steuben, 126. By Fleury, 123. DuAXE, Jas.,540, 582, mO. DiTAXESBirRG, 590, 699, 629. DuER, Lady Kitty, 5S1. Duer, W.M., letter flrom Hamilton to, 41. Appealed to, 5411. Anecdote, 6S1. Duponceau, Peter S.. 76. Anecdote by, 97. Commission asked for, 103. Sketch of army at Valley Forge, 119. Legacy, 60«. Sketch of, 609. Death, 613. DiJPORTAiL, SS. 465. Duval, Capt, 603. Easton's BEACir, 625. Edmosu's ItiLt., 391. Edward, Fort, 634. Effeb.v, Charlotte Dorothea Von, 42. EoALiTE, (Dnc d'Orleans), 009. ElMBKCK, 358. Elizabeth, Empress of Eussia, 57. Elizabeth ItivKR, 406. Elk, Head ok, 40s. Ellery, Mr., 193. Ellsworth, Mr.. 192. Enfant de l", 76. Commission asked for, 103. Order of Cincinnati, 554, 564. Named, 603. England, 514, 645. English, Brig. Maj., 126. Enolishtow.v, 162. Epinieres, Dp.s, 76, 608. Eugene, Prince of Savoy, 173. Example in making detachments, 305. 31* V. Fairlik, Jas., Captain, 872, 442, 567, 578^ 603. Sketch of, 630. Death of, 631. Ferdinand. Duke of Brunswick, his ser- vice, 643. Ferguson leads troops to Virginia, 871. Fish, Brig. Maj.. 126. Fish, Hon. Hamilton. 555, 574. Fish, Nicholas, 567, 574, 593, 60S, 619. Sketch of, 63:?. FisuKiLL, 99, 627. Flam AND, Lk, 75. Arrival at Portsmouth, N. H., 94. Fleury, Col., 126. Letter oi; 123. Named, 603. Sketch of, 622. Floridas, the, 295. Fluvanna, the, 445. Fork, Point of, 424, 4-32. Fosey, Col., 392. Fouqi-F., De la Motti', Baron, 50. Four Mile Creek, 873. Fkanoe, position of, 79. News of her alli- ance, 137. Inllnence of in Europe, 173. Teachers from, 514. Fr.ANCKKv, IIknriette Von, 41. Fhancv, M. \)t% 76. Franklin, Dr., 70. Great work in France, 80. SchIosser"s sketch of, ib. Recep- tion at court, 92. Letters from referred to, 54:?. Frank, Mr. De, letter from Steuben to, 160. F'rank, sailing name of Steuben, 76. Fredericksmuro, 187, 343, 417. Fredekiokstown, .348. Frederick the Great, 47. Founds light in- fantry in imlLition of America, 226. Admirer of Wiishington, &iO. His ser- vice, 64:?. Freehold, 157. G ALIGN ANi's Mf.ssenoer, 596. Galvan, Maj., 609. Oanesvoort, Peter, 594 Garden, A., 61.5, 647. Gaskins, Col. 430, 4;?5. Gates, Gen., 100, 176. Made commander of Southern army, .34:3. Defeated at Cam- den, ib. Cincinnati, .%S. .Member of German Soc, 58:3. Intriguer, 648. Gaudy, General, 601. GE.MAT, Col., 16.3. Genesee Land Assoc, 583, 598. Genet, " Citizen," 621. Genlis, Mr. De, 610. Georgia, .342. Gerard, Mr., letter to Steuben, 221. Opin- ion of action at Stony Point, 2-30. Co;- respondence of Steuben with, 624 Germantown. New, 859, 543. Ger.many, 514. Gerry, E., .537, .540, 547. Geusau, Von, 60. Gibbon, 598. Gibbons, Lieutenant, 633. GrBBS, Mr., 618, 619. Gibson, Col., 104,862. Grimm, D., 584. Gist, Col. and Gen., 26-3, 456. 7.30 Gloucester, 453. Gloucester Point, 151. Glover, Geu., stores drawn by his brigade, 288. Goat Island, 625. (rOOCHLAND C. H., 441. Gordon, Wm., 150. GouviON, Gen., 416. Governor's Island, 595. Graves, Admiral, 294. 455. Grasse, Count De, 455, 5G4 Great Bkidge, 411. Gbee.v, Ashbel, Bishop, 277. Sketch of Steuben, 637. Greene, Gen., 110. His wife at camp, 120. Steuben's adviser, 124. Commands r. wing at Monmouth, 160. Acct. of d^^s- titution, 2S5. Appointed Gates's suc- cessor, 844. His favorite author.s. ib. Opinion of Virginia, 355. Orders Steu- ben to join him, 454. Endorses Steuben, 470. Ingratitude of United States to, 531. Opinion of the Cincinnati, 5(52. Gregory, Gen , 405. Griswold, K. W., 571, 581. Gross, Ecv. John U., 604. GuARUA6. Han..vi:r C. H.,377. Hauuv's Frury, 37S. llAHMEi;, Col., 126. Haui'.ison, Gen., 471. Hartford, 98, 231. Haskins, Col., 382. Havelsberg, canonry of, 60. Disposed of, 72. Haverstraw, 165. Havlev, Madame, 629. Hazrn, Col.. 264. 300. His regiment con- tinued, 32S. March of, 496. Hkath, Uaj. Gen., 56;3. I Hechingen, Steuben grand marshal of, 62. j Hell Gate, 593. Henderson, Col., burning of his house, 15S. Henry Co., 4()1. Henry, Mr., Iu2. I Henry, Patrick. .3.59. ' Henry, Prince of Prussia, 584, 643. Herman, 58-3. Heureux, r, 75. HlGHTSTOW.N, 158. HiLLsnoROUGH, 347, 362. Cornwallis at, 415. ! HociiKiRcn, 17.3, 64-3. HoF, 53. I HoHENzoLLERN Hecui.vgen, Prince of^ 6L i Holly, Moint, 157. 1 Hood, Admiral, 455. Hopewell, 157. HoRTALEZ, UODERIQITE & Co., 76. Hoi'GU, L, 59.5, 603. Howard. Lieut. Col., 507, 534. HowF., Maj. Gen., 278, 508. IIUBERTSHURG, PcaCC Of, 60. Hudson, the, 453. IIiGEP^ Gen., 369. HcusEN, Gen. Von, 54. Wounded at Knn- ersdorf^ 55. Idealism in Europe, 84. Independence, Declaration of, its spirit, 88. Anniversarv, 571. Indies West, 305, 495, 507. INNES, Col., 391. Inspector General, resolution of Congress to appoint, 121. Conway made, ib. Steuben temporary, 122. Plan of of- fice, 124. OlHce degraded by W.a'ihing- ton's orders, 151. Steuben's memorial in regard to, 178. Plan of office by Con- gress, 192. Plan modified, 308. Steu- ben's list of officers for this department, 814. Inspectors, Sun, 125. Assignment to, 126. Duties of deflneii, 31t). Number of lim- ited, 485. Irving, Washington, qnotetL 412. Do., IZ.4.RD, Mr., 287 Jackson, 264, 567, 626. Jacquelin, 646. Jamaica, 517. Jamjs River, French vessels at, 405. Jamvstown. 373. Jay, Mr., 110, 540, 581, 584, 594. Jay, Mrs., 580. jRKFr.KSoN Tiios., 110. Accused of neglect, 3M. Opinion of expenses. 382. Esti- mate of Steuben, 8-^3. Congratulates Steuben, 426. Appoints Fairlie Com- missioner, 631. Jkuseys, the, 49t)-495. Cincinnati, 573. JoHN.sTON, Ale.v.. 555, 569. Jones's Wood, 678. Joseph II., Emperor, 66. T31 Kamschatka, 439. Kant, Emaniel, 111. Kav, battle oC 5.% Keith, Lord, 173. Kent, .New, 403, 411, 423. King William's Co., 455. Kings Ferry, 165, 22S. Bridge, 293, 494 KiRKPATRirK, Capt., 450. Knobloi II, Gen., 5G. K.nox, Gen., 117. Named in orders after Yorktown. 465. Command of troops, 524. Candidate for Secretary of War, 526. Sword to Steuben, SJi'i. Mi-etin^ at Pliiladelplila, 5J4. Origin of Cincin- nati, 554. SecreUry of do., 558. Mem- ber of Com., .56). Letter in regard to order, 5S6. Will remain Sec. of War, 630. Knypiiausen', Gen., 159. Invades N. J., 277. Kuxer-sporf, 601. Ku.ntze, Dr., 552. Lapatettk, 87. Position In irrand maneu- ver, 129. lu cabal, ib. Popularity in the arinv, 2:55. Goes to .MubleiiberRS camp, 413. Consult«il by Steuben, 416. Ordered South, 422. Arrives, 427. Driven back by Cornwallis, 42S. Ue- tires to Racoon Ford, 451. Named in orders after Yorktown, 465. Letter of compliment to Steuben, 470. Cabal re- ferred to, 472. Talent for "arran;,'lni;" fact-s, 475. Orn, President, offers Fairlio Adjutant General.-hip, 631. Madrid, 5->'*. manciie.ster, 374. Maniiei-u, 99. Mappa, 593. Marshall, Judge, 121. Maryland, 417. Cincinnati, 573. Massachusetts Line, memorial from State, 49.5. Cincinnati, 573. Mathews, Gen., invades Virginia, 370. .Matthew.s, 272. Mauduit, Chev. Du PlcsslsDe, 162. Maxwell, Gen., 277. Mayr, John V..n, Gen, 52. McDoro ALi., Gen., Treas. of Cincinnati, 553. N. Y. Regiment, 631. McKeon. 102. Mrade, E., 891, 472, 609. Mechu.nck Creek, 451. Mexico, 82. Miami, the, 57T. MiDDLEBEOOK, 222. MiDDLETOWN, 160. MiFFLi.N, Fort, 0'23. MiFKHN, Gen., in cabal, 139. Do., 472. Minerva, 52^3. MiRABEAU, 553. Mississippi, the. 5S6. Mohawk, the, 522. 593. .Monmouth, 153. Battle of, 159. Distribu- tion of forces at, 160. North present at, 626. Fairlie present at, 6:31. Steuben's skill at, 043. Montbarey, Prince De, 64. Stenben vis- its, 72. Copy of Reg., 221. Montgomery Co., 401. Montgomery, Gen., 4S9. MoNTiiiEu, M. Do, 75. MooRE, Mr., 619. Morgan, Col.. 362. MouRLS, Col., 346, 416. Morris, Gouverneur, letter from Wash- ington to. 167. Reply, 177. .Member of German Society, 532. n2 MoKKis, Lewis, 620. Morris Robert, 75, 64<). morristown, 616. Mount Vernon. 346, 879. Mud Island, 221. Muhlenberg, Fred. A., 551, 582. MuiiLRNBERo, Gen., 163, 355. Sketch of, 35S. Did not command at Petersburg, 424. Member of German Soc, 532. Muhlenberg, Henry M., 3.5S. Mulligan, J. W., 5S5, 591, 593. Mumford, Col., shocking carelessness of, 397. Muskets, price of, 117. MusKiNGu.M, the, 577. N. Nansimonp Kiver, 379. Napier, Sir Wm., opinion of In regard to American victories, 150. Naples, 645. Napoleon, 226. Narrows, the, 593. Nash, Gov., 443, 449. Nelson, Gen , 3.>'), 372. Neuvili.e, Col. De la, 166. Rcsi. Orleans, Duke of, 609. Orleans, New. 101, 58S. Oswego, the, 595. Paoa, Mr., 192. Pagan's Creek, 423 Page, Mr., 150, 547. Pagenstecuer, Baron De, 63. Paoli, 646. Paramus, 165. Paris, Steuben arrives in, 67. Parker. CoI., 378. Joins Muhlenberg, 415. Passv, Steuben meets Dr. Franklin at, 70. PatEHson, Gen.. 163, 235. Paulus Hook, 298. Peabodt, 272. Peale, the painter, 620. Pedee, the, :354 400. Pemberton, Capt.. 570. Pennsylvania, 270. Cincinnati, 57.3. Penobscot, 294 Peru, 82. Peter III. of Russia, .57. Petersburg, 3T2, 4o2, 422. Engagement near, 424. Peters, Richard, letter, 104 Reply to Steuben, 146. Do., 187. Jocose letter of reproof to Steuben, 218. Appealed to, 540. Friend of Steuben, 028. Commen- dation, 647. Pfau, Von. 6t. PiiiLAUELPiiiA, 111. Evacuation of, 1.50. Letter in regard to armv, 510. Do , 515. Phillips, Gen.. 414 427. Dies, 428. Philosophy, power of in France. 82. Pickering, Timo., letter to Steuben, 217. Pierce, Ex-Pres., 229. Pinto. M^or Count, 60. Pitt Fort, 362. Pittsylvania, 401. Plank Fort, 684 Platen. 56. Platt, M:ij., 570. Plauen, 54. Pocahontas, Bridge of, 424. Poland, 79. Pompton, 278. Pontiere, De. 76, 608. PopiiAM. 500, 609, 618. Popish Plots against Steuben, 63. Portland, 574. Portsmouth, 371, 373, 452. Portugai., 645. Posey, Miy., 4;«. Post, John, 590. Potomac, the, 877. Potsdam, 515. powhattan court hocse, 424. Prague, siege of, 45, 601, 643. Preakness, 285. Prescott, 2S4. Prince Edward C. H., 432, 443. Prince George's Co., 397. Princess Ann County, 411. Princeton, 518. Providence, 231. Provost, Mr., 578, 627. Prussia, 46. Fame of her army. 43. houses, 515. War against, 596. Publicola, 539. 1'utnam, Gen., .534. Putnam, E., 566. Quakerhii.t., 183. Quebec 300 49-3. Queen, the Indian, 618. Quay, South, 379. Cadet 733 IIacoon Ford, 451. K.VNDDLPII, Pkyto.v, 609, Uappauanock, the, 451. ICeadi.ng, 99. Realism in America, S4. Uecbuits, apportioninont of, 255. Rendez- vous of in Vir^'lnia, 865. Desertion, 429. Disappointiiic-iit in re^rd to, 4-S4. Rkdba.sk, 221. Ueddock .MiLt,s, 379. Keep, Pres., 1>>S. Invites Steuben to Phil- adelphia, 221. Eefokviatid.v, results of in change of so- ciety, 40. Relation to Am. P^>v., 111. REGri.ATio.vs for discipline, 2uO, et atq. WashinRton's opinion of, 214. Opin- ions of various officers, 22U. Re, Island of 6(I9. Re.\(Se.v, 578, C()3. Rennsklakk, Stephen Van, 532, 593. Revolctios, American, news of in France, 80. Overrated abroad, ^4. Peculiarity of 107. Frencli, 597. Rhode I.sla.nd, ¥ih, .'jI)7, fi2:?. Richmond, 3J6, 'A'i-i. Lafayetto reaches, 422. LcRLslaturo removes from, 4*J. Rivan.va, the, 440. Riviere, X A., 5.V.. lloANoKE, the, 8.V2. 4.Sfl. RociiAMiiEAr, Count, 29:}. 4(i7, rif,\. His arrival, aad chanj^e of Fkury's servict-, 0-23. ROCKINCIIAM Co., 402. Rockbridge Co., 402, +15. iiodnev, 6'j5. RoMANAi. M. De, 108, 608. Rose Island, 62o. R<>s.snAcii, 52. Rousseau, S2. RuiTs, Captain Von, 00 RissELL, Lieut., a6->. Russia, 615. 8. Salisbury, 86-3. Salw, Von, 645. Sandy Hook, 157. » iNDY Point, 40C, 42-3. Sansculottes, 120. Saratooa, 101, .$4-3, 52:?. » Sardinia, Kin^ of invites Stenben, 6.3. Sarcient, M!y.,"5r>6, .")7.'>. Savannah taken, 812 rossession of 495. ScAMMEL, Col., 126. Letter of to Sullivan, 129. Reports to Steuben, 281. SCUERMERHORN, Mrs., 578. SOIIILL,616. SciiLossER, estimate of Franklin, 89. SCIIOMUKRG, 615. SciiuYLEi^ F.)RT, ri78, et.'i, O-U. ' Schuyler, Gen., 272. Success of Saratoga due to, 34.3. Cincinnati, 570. At Al- bany, 590. Schuyler, Petkp., 5*}. Schuylkill, 617. SciiwEiDNiTz, surreniler of, 53. Siege of, 456, 64-3. SciiwEBiN, Field Marshal, Count, SciPio, 569. Scott, Brig. Gen., dispatch from Steuben to, 15S. ScoTT, Jos. W., 574. Sbgur, Count, extract from memoirs, 86. Do., 478. Senf, Col., 872. Seven Years' Wah, 83. Conclusion of, 53. Allies in, 596. Seybotuen, Col. Baron, 462. I SUAKSPEARE, 111. j Shaw, Captain, 5.J6. I SuEAF, Miss, 640. I Shenandoah Co., 402. SlIERBORN, CoL, 264. \ Silesia, 489. I SiMcoF., 440, 442. Opinion of Stoubcn, 444. I Singleton, Captain, •S92, SizBR, Samuel, 292, 591. Sleepy Hole, 378. Smallwood, Gen., 163, Insults De Kalb, 2-39. Arrives at Petersburg, 375. Con- suited by Steuben about reinforcements, 4ir». Smith, .Vdam, 111. 549, 620. Sketch of, 8, 608. Smith, Mr., 192, 51 ! 6:». Smith. \Vm. S., .567, Smitukikld, 878. Society, American, estimate of in Europe, 8.5. SOLTIKOW, 55. SoREi., the, 522. Spain, 6U. Spain, Kina of, .586. Spencer, lol.. 264. Spencer, Earl ot, 64. Spottsylvania, 391. Springfield, 98. Burned, 273. Sprout, Col., 126. Staoo, CapUln,.52-«. STANWI.1C, Fort, 595. Stanton, 485. Star Hili; 590. Staten Island, 296,494. St. Claib, Oen., 575. St. Esprit, 58a Stella, Count, 52. Steuben, Augustine Von, 42. Steuben, Ernest Nicholas Von. 41. Steuben, Fp.ed. William, 29i, .i!t4. Stbube.n, Frederick William .\ugu8TUS Henry Ferdinand Von, career as a boy, 88. Family, 39. Born, 44. Edu- cation, 45. LetU^r to Von Donners- mark, 49. Woundeil at Kuncrsdorf, 66. Sent as prisoner to SU Peters- burg, 57. Extreme popularity there, 58. Sent into Silesia, 59. Personal pupil of Frederick, 60. Gifts from Fretl., ib. Quits Prussian service, ib. Appointed grand marshal at Heching- en, 61. Made Gen. of Circle of Suabia, 64. Fails to enter the German empe- ror's service, 66. Goes to England via France, 67. Advised by St. Germain to so to America, 68. Declines, 71. Letter to Hamilton, 73. Title in Eu- rope, 74. Sails for America, 75. Mo- tives, 77. Tre.itment by the French court, 91. Letter to Frank., 95, Do. to Congress, ib. Do. to Washington, 96. Dinner in Boston, 97, Landlord iu .734 STKiritBN', Baron Von — continued. Mass , 99. Lodging in Conn., 100. Let- ter to Hancock, 102. Waited upon by com. of Congress, ib. Entertained by Confess, lO'i. Account of the army at Valley Forge, 114. Costume dinner at Vailey Forare, 120. Accepts temporary inspectorsliip, 122. Metiiod of inspec- tion, 126. Estimate of bv Scammel, 129. Do. by North, ib. Daily habit. 130. Washington eulogizes, ViO. Appointed inspector general by Congress, 137. Jeaiousy of oflicers against, 140. Sketch of his own plan, 144. First present at council of war, 149. .Starts for York, 151. Dispatch to .Scott, 1. 5!). Report to Washington, ib. Lo.ss of Steuben's hat, 159. On left wing at Monmouth, 160. Dirticulty between Lee and, 16t. Ap- pointed to conduct Lee's division, 16.5. Goes to Phila'lelphia, 177. Letter to Washington. 173. Memorial in regard to inspectorship, ib. Letter to Pres. liced, 18S. Do. to Washington, 190. Do. to .Ja.s. Lovell, 19.j. Book of regu- lations, 190. Letter to Washington' in regard to reg., •2\i). Receives commen- •lation from Governors, etc , 220. Ap- plication to Board of War, 222. Joins ai my in N. J., ib. I'.iving expenses, Ih. Tanght the use of the bayonet, 22'.i. Meets De la Ln/.orne, 2:U. Popnlarlly with the army, 235. Naming a eliilil, ill. Financial" alluirs, 237. Goes to Pliiladiljihia to propose to Congress the fiinnation of the army on permanent basi.s, 241. Disappointment in regard to arms, 287. Change of name by a soldier, 290. Proposal of future opera- I tions, 293. Second do., 302. Dissatis- faction with plan of Congress, 322. | Opinion of new formation of the army, ; 3;i3. Demand on Virginia, 353. Plan | to prevent desertion, 364. Sickness from vexation, etc.. 36S. Reports inva- | sion of Virginia, 372. Of Nelson, 3S0. Confidence between Steuben and .Teffer- j son, 3S2. Gets into a passion, 3s9. A i recruit, 390. Letter to Nelson, 412. [ Proposes to meet Cornwallis, 41.5. Dis- i ciiuraged, 419. Commanils in eng-.igc- nient near Petersburg, 4.'4. .Toins La- fayette, 432. Complains to .Mr. Speaker j Cary, 4-39. Not surprised by Simeoe, j 443" ^'ensured by Norlh Carolina gen- tlemen, 4.511. -Vgain sick, 4."'-"! Re- ceives command. 4.56. Covering a re- treat. 457. Contests honor with Lafay- ette, 45S. Favorite charger, 46 1. V)iti- cial relations, 466. Deiuands ollicial letter rVom (Jo v. Nelson. 471. Contrast with Lafayette, 4^1. Returns to the North. 1S4. Appointed insp. <:on., 4^S. ; Opinion in regard to New York, 49.}. j Extract from ln.spection book, 4',I7. Con- tinued dis;ippoii\tment,5i'2. Letter from ; Oaicers, 519. Last duty in service, .V2it. Treats with Ilaldiman, .522. Service at Phila., 524. Reply to Wiishington's let- tor, 525. Secretaryship, 526. Gold- hiltcd sword, 52S. Po-ition in private life, 53.5. Response of Sec. Treasury to his memorial, 514. Order of Ciuciunati, Stkiiuen, Baron Von — continue. 5-55. Member of Com., 563. New York State Soc, 55^. Embarrassment, 576. Resides in New York, 5S0. Bv Duer, 5->l. Whale or eel? 582. A FederalUt, 5S4. Regent of university, 58-5. Leaves New York, 59.5. Terror' of the captain, 597. Steuben best land in the world, 599. Death and burial, 600. Grave, 602. Inscription on do., 6r>4. Of Du- ponceau, 610, 611. Of Walker, 614 Norths pun, 627. Offense with P'air- lie. 633. Personal appearance and char- acter, 637. Lieut. Gibbons, 6:58. Steu- ben's kindness. fri9. The indignant cook, 641. Military character, 642. Stf.lhkn lIiLi.,590. Stel-ben, Jo.nathax, 290. Stel'uen, Wiluelm Auousti.se, 42. Steube, Stoeiie, SrovKKN, 39. St. Gebmaiv, Count De. visited by Steuben, 63. Conversation regarding Am. army 75. Stevens, Bri". Gen., 862. Stewart, (.:o7., 486, 500. Stiei.ix'j, Miy. Gen. Lord. 105. Position in grand maneuver, 139. Commands left wing at Monmoutli, 160. St. .IouNS.496, .523. St. Lawrence, 300. St. Louis, Cross of, 564. St. .Martin, 6 «. Stoxv Point, 22.5, 22S, 623. Steuben's skill at, 64A Street, Broad. 569. Fifty-seventh, 579. Courtland, 5S0. Liberlv, 5sO. Wall, 58 ). Hanover, 580. Fulton, 580. Broad- way, 5-vO, .595. Nassau, 5*i, 595, 6<>4. Maiden Lane. 5Sn. Ml. Whitehall, 595. John, 604. Front, 617. Stityvesant, Gov., ta2. Suahi.a, Circle of, 61. SUFKEKNS, 2i4. Suffolk, 37s, 405. Sullivan, Gen. John, 129. Critical posi- tion in R. L, 186. Cited, 339. Cincin- nati, 568. Si;.\JNKR, Geii., 450. SusguEUANN.v. the. 522. T. Tarlf^ 565. Tarlkton, 400, 440,412. Taylor, John, 593. Taylors Ferry, 3.52. 402,4-36. Ternant. Col., 126, 469. In.spector of Southern army, 486. Named, 608. Sketch of, 620. Teutonic Heroes, 111. Texas, 588. TiiAoufR, report of Steuben's inspection, 226. Thompson, Sec, 512. Tickler, Timothy, 585. Tii.lory, Dr. .5S0. Tilly, M. De, 415. Flimsy excuse, 406. Tiim'oSahiii, s2. Tominy Hill, 625. ToROAU, 643. Trentos, 538,643. 735 u. U.viTF.D States, condition and wants of, CS. Conjrress of. Km). Indebtedness to Stea- ben. -ISu. Ingratitude, Ml. Uric A, bl-i, 590. Vali.ev FoRor, 0^ Encampment at, 105. Flenrv at, Cii Varir, .WJ. Veboesnf.^, Count De, 74, 221. Vkrdif.r, Lieut, 442. Vf.kxer, John. 5y4. V'erhlasck's Point, 22S, 4-''J. V.'s House &5«. Versaillf.-*, S^vS. ViLLKKRANCIIF., 609. ViMso. Mr., 517. VioMESiL, Baron Dc, 4ft7. 457. ViKOiNiA. *>4. Stateof atrairsin.851. In- vasion of by .Matili.wvi. :ili>. Do. h\- L<->li.-, 871. Do. l.y .Vrnoid, lb. No niiincy and no credli, 410. VooEL, (;arl, 9S. VoBTAIRF., 59s. Vox I'oi-ui.i, 5W. Wad«\v47. Walkkr, C'.iptalii U., 130. Steubfi^,** rcp. at H. Qu , -'74. Lives with Steuben, 5's. Sketch of, 6U. Death, 6:5. Secretary of Gov. of Xow York, 6.'i». Wai.l'8 nittDOE, 42-1. WaWII, KollF.RT, 610. WARRASgllAlK HaV. 372. Wartiia, pa^saue of I'laten's armv over the, 66. Warwick, 37.5. Warwick, t^arl of. 64. WA»IIINNCo., 401. Wasiiin'Jtkv, «;k>>hi:k_ 75. Courtesy to Steuben, 1(15 Letters to Congress, lb. Greatness of in the Kev., lo-i. Not to be compared with any inorlorn con- aueror, 1 10. Teutonic clmracter. 1 12. Tdersof, 1*3. ft Kf. Opinion of for- elsrners in Iht- a'iny. 171. Letter to Steuben, 191. Critici^Mi of re;;ulalion.s 214. Take.s up winter quarters at .M >r- ristown, 2-"!7. Seeks pecuniary aid for Steuben, ib. Opinion of ba>is of the arm*. 251. Forced inactivity of, 'I'M. Sagacity in use of men, ."J^IO. 'Appnints Greene sucoe'^sor of Gates. :',44. Irvirig's Life of quoted. 412. Misleads Clinton, 453. Gives Steuben a command, 456. Wasiiinctos, Gr.onGE—eontinufd. Wisdom in appointing Lafavette, 473. Approves Steuben's new plan, 4b5. Meditates attack on New York, 492. General order, 49S. Instructions to Steuben as misMonary to Canada, 520. Knters New York, 524. Last letter in service, 524. Urse-t upon Conjrress a settlement with ollicors, 5:i2. Newburg ; dimoulty, r)S4. I'resident of Cincinn.itl, : 55'^. Inauguration, 5S5. WAsniyr.To.v, Mrs., at headquarters, 120. At dinner, 5y2. Learns chess, «19. ! Watekef., .S.V.'. Wayne, Gen., dispatched to Jersey, 1.56. At Monmouth, Itil. Monument "to. 229. \ On the inarch southward, 430. Bravery I at Jamestown, 452. I Weiiii, Col., 26t. I Wekdox, Gen.. 37.5. 377. 406, 416. Weii.iieim, Steuben's country seat at, 63. I Wei.s«enfeij«. T. Yo.n, 5S2. Westiiam, 878. Wk.st.morelam> Co.. 577. i Wk.stovek,«;8,424, 42s. I Wr.'^T Point, 227, 5O0. School at, 51-3. Fish's letter from, 6:«. Steuben's blcill at, 643. WiiippANV, 278. White 1'lainh, 16.5,496. Wk-koff, bnrninsof his house. 15S. WiM.EUMiNi;, Wm., 5S4. Named, 605. WlLI.IAMoF()RAN}, 464. Zauriskib, Joun, 577. / L-^L,^L4..^' a o CO a o I UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY o u o o « S Acme Library Card Pocket Under Pat. " Ref. lodex Kile." Made by LIBRAEY BUREAU